Academic Journal of Modern Philology

ISSN 2299–7164
Vol. 27 (2025)

Editor-in-chief

Piotr P. Chruszczewski

Associate Editors

Katarzyna Buczek, Aleksandra R. Knapik,

Monika Piechota

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Wrocław

2025

Editor-in-chief

Piotr P. Chruszczewski

Associate Editors

Katarzyna Buczek, Aleksandra R. Knapik, Monika Piechota

Assistant Editors

Paweł Giwojno, Tomasz Górski

Honorary editors

Camelia M. Cmeciu, Annalisa Cosentino, Joanna Esquibel, Franciszek Grucza, Luigi Marinelli, Camilla Miglio

Scientific Board of the Committee for Philology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław Branch

Piotr Blumczyński (Belfast, Northern Ireland), Piotr Cap (Łódź), Camelia M. Cmeciu (Bucharest, Romania), Piotr P. Chruszczewski (Wrocław), Marta Degani (Verona, Italy), Robin Dunbar (Oxford, UK), Katarzyna Dziubalska-Kołaczyk (Poznań), Francesco Ferretti (Rome, Italy), Stanisław Gajda (Polish Academy of Sciences), Piotr Gąsiorowski (Poznań), Franciszek Grucza (Warszawa), Philippe Hiligsmann (Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium), Rafael Jiménez Cataño (Rome, Italy), Ewa Kębłowska-Ławniczak (Wrocław), Tomasz P. Krzeszowski (Warszawa), Barbara Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk (Konin), Lorenzo Magnani (Pavia, Italy), Michiko Ogura (Chiba, Japan), Marek Paryż (Warszawa), John Rickford (Stanford, USA), Tadeusz Sławek (Katowice), Aleksander Szwedek (Poznań), Elżbieta Tabakowska (Kraków), Marco Tamburelli (Bangor, Wales), Kamila Turewicz (Łódź), Jerzy Wełna (Warszawa), Roland Willemyns (Brussels, Belgium), Donald Winford (Ohio, USA), Anna Wojtyś (Warszawa), Władysław Zabrocki (Poznań)

Reviewers of Vol. 27 [2025]

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Table of Contents

Andrei A. Avram

Language Contact and Grammaticalization in Gulf Pidgin Arabic

Ryszard Bartnik

Glenn Patterson on Northern Ireland’s Commitment to (Declarative) Transformation

Beata Bury

Decoding Algospeak: Unveiling the Patterns of Linguistic Evolution in the Digital Age

Piotr Cap

Enhancing Disinformation Research by Discourse Theoretical Tools:
A Critical Cognitive Study of the Rhetoric of the Confederation Party

Marta Chodkiewicz-Nalepa

Implementing a Multi-Stage Collaborative Translation Project:
Performance and Perceptions of Undergraduate Students

Piotr P. Chruszczewski

Antropologiczno-językowe uwarunkowania przekładu utworów poetyckich
– na przykładzie wybranych tekstów Franco Arminio (część pierwsza)

Magdalena Dańko

« Sujet parlant » – « Sujet apprenant ».
Sur les traces d’acquisition des voyelles antérieures arrondies [y], [ø], [œ] en FLE

Paweł Golda, Joanna Ryszka, Ami Toren

On Helena Hellerówna. The Life and Achievements of a Polish Literary Translator

Jan Gościński

Język neutralny płciowo w przekładzie

Eryk Hajndrych

Delving into the Whimsical Charm of Tainan: A Linguistic Landscape Analysis of Humorous Street Signage That Goes Beyond Homophony

Michał Hrabia

Sztuczna inteligencja w służbie tłumaczenia:
Google Translate i ChatGPT-3.5 wobec regułowego przekładu automatycznego. Analiza porównawcza na materiale języka francuskiego i polskiego

Radosław Kaleta

Inflectional Intricacies of Belarusian and Polish Surnames

Katarzyna Klimkowska

Using the Portfolio Method for Training Entrepreneurial
Attitudes in Future Professional Translators

Michalina Lehman

Czasowniki kulinarne dotyczące obróbki termicznej w Compendium ferculorum Stanisława Czernieckiego i ich zmiany znaczeniowe w dziejach polszczyzny
(ociągać/ociągnąć, sadzić, tretować)

Olena Levchenko, Nataliia Romanyshyn

The Concept of “Volia” in the Modern Ukrainian Language:
A Corpus-Based Approach to the Analysis of Conceptual Content

Monika Lisowska

Manifestaciones de tristeza y compasión mediante pragmatemas en las condolencias expresadas en español y en polaco en Facebook

Gaiane Muradian

Biblical Symbols in the Forty Days of Musa Dagh by Franz Werfel

Aniela Partyga

The Symbolic, the Imaginary and the Real in Narratives of the Working-Class Representatives on Their Trade Union Activity. Interpreting Interviews with Jacques Lacan and Pierre Bourdieu

Nataliia Romanyshyn

The Ukrainian Language and Identity under Soviet Totalitarism: Discursive Practices and Ideological Impositions

Aleksander Szwedek

Innateness Hypothesis: Prenatal Image Schemas and Language

Karolina Wojtczak

Anafora pamięciowa w prasowym dyskursie wspomnieniowym

Anna Zabraniak

Śladami biblijnego poety. Ezechiel Hoge i pierwsze żydowskie tłumaczenie psalmów na język polski

Gabriel L. e S. Dutra

David Morgan Spitzer (ed.) Philosophy’s Treason. Studies in Philosophy and Translation. Vernon Press, 2020. ISBN 978-1-62273-506-8

Aleksander Szwedek

A Brief Review of English Style Guide.
A Handbook for Authors and Translators in the European Commission

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

doi: 10.34616/ajmp.2025.27.1

ISSN 2299–7164

Vol. 27 (2025)

Open Access. Published by Committee for Philology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław Branch and College for Interdisciplinary Studies, University of Wrocław. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.

Andrei A. Avram

University of Bucharest, Department of English

andrei.avram@lls.unibuc.ro

ORCID: 0000-0002-0771-2188

Language Contact and Grammaticalization in Gulf Pidgin Arabic

Abstract

The language situation in the countries of the Arab Gulf is a highly complex one. The multilingual landscape is characterized by diglossia (Modern Standard Arabic vs. Gulf Arabic and other Arabic dialects), by the use of various languages (mostly Asian ones), and of two means of interethnic communication – Gulf Pidgin Arabic and English, which serve as linguae francae. In this multilingual landscape, Gulf Pidgin Arabic represents an ideal case for illustrating the interplay of grammaticalization processes and contact-induced developments. On the one hand, it has a large number of substrate languages, extremely diverse both genetically and typologically. On the other hand, even though it appears not to have reached the stabilization stage, Gulf Pidgin Arabic does already exhibit outcomes of grammaticalization, either incipient or in more advanced stages. The present paper analyzes several cases of grammaticalization in Gulf Pidgin Arabic. The findings and some of their implications are discussed within the larger context of: (i) grammaticalization theory – with reference to sources, paths and outcomes of grammaticalization; (ii) grammaticalization in pidgins; (iii) the influence of the substrate languages of Gulf Pidgin Arabic; (iv) the role of the Arabic Foreigner Talk register.

Keywords: Gulf Pidgin Arabic, ordinary contact-induced grammaticalization, replica grammaticalization, polysemy copying

Introduction

The countries of the Arab Gulf exhibit considerable superdiversity1, triggered by both rapid urbanization and a huge inflow of immigrant workers from a variety of ethnic backgrounds, and therefore fit the observation made by Rampton et al. (2015: 2) that “the demographic, socio-political, cultural and linguistic face of societies worldwide has been changing due to ever expanding mobility and migration” [leading to] “a dramatic increase in the demographic structure of the immigration centres of the world.” The United Arab Emirates, for instance, is home to over 200 nationalities; consider also Qatar’s expatriate population by nationality2: Indians 21.8 and Bangladeshis 12.5%, Nepalese 12.5%, Filipinos 7.3, Pakistanis 4.7%, Sri Lankans 4.3%, Iranians 1%, Kenyans 1%. This superdiversity is also reflected in the complexity of the language situation. As in most Arabic-speaking areas, there is diglossia involving Standard Arabic and the local dialects3. The extremely large expatriate labour force accounts for two other characteristics of the language situation. One is use of languages other than Arabic, which include a.o. Bengali, Hindi, Indonesian, Javanese, Kannada, Malayalam, Nepali, Pashto, Punjabi, Persian, Sinhalese, Tagalog, Tamil, Thai, and Urdu, spoken by large numbers of migrant workers (Avram 2014, 2017b). The other is the use of English, in domains such as trade, commercial signage, banking, higher education (see e.g. Randall and Samini 2010; Boyle 2012; Buckingham 2016). Finally, there is widespread use of Gulf Pidgin Arabic (e.g. Smart 1990; Avram 2014) as well as of the Arabic Foreigner Talk register (Avram 2017b, 2018).

In this multilingual landscape, Gulf Pidgin Arabic (henceforth GPA) is an ideal case for illustrating the interplay of contact-induced developments and grammaticalization processes: it has a large number of substrate languages, extremely diverse both genetically and typologically (Avram 2014, 2017a; Bonais 2022); even though it appears not to have reached the stabilization stage (in the sense of Mühlhäusler 1997), it already exhibits outcomes of grammaticalization (Avram 2017a, 2022, 2023).

This paper looks at the following six cases of grammaticalization identified so far in the literature on GPA: the plural marker kullu ‘all’, on nouns and personal pronouns; the demonstrative hada/hādi/hāy as definite article; the completive aspect marker ḫalas/kalās; the light verb sawi/sawwi ‘make’ + noun/adjective; the predicative copula fi/fī; the verbal predicate marker fi/fī. The GPA examples are transliterated in a uniform system. The following abbreviations are used: 1 = 1st person; 2 = 2nd person; 3 = 3rd person; compl = completive aspect marker; def = definite; dem = demonstrative; imp = imperative; lv = light verb; neg = negator; pl = plural; pm = predicate marker; poss = possessive; sg = singular.

The paper is structured as follows. Section 2 is concerned with grammaticalization in language contact situations. Sections 3 through 8 each focus on the analysis of a case of grammaticalization in GPA. Section 9 discusses the findings and some of their implications within the larger context of: (i) grammaticalization theory – with reference to sources, paths and outcomes of grammaticalization; (ii) grammaticalization in pidgins; (iii) the influence of the substrate languages of GPA; (iv) the role of the Arabic Foreigner Talk register.

Grammaticalization and Language Contact

The literature on grammaticalization (Bruyn 1996; Heine, Kuteva 2003, 2005; Bruyn 2008; Heine, Kuteva 2008; Bruyn 2009; Heine, Nomachi 2013; Heine, Kuteva 2020; Narrog, Heine 2021) has identified the following types of grammaticalization involving language contact:

(i) Ordinary contact-induced grammaticalization (Heine, Kuteva 2003)

(ii) Replica grammaticalization (Heine, Kuteva 2003)

(iii) Apparent grammaticalization (Bruyn 1996), also known as polysemy copying (Heine, (Kuteva 2003)

Each type of grammaticalization is characterized by a particular mechanism4. According to Heine, Kuteva 2003: 533), ordinary contact-induced grammaticalization proceeds as follows:

a. Speakers of language R notice that in language M there is a grammatical category Mx.

b. They develop an equivalent category Rx, using material available in their own language (R).

c. To this end, they draw on universal strategies of grammaticalization, using construction Ry in order to develop Rx.

d. They grammaticalize construction Ry to Rx.

The second type, replica grammaticalization, involves the mechanism outlined below (Heine, Kuteva 2003: 539):

a. Speakers of language R notice that in language M there is a grammatical category Mx.

b. They develop an equivalent category Rx, using material available in their own language (R).

c. To this end, they replicate a grammaticalization process they assume to have taken place in language M, using an analogical formula of the kind [My > Mx] = [Ry > Rx].

d. They grammaticalize category Ry to Rx.

Consider finally apparent grammaticalization, as defined by Bruyne (1996: 42), with reference to creoles: “A feature does not result from grammaticalization that took place within the Creole language itself but rather from the transfer of the result of a process of grammaticalization that has taken place in another language.” Heine, Kuteva (2003: 555) call this type of grammaticalization polysemy copying in which “speakers of language R appear to have used a shortcut by simply copying the initial and the final stages of the process,” i.e. “speakers simply observed a polysemy pattern […] (My = Mx), and they replicated this pattern in their own languages (Ry = Rx).”

Plural Marker ‘all’

Albakrawi (2012: 129) writes that GPA, as spoken in Saudi Arabia, “chooses different ways of indicating plurality without inflection of the noun form”, which include “using the word kullu”. A similar observation is made by Alshammari (2018: 213), who states that “sometimes lexical items such as kullu (< Arabic kull-uh “all of it”) ‘all’ function as pluralizers”. As shown below, the pluralizer kullu appears in post-nominal position:

(1)     mīn      nafar         ġasīl       ṯōb      malābis    kullu?

    who     person     wash     dress   clothes     pl

    ‘Who washes your clothes?’

(Alshammari 2018: 153)

In her comments on kullu, in example (2), Al-Azraqi (2020) concludes that it is “used to pluralize the preceding pronoun, though, it could pluralize the following noun as well”:

(2)    ʔinta     kullu     walad     kabīr

    2sg       pl           child      big

    ‘Your children are old.’

(Al-Azraqi 2020)

In light of the data in (1)–(2), the position of ‘all’ as a plural marker appears to be variable: it is placed after the noun malābis ‘clothes’ in (1), i.e. post-nominally, but before the noun walad ‘child’ in (2), i.e. pre-nominally. However, there is evidence for the post-nominal position of the plural marker kullu. Consider the next set of examples:

(3)  a.    ʔinta      kullu     fī        rūh?

        2sg        pl          fi        go

         ‘Are you going to leave?’

b.     huwwa  kulu    nōm

         3sg        pl        sleep

         ‘They are sleeping.’

(Al-Azraqi 2020)

As can be seen, the plural marker ‘all’ occurs exclusively after the personal pronoun. This constitutes, then, circumstantial evidence that a post-nominal position is to be expected with nouns as well. Furthermore, Bonais’ (2022) examples confirm the post-nominal placement of ‘all’ as a plural marker:

(4)  a.    daḫil         korsi        kollo   dawar     ma     yihasel

        inside      chair        pl         search    neg   find

        ‘[they] searched under the sofas, but did not find [them]’

(Bonais 2022: 102–103)

  b.  diǧāǧ          kollo       rokōb      syara

        chicken      pl           ride         car

        ‘the chickens are walking between cars’

(Bonais 2022: 115)

Kuteva et al. (2019: 48) write in their entry “all > (1) plural” that “this process has the effect that words meaning ‘all’ grammaticalize into plural markers on nouns or personal pronouns”. Note that grammaticalization of ‘all’ into a plural marker is also attested in pidgins and creoles. As seen in the examples below, all has been grammaticalized into a plural marker in an English-lexifier pidgincreole5 (5), an English-lexifier creole (6) as well as in an Arabic-lexifier pidgin (7):

(5)          Tok Pisin ol < E all

        ol     man

        pl    man

        ‘men’

(Kuteva et al. 2019: 48)

(6)       Australian Kriol

      ole    haus

      pl    house

      ‘houses’

(Schultze-Berndt, Angelo 2013)

(7)       Pidgin Madam

     kello     bēbi

     all         baby

     ‘babies’

(Bizri 2010: 116)

Neither Gulf Arabic nor the substrate languages of GPA use ‘all’ as a plural marker. However, Gulf Arabic and many of the substrate languages have plural markers. Cross-linguistic evidence would therefore suggest that the GPA (optional) plural marker kullu is the outcome of ordinary contact-induced grammaticalization.

However, ‘all’ as a plural marker also occurs in Arabic Foreigner Talk (Avram 2017b: 177, 2018: 254). Consider the following example:

(8)       ǧībi                  hāḏa       ǧanṭə    killə          māl        āna

              bring-imp      dem       bag        all of it     poss      1sg

              ‘bring my bags’

(Avram 2018: 254)

Evidence from Arabic Foreigner Talk, then, suggests that the use of ‘all’ as a plural marker in GPA is an instance of polysemy copying.

Demonstrative as Definite Article

In the first description of GPA, Smart (1990: 105) states that “the demonstrative is much overused” and that “this overuse is very probably connected with the use of the demonstrative pronouns in Urdu to convey the force of a definite article”. Hobrom (1996: 82) also claims that “demonstratives are overused”, given “the influence of the speaker’s first languages which use demonstratives to convey the force of a definite article”. However, there is no evidence of an overuse of demonstratives either in Smart’s (1990) examples or in the transcripts of the interviews in Hobrom (1996); in fact, when demonstratives occur, they are used as such, not as substitutes for the definite article.

The status of these etymological demonstratives appears to be undergoing a change in GPA. Al-Azraqi (2020), for instance, notes that in GPA as spoken in Abha, Saudi Arabia: “hada […] can denote definiteness in specific grammatical contexts”. This is illustrated by the examples reproduced below:

(9)  a.     hada      kafīl           ʔawwal     fī          zalān

                 def         sponsor    first           fi         angry

                 ‘The former sponsor was angry.’

      b.     inta       lāzim       sūf     hada     marīd      fōg

              2sg       must        see    def        sick         upstairs

              ‘You must see the patient upstairs.’

Bonais (2022: 66–69) also mentions the use of “hada as a definite article” in GPA as used in Saudi Arabia. Consider two of her examples:

(10)    a.     hada    raǧul      kalam    horma      sawa-sawa    emši

             def      man         talk        woman     together       go

             ‘the boy said to the girl, let’s go!’

      b.    awal   ḫalas      hada      diplom       bādin    šogol      itnin    wa    nos      sana

              first    finish     def         diploma   then       work     two     and   half     year

              ‘I first finished the diploma and then worked for two years and a half’

(Bonais 2022: 68)

With respect to GPA as used in Qatar, Bakir (forthcoming) writes that “the demonstratives haada, haadi or haay are […] used as markers of definite reference” These are “in free variation, regardless of the gender or number of the following head noun” (Bakir forthcoming), as shown below:

(11)    a.    hādi     baladiyya             alatūl       sakkir

                     def       municipality      directly   close

                     ‘The municipality will close it right away.’

             b.    hādi     drēwil      māl       kafīl           sawwi    kalām

                    def       driver      poss    sponsor     make    talk

                   ‘The sponsor’s driver says.’

            c.     bād       inta     rūh   hāy    riǧǧāl     fii     muškila,       inta     fī    hāy       siǧil

                     after     2sg     go    def    man        fi     problem     2sg     fi    def     record

                     ‘Then, if you go and the man makes problems, you have the record’

(Bakir forthcoming)

According to Bakir (forthcoming), this use of haada, haadi or haay is “a new development in this system” [= GPA]. This confirms therefore the observation made above that the use of demonstratives to mark definiteness is not attested in earlier stages. Bakir (forthcoming) further writes that “demonstratives in GPA are undergoing a process of acquiring a new function as markers of definite reference – i.e. grammaticalization”. However, since in most cases there is still no overt marker of definiteness, Bakir (forthcoming) correctly concludes that “this claim cannot be substantiated until the common variability in use ceases and its new use becomes consistent”.

As is well known, one of the pathways of grammaticalization of demonstratives (Kuteva et al. 2019: 137) is “demonstrative > (4) definite”. As noted by Kuteva et al. (2019: 138), this “present pathway constitutes the most frequent way in which definite articles evolve”. Also, the development of definiteness markers out of (etymological) demonstratives is widely attested in pidgins and creoles, with various lexifier languages. Some illustrative examples are given below:

(12)    Haitian Creole French a < F là

     pè          -a

     father  def

     ‘the priest’

(13)    Chinook Jargon uk- < úkuk ‘this, that’

      uk-   háya-   haws

      def  big       house

      ‘the big house’

(Kuteva et al. 2019: 137)

(14)    Turku Pidgin Arabic da ‘this’ > definite marker

     laam      da

     animal   def

(Tosco, Owens 1993: 202)

Gulf Arabic uses the definite article as a marker of definiteness. This fact and cross-linguistic evidence suggests that the use of demonstratives as definite articles in GPA is an instance of ordinary contact-induced grammaticalization. The fact that the users of GPA cannot possibly have known that the Arabic definite article itself developed from a demonstrative (Rubin 2005, 2011) also suggests that the demonstratives used as definite articles in GPA illustrate ordinary contact-induced grammaticalization (cf. Heine, Kuteva 2003: 537, on the development of a definite article in Sorbian on the model of German).

Consider, however, an alternative possibility. As mentioned by Bakir (forthcoming), “the substrate languages [of GPA] signal definite references with markers that are also used as demonstratives”6. The languages at issue include Bengali, Hindi / Urdu, Malayalam, Sinhala, and Tamil. In Bengali definite reference marked by -ta for singular nouns, -gula for plural nouns. Hindi vo ‘that,’ ye ‘this’ and Urdu vo ‘that’ iis ‘this’ are used as definiteness markers before the head nouns. In Malayalam: definite reference sometimes signaled by the distal demonstrative aa ‘that’. Sinhala uses different noun suffixes are used to mark the definiteness-indefiniteness contrast. Finally, in Tamil definite reference is sometimes signalled by the distal demonstrative anta ‘that.’ Bakir (forthcoming) concludes with respect to the GPA definiteness markers that their use “is obviously neither so stable as it is in the substrate languages, nor does it exhibit the richness of their corresponding systems.” The use of pre-nominal demonstratives as definite reference markers in some substrate languages – including the most important ones, i.e. Hindi / Urdu – and the fact that their grammaticalization is still ongoing suggest that the similar use of demonstratives in GPA is an instance of replica grammaticalization.

Completive Aspect Marker

The use of a completive aspect marker has been mentioned in the literature on GPA. Smart (1990: 104) already observed that ḫalāṣ “occurs in GP [= Gulf Pidgin] quite often, usually pre-posed.” Similarly, Hobrom (1996: 84) states that “[xəlɑ:sʕ] ‘finished’ [is] frequently used to indicate […] aspect”. Bakir (2010: 212) also writes that “as for the perfect/completive aspect, signaling the completion of an action, GPA contains a specific particle kalaas ‘done, finished,’ positioned after the verb, but again not without exception.” More recently, Alshammari (2021: 33) in his paper on tense and aspect marking in Arabic-lexifier pidgins and creoles, concludes that “kala:s (< Arabic xala:sˤ ‘finishing’) ‘finished/done’ is used post-verbally to communicate the perfect/completive aspect.”

The occurrence of inter-speaker variation, however, suggests that kalās/ḫalas has not yet been fully grammaticalized in GPA. As shown below, kalās/ḫalas occurs in pre-verbal position in (15a–b), post-verbally in (15c) and in sentence-final position in (15d).

(15)   a.     hāḏa     ramaḍān    ḫalāṣ     rūḥ

                     dem     Ramadan   compl  go

                    ‘Ramadan has gone.’

Smart (1990: 104)

           b.      inta    kalās      waddi     fulūs?

                    2sg    compl    send      money

                    ‘Have you sent the money?’

           c.      ahmad    ašši     kalās

                    Ahmad   dine   compl

                    ‘Ahmad has taken [his] dinner’

(Bakir 2010: 212)

           d.      Inta      fi    ruh     dukan    ḫalas?

                     2sg     fi    go       store     compl

                     ‘Have you already gone to the store?’

(Avram 2022: 31)

In their entry “finish (‘to finish’, ‘to complete’, ‘to end’) > (5) iamitive”, Kuteva et al (2019: 178) note that forms meaning ‘finish(ed)’ […] are frequent sources of iamitives, particularly in creole languages.” As seen below, this is also true of pidgins, with various lexifier languages. The following examples are from a pidgincreole (16) and two pidgins (17) –(28), respectively:

(16)   Tok Pisin pinis < E finish

             Nait     I             go      pinis

             night   pm go      compl

             ‘The night was over’

(Kuteva et al. 2019: 178)

(17)    Pidgin Madam kalas < A ḫalāṣ

             kullu   kalas    sēwe     bil          bēt

             all        compl do        in-def  house

             ‘I have done everything in the house’

(Bizri 2010: 127)

(18)    Romanian Pidgin Arabic halas < A ḫalāṣ

             Inte    halas     it?

             2sg    compl  eat

            ‘Have you eaten [everything]?‘

(Avram 2010: 26)

Gulf Arabic and most of the substrate languages of GPA do not have a completive marker. Among the latter, Indonesian is an exception, with habis ‘to finish’ occurring occasionally as a completive marker:

(19)    Saya    habis        menonton     musim       pertama.

              1sg     compl     watch            season      first

              ‘I have seen the first season.’

In all likelihood, therefore, the GPA completive marker is the outcome of (language-) internal grammaticalization.

Light Verb “do, make” + noun/adjective

Smart (1990: 102) observes that GPA exhibits “compounds are commonly formed with […] sawwi ‘do, make.’” As noted by Næss (2008: 92), “the usage of sawwi […] indicates that the verb fits the criteria of a so-called ‘light verb.’”

The light verb saw(w)i ‘do, make’ can combine with a noun, an adjective and, more rarely, even with another verb7. Of these possible combinations, the most widely spread is saw(w)i + noun, illustrated below:

(20)    a.     sawwi      tafkir

                lv           thinking

               ‘to think’

(Smart 1990: 103)

       b.    sawi       habar     ana

               lv           news     1sg

              ‘Let me know!’

(Al-Yammahi 2008: 56)

      c.     lēš           māmā         mā        fī       sawwi      tabdīl

              why       Madam       neg     fi      lv             change

              ‘why doesn’t Madam change [it]’

(Bakir 2010: 219)

    d.      sawi       tartib

              lv           preparation

              ‘prepare’

Bonais (2022: 117)

The following examples contain saw(w)i + adjective structures:

(21)   a.        ana     sawwi      nadīp

               1sg     lv             clean

              ‘I clean

(Næss 2008: 91)

     a.       sawwi      zalaan

               make        upset

               ‘upset’

(Bakir 2010: 221)

The cross-linguistic grammaticalization of “do” is illustrated by Kuteva et al. (2019: 150) in their entry “do (‘to do’, ‘to make’) > (4) pro-verb”8, with examples from genetically and typologically diverse languages9.

The occurrence of light verb constructions in many of the important substrate languages of GPA has not gone unnoticed in the literature. Smart (1990: 102), for instance, writes that “such verbs are also common in Urdu and Hindi […] and no doubt in other languages of the Indian subcontinent.” Næss (2008: 92) states that “these types of verbal constructions are very common in South Asian languages such as Urdu, one of the main substrate languages for GPA”. Bakir (2010: 221 also notes that “the substrate languages make wide use of […] compounding of particular verbs with nouns or adjectives”. In fact, as shown in Avram (2014: 36), “many of the substrate languages, e.g. Bengali, Hindi, Kannada, Marathi, Persian, Telugu, use a light verb ‘to do’”; e.g. Bengali noun/adjective + karā ‘to make’, Hindi/Urdu noun/adjective + karnā ‘to make’, Persian “compound verbs”: noun/adjective + kardan ‘to make’. To conclude, this suggests that GPA saw(w)i + noun/adjective is the outcome of polysemy copying.

However, constructions with a light verb ‘do, make’ etymologically derived from the Arabic root √swy also occur in Arabic Foreigner Talk (Avram 2017b: 181, 2018: 259–260):

(22)     Kuwaiti Arabic Foreigner Talk

      āna      yisawwi      talifūn        ams

      1sg     make            telephone  yesterday

      ‘I phoned yesterday.’

(Avram 2018: 260)

If Arabic Foreigner Talk is the model, then GPA saw(w)i + noun/adjective constructions have emerged via polysemy copying.

Predicative Copula fi/fī

There is a large body of literature on the use of fi/fī as a predicative copula in GPA (see e.g. Smart 1990: 101; Al-Azraqi 2010: 169–171; Bakir 2010: 216; Avram 2012, 2013; Al-Shurafa 2014: 18; Avram 2014: 20–21; Bakir 2014: 420; Potsdam, Alanazi 2014: 16; Avram 2016: 66; Avram 2022: 32–33).

Smart (1990: 101) mentions the fact that the “use of the copula […] is not obligatory, but certainly more common than its omission”. Avram (2022: 33) concludes that “the overt predicative copula fi/fī is in free variation with the zero predicative copula”. As shown below, the overt predicative copula fi/fī is widely attested in GPA:

(23)    a.    iḏa    haḏa     fī      ṣaḥīḥ

                     if       dem     fi     true

                    ‘if this is true’

(Smart 1990: 101)

     b.     Nafar     fi      kabīr     yi-ji      šuġul        kēf?

             person   fi      big       come    work       how

             ‘If a person is old, how can he come and work here.’

(Almoaily 2012: 93)

     c.      Hada     ma       fī      barid       wāǧid.

              dem       neg     fi     cold         very

             ‘This is not very cold.’

(Al-Azraqi 2010: 169)

    d.      anta         ma      fi      zēn

              2sg          neg    fi     good

              ‘you are not good’

(Avram 2017b: 182)

    e.       lā,      mā       fī        zarūri

              no      neg    fi       necessary

             ‘No it is not necessary.’

(Bakir 2010: 216)

    f.       anta        fi       zaʔlān

             2sg         fi      angry

             ‘You got angry.’

(Alma‘ašnī 2016: 8)

The use of fi/fī as a predicative copula in GPA appears to be an instantiation of the grammaticalization pathway “exist > (1) copula”, whereby “verbs or particles expressing existence (‘there is, be present’) may grammaticalize into […] copulas” (Kuteva et al. 2019: 163).

As in Gulf Arabic, in GPA fi/fī is also used as an existential copula (Avram 2013, 2014: 21–22, Mobarki 2020). Most of the important substrate languages of GPA, e.g. Hindi, Kannada, Malayalam, Persian, Tamil, Urdu, have overt predicative copulas, which might account for the widespread use of the predicative copula fi/fī in this variety (Hobrom 1992: 66, Avram 2014: 20, 2017a: 144). The additional function of predicative copula of fi/fī can therefore be analyzed as being the outcome of ordinary contact-induced grammaticalization. The fact that the overt predicative copula is still not obligatory shows that “fi has not been fully grammaticalized” (Avram 2022: 33).

Note, however, that fī also occurs as a predicative copula in the Foreigner Talk register of Arabic (Avram 2017b: 182, 2018: 261), as exemplified below:

(24)   a.     Saudi Arabic Foreigner Talk

           kwayes    mā      fī     baʕdēn

            good      neg    fī    then

            ‘It won’t be good then.’

    b.     Omani Arabic Foreigner Talk

            mā      fī      zayn      hēde

            neg    fī     good     dem

            ‘This isn’t good.’

(Avram 2018: 261)

On the assumption that Arabic Foreigner Talk is the source of this feature, the use of fi/fī as a predicative copula in GPA is a case of polysemy copying.

Verbal Predicate Marker fi/fī

The use of the fi/fī + verb construction is extremely well documented in the literature on Gulf Pidgin Arabic (Smart 1990: 102; Hobrom 1992: 63–65; Bakir 2010: 217; Avram 2012, Avram 2013, 2014: 22–23; Al-Shurafa 2014: 19; Bakir 2014: 422–424; Al-Mahrooqi, Denman 2014; Potsdam, Alanazi 2014: 14–16; Alma‘ašnī 2016; Avram 2016: 67).

Smart (1990: 102) mentions the fact that “the use of fī with verbs, but not usually obligatory” and “in negative sentences it is more frequent”. As shown below fi/fī occurs with forms which are etymologically verbs (25a-b), verbal nouns (25c) or passive participles (25d):

(25)    a.    Baladiyya […]     fī       yirīd

             local authority    fi       want

             ‘the local authority wants’

(Smart 1990: 102)

    b.     inta      fī       yaskit

            2sg      fi      be silent

            ‘You keep quiet.’

(Bakir 2010: 217)

    c.     Fi     kalam       arabi?

             fi     speak       Arabic

             ‘Do you speak Arabic?’

(Avram 2022: 34)

   d.     ana     fi     malum

            1sg    fi     know

            ‘I know.’

(Salem 2013: 109)

This specific use of fi/fī may be accounted for by assuming a more complex grammaticalization pathway, consisting of three grammaticalization chains:

(i) “copula, locative > (5) progressive” (Kuteva et al. 2019: 139)

(ii) “progressive > (1) habitual” (Kuteva et al. 2019: 346)

(iii) “progressive markers may develop into presents and imperfectives” and “the result is a gram [= grammatical morpheme] of very general meaning” (Bybee et al. 1994: 158)

On this analysis, GPA fi/fī appears to be on its way to becoming a grammatical morpheme of very general meaning, the result of an extended grammaticalization chain: copula, locative > continuous > habitual > predicate marker.

Some of the most important substrate languages of GPA, e.g. Hindi, Persian, Urdu, use the auxiliary verb ‘to be’ in a number of tenses and aspects (Avram 2014: 36, 2017a: 146). The GPA verbal predicate marker fi/fī might therefore be the outcome of ordinary contact-induced grammaticalization.

On the other hand, fi/fī used as a verbal predicate marker is also found in Arabic Foreigner Talk (Avram 2017b: 182–183, 2018: 262). Interestingly, Kuwaiti Arabic Foreigner Talk even exhibits overuse of fi/fī, which occurs more frequently than in Gulf Pidgin Arabic. Also, fī with verbs and verbal nouns is attested in Omani Arabic Foreigner Talk. Consider the following examples:

(28)   a.   Kuwaiti Arabic Foreigner Talk

           anta   fi   fakkar

            2sg  fi   think

            ‘you think’

   b.    Omani Arabic Foreigner Talk

           baʕdayn   fī   šill   fir-rās

           then          fī  take in head

            ‘then he takes it to the head’

(Avram 2018: 262)

Based on evidence from Arabic Foreigner Talk a case could be made for polysemy copying.

Conclusions

As shown by a number of authors (e.g. Heine, Kuteva 2003, 2005, Matras 2011, Heine, Kuteva 2020, Narrog, Heine 2021), grammaticalization – understood as a process based on universal strategies of conceptual transfer – and contact-induced language change – understood as a process resulting from a specific socio-historical context – are not necessarily mutually exclusive. This is confirmed by GPA, in which both (language-) internal and grammaticalization involving contact are attested.

Bruyn 1996: 406) writes that “in the context of P/C [= pidgin/creole] studies, it would be unrevealing if no distinction were made between internal and contact-induced grammaticalization, even if that sometimes proves to be difficult.” Moreover, as noted by Plag (1998: 234), “there are often ambiguous cases, such that a given development might be due to universal tendencies of language development, due to transfer, or due to a conspiracy of both factors.” The cases of grammaticalization in GPA discussed also show that different types of grammaticalization involving contact may “conspire,” i.e. converge on the same outcome.

As seen, there is independent cross-linguistic evidence (Kuteva et al. 2019) for all the sources, grammaticalization chains and outcomes identified in the GPA cases discussed.

Consider next the pace of grammaticalization. According to Plag (2002: 239): “The discrepancies in time span between certain processes in creoles and non-creoles strongly indicate that creoles develop much faster than non-creoles,” a fact which can “be explained in terms of discontinuity of transmission and communicative pressure that exists in the situation in which the new creole language emerges.” Bruyn (2008: 406) also states that grammaticalization processes “appear to proceed faster than is normally the case, which can be understood in light of the fact that P/C development involves the expansion of a more or less reduced language system.” A similar conclusion is expressed by Michaelis, Haspelmath (2020: 1116), who write that “functionalization of content items in general happens more quickly in creoles (and apparently also in pidgins) than in other languages”10. Finally, as put by Narrog, Heine (2021: 218), “such speed in grammatical change is presumably hard to find in languages other than pidgins and creoles, where such changes normally take centuries to materialize.” Now, since GPA has a history of only some 60 years at most, the processes of grammaticalization illustrated confirm the observations by Plag (1998), Bruyn (1996, 2008), Narrog, Heine (2021), in the sense that they are instances of “instantaneous grammaticalization,” i.e. “proceeding considerably more rapidly than is typically the case in languages with a longer history” (Bruyn 1996: 42).

With respect to the characteristics of instantaneous grammaticalization Plag (1998: 239) surmises that “it is conceivable that even cases of instantaneous grammaticalization show all the properties of ordinary grammaticalization apart from time span.” As seen, none of the cases of instantaneous grammaticalization discussed with reference to GPA exhibits properties different from those of (language-) internal grammaticalization.

Finally, as shown, the substrate languages of GPA serve as languages M in all the three types of grammaticalization involving contact – ordinary contact-induced grammaticalization, replica grammaticalization, and polysemy copying – whereas the contribution of the Arabic Foreigner Talk register as language M is limited to cases of polysemy copying.

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1 For the concept of “superdiversity” see Vertovec (2007) and Rampton et al. (2015).

2 Excluding expatriates from Arabic-speaking countries.

3 For diglossia in the Arab world see e.g. Albirini (2016: 9–44) and Bassiouney (2023: 10–29).

4 Where language M = model language and language R = replica language.

5 A pidgincreole is “a restructured language which is the primary language of a speech community, or which has become the native language for only some of its speakers” (Bakker 2008: 139).

6 See also Bonais (2022: 48–54).

7 Not discussed in this paper (but see Avram 2017b: 181, 2018: 260).

8 Kuteva et al. (2019) use the term “pro-verb” instead of “light verb.”

9 See also Jäger (2006: 160–176).

10 See also Bruyn (2009: 332).

Received:

17.07.2025

Reviewed:

20.09.2025

Accepted:

15.10.2025

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

doi: 10.34616/ajmp.2025.27.2

ISSN 2299–7164

Vol. 27 (2025)

Open Access. Published by Committee for Philology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław Branch and College for Interdisciplinary Studies, University of Wrocław. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.

Ryszard Bartnik

Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań, Faculty of English

rbartnik@amu.edu.pl

ORCID: 0000-0002-3675-0650

Glenn Patterson on Northern Ireland’s Commitment to (Declarative) Transformation

Abstract

Patterson’s literary output includes both fiction and non-fiction that offers commentary on post-Troubles Northern Ireland. The main goal of this article is to investigate Patterson’s works of literary journalism, along with one novel, to determine his current view on the region’s socio-political transformation. Given the heterogeneous narratives and shifting viewpoints – most recently illustrated in his book Where Are We Now? – it is beneficial to perform a “detective” analysis of individual texts to understand the author's position on post-Troubles reality formulated more than two decades after the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. For this purpose, I propose using Peter Brooks’ method, known in legal sciences as the “huntsman’s paradigm,” which traces all previously existing tropes and clues to see how they fit into the author’s overall narrative standpoint, culminating in his 2020–21 fiction and non-fiction texts.1

Keywords: post-Troubles Northern Ireland, literary journalism, huntsman’s paradigm, peace walls, Glenn Patterson

Glenn Patterson’s (non-)fiction output deserves attention for several reasons. Beyond the apparent artistic merits of his purely fictional work, it is worth considering his literary essays from the past two decades that “focus on everyday events, […] bring out the […] patterns of community life” (Sims 1995: 3), and more importantly, offer numerous commentaries on the situation in post-Troubles Northern Ireland.2 Following Peter Rubie’s idea of “self-awareness writing,”3 which frames one equally as a reporter and “a participator in a story” (2018, loc. 119), Patterson is precisely one of those authors who observe and partake in Northern Ireland’s socio-political transformation,4 presenting his views in both fiction and non-fiction formats.5 The question I am pondering is whether Patterson interprets the developments in Northern Ireland from 1998 as a resounding success, or whether his outlined perspective suggests these changes are somewhat illusory and merely declaratory. To address the aforementioned issue, I will apply the “huntsman’s paradigm,” as discussed by Peter Brooks in the article “Retrospective Prophesies: Legal Narrative Constructions.” This approach will help determine the author’s standpoint based on the “gathered evidence,” construed as textual hints embedded in Patterson’s writings. The analysis will begin with a reference to the latest novel, Where Are We Now?, to indicate that Patterson’s stance, as reflected in the literary journalism he pursues, is not coincidental and culminates in his most recent work of fiction. This very book provokes a debate about why the author revisits issues and poses questions similar to those already posed in 2004, when his key literary narrative, That Which Was, exploring Northern Ireland’s breakthrough, was published. Next, in line with the indicated paradigm, I will examine the “traces” Patterson leaves in several works of non-fiction, the earliest dating back to 1998. A sequential reading of these materials will enable us to discern his understanding of the transformative processes underway in Northern Ireland. Nevertheless, before examining Patterson’s literary output, it is essential to briefly elucidate the dynamics of change as identified by researchers from disciplines beyond literature. This interdisciplinary dialogue prevents the limitation that Thomas Foster describes as confinement to a single perspective (2020, loc. 89).6 Such a tactic will aid in determining the extent to which Patterson’s viewpoint aligns with a broader analysis of the socio-political phenomena unfolding in the region after the Good Friday Agreement.

As Foster claims, a literary journalist enriches their narrative with substantive minutiae; yet, it is important to note that “detail alone is not enough – we need context, background, explanation as well” (2020, loc. 981). Accordingly, by examining the broader landscape and incorporating a range of critical voices, one gains insight into the province, its identity, the interplay between communities, and, finally, the language and narrative used to address “The Northern Ireland Question,”7 which continues to capture public attention long after the Agreement. From this wide spectrum of perspectives, a prominent theme emerges – articulated in a single phrase by two different scholars – that captures the state of the region. John Brewer and John Barry discuss the concept of “negative peace” in their respective articles (2019: 278; 2019: 53), a term that conveys significant unease and implies that local residents are grappling with a unique and rather uncomfortable state of Northen Irish limbo. According to Brewer, such a conception of peace results in “[societal healing] […] [having] witnessed very little progress” (278). Barry, on the other hand, emphasizes in his conclusion that “the outworkings of our peace process” are limited and “associated [solely] with institutional arrangements” (53). In other words, while the institutional order has changed, the toll persists as underlying tensions continue to affect8 both individuals and communities.

That said, we should be mindful of other, equally relevant implications, when framing the overarching concept of negative and frozen peace. Cillian McGrattan, for instance, writes that historical legacies in Northern Ireland, which impact the proclaimed peace, are closely intertwined with entrenched political discord. Consequently, it is unsurprising that “the very idea of truth recovery,” central to the peace process, is contentious, as it both “reinvigorates” and simultaneously fossilizes “heated debates over the past” (2020: 232). For this reason, as Landon Hancock argues, the “relative” nature of “peace” must prompt questions about its effectiveness, as “conflicting narratives of enmity continue to characterize relations between the two communities” (2019: 245). In his view, the “political spectacle” not only fails to promise reconciliation but also conceals underlying antagonisms. Neil Jarman also draws attention to this phenomenon, citing “the flag protests”9 as an example of actions driven by “sectarian tensions,” which indeed undermine the prevailing rhetoric of appeasement (2019: 113). Gladys Ganiel further explores another facet of this issue, discussing “how the violence and militancy of the past are perpetuated through various means such as discourses, images, rituals, and even institutional settings like schools and churches” (2019: 134, 139). A particularly critical perspective is provided by Declan Long who alerts “us to the irreducible dimension of antagonism so often erased within the consensual propagandizing of the ‘peace’ era” (2017: 153). Either way, whether we use the word negative or stagnant, the meaning of the term peace is quite disconcerting and indicates – unfortunately – layers of lingering resentment towards the communities on the other side of the barricade.

Considering the arguments outlined above, one might question whether a meaningful correlation exists between the concept of negative peace and Northern Ireland’s ardent efforts to construct a new/reformed [post-Troubles] identity. Nearly twenty years after the 1998 peace accord, Máire Braniff and Sophie Whiting observe from a socio-political angle that “conflict-related issues retain currency, and people remain tribal, for instance, at the polling stations” (2017: 252). John Garry, Kevin McNicholl, and Clifford Stevenson, discussing contemporary Northern Ireland, highlight the dichotomous nature of local identity. On one hand, they refer to young people, defined as the “post-conflict generation,” who, in their view, are ready for building a “cross-community identity.” On the other hand, there remains at least a degree of skepticism among the “majority of residents” towards a more inclusive Northern Irish identity that might overcome centrifugal tendencies in a “deeply divided society” (2019: 488, 502). In this context, Owen Fenton wonders to what extent – and in what constellations – the concept of a collective identity can be invoked as a neutral “identifier” across the social spectrum in Northern Ireland (2018: 235). Stephen Hopkins, meanwhile, identifies narrative dynamics that undermine confidence in the establishment of an all-encompassing Northern Irish rebranding. This primarily concerns the persistence of a “battlefield” mentality within both communities, where each “appears locked into exclusive and self-justifying discourses” (Hopkins 2013: 190). Patterson is, in essence, no different from the researchers mentioned above. Like them, his primary focus is the region, its people and their collective mindset. Even so, despite his scholarly inclination, Patterson is also a novelist and literary journalist, thoroughly “immersing himself [...] in background research” and “hanging out with his sources for months and even years” (Kramer 1995: 22) to establish the framework for addressing his personal concerns over Northern Irishness.

Having established the contours of the post-Troubles context and drawing on Foster’s guideline, we are now positioned to examine Patterson’s narratives in greater depth. It is precisely these specifics and subtle clues within the writer’s (non-)fiction texts that play a crucial role in revealing his nuanced understanding, skepticism, and perhaps even disillusionment regarding the transformation of post-Troubles Northern Ireland. As stated earlier, the author’s meandering thoughts can be examined, as I argue, through the lens of the “huntsman’s paradigm,” which inherently requires studying earlier ‘traces/evidence’ that support the presumption of continuity in Patterson’s viewpoint on Northern Ireland. This approach, as outlined by Brooks, is both compelling and fully justified, echoing Mark Singer’s10 assumption that in literary journalism authors initiate a sequence of statements without knowing “where the story is going to go” or even “what you’re going to say”11 (quoted in Sims 1995: 8). Upon post-factum reflection and the application of the Brooks’ paradigm, we determine how the selected details coalesce into a coherent whole, shedding light on the enduring questions and dilemmas that resonate in Patterson’s latest novel.

What is particularly striking in Brooks’s discussion of the paradigm is his parallel between the legal and literary domains. He does so, in part, despite Martin J. Stone’s assertion that the juxtaposition of legal and literary texts can be baffling. According to Stone, the two serve different “functionalit[ies],” as only the interpretation of legal texts determines what a given account “means”, how it should be used, how it weighs in or what it “requires” in a legal case, “in some particular circumstance” (2018: 73). Brooks, however, identifies a common platform shared by both types of textuality. As he underscores “the law understands discovery and recites meanings derived from evidence”; nevertheless, it is essential to recognize that the manner of storytelling plays a role in this process. As Brooks further points out, “the narratives presented in law as well as in literature are not events in the world themselves, but rather the way we recount events, the way we give them significant order” (2018: 92). In simpler terms, to formulate a hypothesis about what occurred – in this case, what claim our writer made – it is imperative to organize numerous details into a coherent line of thought: “the law [...] when dealing with issues of evidence, must make use of the huntsman’s paradigm, seeking to demonstrate how [...] tracking down clues will lead to the understanding of what transpired”12 (96). Reasoning through textual analysis follows this same principle. The ultimate meaning of a narrative tapestry becomes discernible when we can draw conclusions about the broader whole from a sequence of “seemingly insignificant details” (97). In this sense, both legal and literary texts share a similar functionality.13 Patterson’s writings, rich with clues often separated by years, demonstrate the potential to translate literary (non-)fiction into the narrative that materializes in his most recent novel, thereby illuminating the convolutions of Northern Ireland.

As mentioned above, Fish reaffirms the importance of an interdisciplinary approach, emphasizing that the perspectives offered by different disciplines complement one another. If the goal were to monopolize or unambiguously communicate research outcomes – if, for instance, the “interdisciplinary map were wholly adequate to every detail in the universe” or “were not partial,” then it would “proceed from [...] everywhere and therefore from nowhere” (1995: 81). This type of ‘multidimensional unambiguity’ would align with the concept of ideal objectivity, which Fish clearly did not advocate and considered unattainable. Therefore, since the perspective of dialogical interdisciplinarity is crucial and objectivity is by definition nearly impossible, any attempt to examine a body of texts written over decades – especially to identify a specific thematic thread – should employ tools from disciplines outside of cultural and literary studies to support more objective conclusions. In considering a framework for such an approach, it is useful to reference Beata Przymuszała’s analysis, which aims to delineate the boundary between interpretation and overinterpretation. While she accepts Fish’s view that interpretation can transcend the strict confines of a single discipline, she also acknowledges certain limits to textual significations. As Przymuszała observes, a skilled “lawyer who has mastered the practice of proving can do with [legal narratives] what suits him” (2005: 137). However, when the goal is to draw conclusions with the highest degree of objectivity, it becomes difficult to accept interpretations that veer into dubious overinterpretation (as construed by Umberto Eco). Przymuszała invokes Michał Zieliński’s conclusions, noting that purely language-based interpretation (particularly in legal contexts) is increasingly insufficient. Instead, a broader, systemic interpretation is often required. In Patterson’s context, the aim is to identify a correspondence between the verbal imagery in his literary fiction and the author’s worldview, as inferred from specific “particulars” in his non-fiction texts. To avoid overinterpretation, it is worthwhile to apply methods from the legal domain (e.g., the huntsman’s paradigm) that support the construction and justification of inferences drawn from the analysis of both fiction and non-fiction. Hence, the relevance of the Brooks’ model.14

What perspective on Northern Ireland then can we gather from the details found in Glenn Patterson’s works? To address this question and present my conclusions, I will begin – with reference to the framework described earlier – from the novel published in 2020, Where Are We Now?, and then proceed to look into the “particulars” from earlier texts, as well as one released a year later.15 When juxtaposed, these works create “a meaningful sequence” (Brooks 2018: 96). As said before, the opening point in this sequence would be Where Are We Now?, a novel that marks another manifestation of Patterson’s fictional voice on Northern Ireland, albeit with a less direct exploration of the legacy of the Troubles.16 Throughout the text, we encounter “seemingly trivial details” that can be interpreted as the author’s commentary on the state of post-conflict society. The central character, Herbie, grapples with personal family issues, finding himself alone after his wife leaves him and his daughter begins a new chapter of her life in London. Through moments of introspection, Herbie reflects on past events and experiences, while also offering pointed, often bitter remarks on the region’s current-day socio-political climate.

On one hand, we observe a Northern Irish individual who embraces personal responsibility and resists historical amnesia, haunted by the memory of three Scottish soldiers killed in the sectarian conflict between Protestants and Catholics. Herbie, like many young people during the Troubles, would succumb to the “virus” of sectarianism, which ultimately led him to align with a sectarian faction (Patterson 2020: 188).17 As Brewer stresses (2019: 284), countering tribal identification – by default – necessitates that each individual “step[s] away from the narrow confines” of politicized thinking. Accepting personal responsibility, as the protagonist does, thus emerges as a fundamental prerequisite; should it be lacking, the dismantling of the “walls of partition” becomes nearly impossible. On the other hand, Patterson ponders how the ghosts of the past are addressed on a broader societal scale – an inquiry that surfaces most clearly in at least two distinct passages of the novel. Firstly, in a dialogue between the protagonist’s daughter and her friends, they discuss the portrayal of “masked gunmen” depicted on murals, namely former paramilitary figures who now roam the streets of Belfast in an entirely different guise: “the masks have started to come off! They’re all walking around in their civvies and smiling, like, what were you so afraid of, it was only us?” (Patterson 2020: 219). Skepticism seems to linger between the lines, casting doubt on the authenticity of Northern Ireland’s transformation and suggesting that it is neither miraculous nor complete. The purely declarative nature of these changes becomes particularly evident in one of the novel’s final passages, where Patterson recounts an event held to mark the twentieth anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement. As it is stated: “One of the churchmen read out a statement saying that no one had an eraser for the past, before he addressed the future, by way of the present moment, calling for an end […] to all forms of criminal activity by members of the organizations the men at the table represented.” Extrapolating from the above, one could argue that the assembled seek nothing less than a declarative affirmation of post-conflict transformation. In the following paragraph, the protagonist offers his most crucial commentary – indeed, a standpoint vital for the entire article. As Herbie states, he “had lost count of the number of times paramilitary representatives or the clergymen who flanked them had come out with statements like that […]. Too many for him […] to set any great store by this latest iteration” (2020: 239). Birte Heidemann might define this phase as “liminal,” or more precisely, as “negative in-betweenness” (2016: 46–47). Similarly, Patterson foregrounds a comparable sense of prolonged stasis, with the main character firmly convinced that profound change, such as holding “those in power […] accountable for their actions” (Rubie 2018, loc. 887), remains distant and elusive. This pessimistic conclusion reflects the author’s distinctive “fingerprint” or “signature,” allowing us to discern the unique features of his outlook (Brooks 2018: 96). In other words, while analyzing the book, we encounter a manifestation of the writer’s socio-political imagination or, to paraphrase Brooks, the outcome of his actions. However, to fully understand why, and in what vein, Patterson revisited the Troubles and their aftermath in his latest work of fiction, we must reconstruct his overarching narrative from the “tracks and traces” he has left elsewhere, that is in his literary journalism.

Given the huntsman’s paradigm of “detective” work, my objective is to illustrate that the author’s extended journey is winding and characterized by both hope and disillusionment. The so-called “trivial details” embedded in his subsequent texts indicate that Patterson’s initial optimism has gradually given way to disappointment and distrust. In examining the specific chronology of Patterson’s reflections spanning two decades, I intend to draw on Brooks’ notion of “retrospective prophecies” (2018: 98). As Brooks argues, the ultimate outcome of a given narrative is pivotal in determining and retroactively reconstructing events that, when pieced together, coalesce into a coherent story. In the case of Patterson’s novel, to recall it once again, this final outcome hinges on his conviction that the socio-political transformation was verbally communicated; yet, at its core, these changes remain merely declarative with respect to the purported evolution of Northern Ireland. To illustrate how his stance has unfolded over time, this analysis will begin in 1998 and conclude more than two decades later.

In Lapsed Protestant, a collection of essays written between 1998 and 2005, Patterson rides the wave of optimism following the Good Friday Agreement, stating that “[i]f we were all to look out for each other’s rights we might at last begin to get somewhere” (2006: 22). Five years later, his belief in the possibility and necessity of change is still discernible. Referring to his novel That Which Was, Patterson writes that he “suspects the majority of Northern Irish people were as quietly hopeful as I was that yesterday’s announcements would be genuinely historic”. However, in the same text, a note of bitterness surfaces as he adds, “[t]hat which was […] still has questions to ask of that which is to be. Sadly, it seems, yet again too many” (2006: 91–92). In another essay, published a year later, a sense of unease blends with irritation as Patterson describes the impact of barriers/walls erected to maintain peace: “while the peace lines are undeniably popular with those living within a stone’s throw of the other side, they have perpetuated into our heavily processed peace a worldview where there are really only two types of people – ‘us’ and ‘not-us’” (2006: 65). Throughout the collection, his bleak outlook on socio-political change intensifies, suggesting that, much like the fragmented Belfast community, the entire population of Northern Ireland remains divided.

Another collection of texts, Here’s Me Here, published in 2015, comprises essays written between 2006 and 2015. In contrast to the earlier pieces in Lapsed Protestant, this volume is dominated by skepticism, although references to the official optimism expressed by politicians are not entirely absent. Responding to political declarations that “[o]ur journey is irreversible [and] we are determined to go on,” Patterson critiques the lack of a “sense of […] agency” in such statements. He further highlights a structural flaw “with the Process itself,” arguing that “the open-endedness coded into the word has long since ceased to be enabling and has become destabilizing: “we,” or “they” (depending on one’s politics) […] are not finished yet” (2015: 7–8). In a 2014 essay, Patterson, along with Declan Hill, posits that “even when all physical traces are gone, walls persist” (23). That same year, he questions the viability of peaceful coexistence between the two principal communities, prompting a critical reflection on the loaded term “C-word”. From his perspective, in the context of Northern Ireland, “community is a word of aggregation, communities is a word that, rather than multiplying, as most plurals do, actually divides” (50). Notably, Patterson, much like Anna Burns,18 appears to view the rigidity of the local idiom as a crucial factor in perpetuating divisions. Rather than engaging in reconciliation through dialogical formulas grounded in the principle of “no hierarchy of victims,” he argues that “the language of truth recovery […] has been compromised. Repetition has emptied much of it of meaning. Sentences sound more like stratagems than sincere statements” (193). In his later writings, Patterson exhibits both hesitation and a flicker of hope, indicating that not everything is mired in stagnation. Reflecting on the issue of “civil rights” in Northern Ireland in 2015, he offers a sardonic and deliberately provocative remark: “the thought occurs, though, that at least we are beginning to piss through each other’s penises. Who knows, given time, we might even learn to love them as our own” (176). Nonetheless, this moment of guarded optimism, coupled with Patterson’s mocking tone, does little to eclipse the underlying conviction that Northern Ireland continues to face substantial challenges.

When examining his writings from 2019 and 2021, it becomes clear – especially in hindsight – that more than the two decades after the landmark peace settlement, Patterson expresses a sense of disillusionment regarding the success of peaceful transformation. In recounting a conversation with an acquaintance, he cites her assertion that, following the snap election, neither community has succeeded in “break[ing] out of that Orange and Green mindset” (Patterson 2019: 25). Given this context, efforts to transcend entrenched divisions are hindered by a fossilized past, raising concerns about “young people who have no memory of the Troubles, [and may] be exploited by adults who want to achieve their own ends” (104). Symbolically, the persistence of so-called “peace walls” reflects not bridges being built, but the endurance of divisions. As Patterson notes, these structures “are the exact opposite: the further you get from them, the easier it is to think they could easily disappear” (129). He encapsulates this psychological burden with the German term Mauerkrankheit, or “wall sickness” (139), which functions as a metaphor for the ongoing malaise beneath the surface of apparent stability. This bleak image stands in stark contrast with the global desire to see the Northern Irish conflict as resolved. Suffice it to say, politicians often cling to overly simplified and reductive narratives outlining the conflict, its resolution, and eventual reconciliation. However, if we were to consider this portrayal as a “diagnosis”, it would be a superficial and misleading one, ignoring the continued prevalence of non-dialogical mindsets that still shape, if not dominate, the region’s social fabric. To illustrate this disconnect, Patterson invokes the words of Nancy Pelosi, who, echoing standard diplomatic rhetoric, declared a success story: “The Good Friday Agreement serves as the bedrock of peace in Northern Ireland and as a beacon of hope for the entire world. After centuries of conflict and bloodshed, the world has witnessed a miracle of reconciliation and progress [...].” It is widely acknowledged that viewing the world through rose-colored glasses often leads us astray, which is precisely why Patterson offers a sobering reminder: “[t]he Good Friday Agreement wasn’t a ‘miracle’. The kit for a miracle, maybe, the problem being that everyone was handed a different manual for how to put it together” (2019: 149). In other words, while the tools for reconciliation may have been distributed, they remain largely unused in the absence of a shared understanding. Within the framework of Mauerkrankheit, the continuing presence of these walls, both literal and metaphorical, serves as a powerful counterpoint that underscores the region’s unresolved tensions.

With no clear path out of the stalemate, it seems legitimate to ascertain that Northern Ireland continues to grapple with enduring challenges, making it difficult to foresee when a full recovery will be achieved. To further complicate matters, in Patterson’s latest non-fiction work, The Last Irish Question, he ventures into the region to explore the prospects for a potential unification of the island. Essentially, this undertaking asks whether any profound shift has occurred in the mentality of Northern Ireland’s inhabitants. Such a meaningful transformation would signify a move beyond mere co-existence, which may still imply living along entrenched lines of division, toward a deeper sense of communal integrity and, perhaps, reconciliation. While it is clear that Patterson advocates for this kind of reorientation, his outlook remains marked by disbelief and caution. When writing about the possibility of alteration, he observes that “if and when it comes will not be as sudden as a wall coming down. In fact, in areas where walls are a feature of everyday life here in the North, in Belfast in particular, there may well be a demand from those who live closest to them not to touch a single brick [...].” Furthermore, in a more somber tone, he warns of “the chances [...] that some of the old enmities will retain the capacity to sow discord and [...] flare up into violence” (Patterson 2023: 213–14). Importantly, Patterson’s conclusions are not based solely on anecdotal insight or intuition. He cites a rather alarming official document from the Independent Reporting Commission, established “to monitor what progress is being made towards ending paramilitary activity.” The report’s findings are far from encouraging “for Northern Ireland as a whole,” as the above-mentioned progress is minimal, and “the continued existence of paramilitarism [...] constitutes a clear and present danger on an ongoing basis” (2023: 259). Finally, at the end of his book, Patterson draws on the perspective of Lilian Seenoi-Barr, who contends that the Good Friday Agreement did not necessarily “bring peace,” but rather “stopped violence on the streets” (2023: 277). If peace is to be discussed at all, Patterson implies, it can be framed within its “negative” form, characterized more by the absence of violence than by the presence of reconciliation.

The very phrase negative peace signals a cognitive dissonance, suggesting agreement on the one hand, and negation on the other. At the same time, it is a phrase so general that it invites divergent interpretations. For a clearer understanding, it is prudent to turn to scholarly research, which almost unequivocally demonstrates that the peace established more than two decades ago does not mark the end of the divisions that underpinned the Troubles. As Colin Coulter, Niall Gilmartin, Katy Hayward, and Peter Shirlow write in their book, the “polarization” of Northern Ireland’s society is still strong and anxieties over potential violence persist. They acknowledge that the peace is not “perfect,” and the realities they describe or the language they employ reveal developments that actively contradict and undermine the very notion of peace. They refer to a society where “flags celebrating paramilitary organizations to fly from lampposts in front of shops and playgrounds” are permitted; where “mothers [are awaited] to bring their sons to be crippled by the shots of masked vigilante gunmen to their teenage knees and elbows.” Most symbolically, they describe the physical and psychological presence of walls, thus structures ostensibly meant to protect, but in fact, serving to entrench divisions. This is a world that “accommodates the high walls topped by barbed wire that serve to shield neighbor from neighbor in the capital city of the new Northern Ireland” (Coulter et al. 2022: 291).

In conclusion, Walt Harrington writes that the work of a literary journalist succeeds as long as the story of one’s own life is “honest, enlighten[ing], and caution[ary]” (2015, loc. 560). Each of these characteristics and qualities applies to Glenn Patterson, whose commitment to truth and intellectual engagement marks him as a trustworthy and conscientious Northern Irish author. Yet this integrity only partially translates into tangible influence on Northern Ireland’s divided communities. While Patterson’s voice holds a rightful place in the region’s public discourse, the impact of his reflections appears limited in a context still shaped by entrenched divisions. What, then, is the nature of his voice, of his perspective? What message is he attempting to convey to his compatriots, neighbors, and fellow citizens? And what larger pattern emerges from the puzzle we have sought to piece together through the lens of the “huntsman’s paradigm”? Based on the sequence of details and particulars, it can be asserted that Patterson, more than twenty years since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, presents himself as a skeptic. He suggests that the progress often celebrated as transformative remains largely superficial. When applying the paradigm, this view appears justified and well-founded. First, we examined his latest novel, in which Patterson offers a somber reflection on the persistence of deep-rooted divisions despite years of primarily political transformation. Furthermore, he warns that empty, bipartisan declarations of progress may obscure, and even reinforce, longstanding hostilities by masking underlying animosities, thereby solidifying past divisions. Through Brooks’ framework, we gathered narrative “evidence” from earlier essays, tracing how Patterson’s skepticism evolved across two decades of literary and journalistic writing. These traces, culminating in his most recent non-fiction work, collectively point toward a recurring and unresolved question whether the project of a “New Northern Ireland” can truly succeed if its foundational divisions remain unaddressed. In Patterson’s body of work, the answer seems to emerge with layered clarity and growing doubt.

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Patterson, Glenn (2023) The Last Irish Question: Will Six into Twenty-Six Ever Go? London: Bloomsbury Publishing.

Przymuszała, Beata (2005) “W obronie nadinterpretacji (niekoniecznie prawniczej...) – polemika z Fishem.” [In:] Przestrzenie Teorii 5; 135–146.

Rubie, Peter (2018) The Elements of Narrative Nonfiction. New York: Lincoln Square Books.

Sims, Norman (1995) “The Art of Literary Journalism.” [In:] Norman Sims, Mark Kramer (eds) Literary Journalism. A New Collection of the Best American Nonfiction. New York: Ballantine Books; 3–20.

Sterne, Simon (2018) “Literary and Legal Fictions.” [In:] Elizabeth Anker, Bernadette Meyler (eds) New Directions in Law and Literature. Oxford: University Press; 313–326.

Stone, Martin J. (2018) “There’s No Such Thing as Interpreting a Text.” [In:] Elizabeth Anker, Bernadette Meyler (eds) New Directions in Law and Literature. Oxford: University Press; 69–91.

Online Sources

Kennedy, Liam, Brice Dickson (2022) “Human Rights in a Troubled Society: Northern Ireland Since 1969.” [At:] https://ssrn.com/abstract=4393170 (date of access: 18.04.2024).

Patterson, Glenn (2010) “An Interview with Glenn Patterson.” [At:] https://as.vanderbilt.edu/nashvillereview/archives/1958 (date of access: 25.05.2025).

1 During the preparation of this article, I consulted ChatGPT-4.0 for editorial support, specifically for assistance with language refinement and clarity.

2 In a 2010 interview, Patterson discussed the extent to which his writing, both fiction and non-fiction, reflects the contemporary fate of Northern Ireland. None other than the legacy of the Troubles has shaped his perspective: “The unrest [...] has been a part of my life, and it’s part of the story of that place. […] It is unavoidable that the political backdrop is featured in the novels. In my non-fiction I am quite strongly political [as well].” Given this, he can be seen as a chronicler who understands and is capable of capturing the Northern Irish Zeitgeist. As he himself states, “[...] in the end, what I arrived at was sort of a middle thing. I had the [literary] journalism; I had the novels; then there’s this other form […] which is autobiographically informed writing, where they sort of function like short stories” (Patterson 2010).

3 Rubie uses the term in reference to the art of literary journalism, describing it as a “sophisticated” format, characterized above all by its ability to “tell the story in a compelling voice that the reader will want to hear” (2018, loc. 177).

4 The concept of Northern Irish transformation denotes the shift from a society plagued by violent paramilitary conflict to one striving for peaceful coexistence among its communities and their political representatives.

5 I have previously explored the issue of Northern Ireland and its representation in (non-)fiction texts in several of my publications. However, this paper specifically builds upon a single article: “‘Northern Ireland – I Come from Here’: Glenn Patterson, a Novelist and Citizen in Pursuit of a ‘Non-Tribal’ Identity” (Bartnik 2021). It continues the line of inquiry initiated there, now expanded and deepened by an analysis of Patterson’s more recent writings, which collectively offer a comprehensive understanding of the author’s dilemmas and ongoing engagement with the Northern Irish predicament.

6 Patterson presents his personal views on issues relating to Northern Ireland, but at the same time, he also adheres to the principles outlined by Mark Kramer, maintaining that his voice must be “candid” and that he must not “represent, defend, or speak on behalf of any institution, government, or ideology” (Kramer 1995: 29). Consequently, it is logical to examine the issues he explores from a wider perspective to mitigate any accusations of singular or biased understanding of the situation.

7 This is the title of the multi-author monograph published in 2020, edited by Patrick Roche and Brian Barton, which further demonstrates that the Northern Irish question continues to provoke critical discussion about the condition of local communities.

8 Liam Kennedy and Brice Dickson, in their 2022 report on human rights in Northern Ireland, noted that sectarian violence has not disappeared from the streets as there were over “30 casualties of paramilitary-style assaults and shootings.” Interestingly enough, as they highlight, “[f]or reasons that are not altogether clear, loyalists show preference for battering and mutilating victims, while republicans more usually use guns and bullets to inflict pain on those they presume to punish” (2022: 13).

9 As underlined by Jarman, such “protests were clearly […] symbols [that] have played an important role in […] sustaining sectarian tensions throughout the peace process, whether this be in relation to flags, murals, memorials, bonfires or in the naming of public sites” (2019: 111).

10 Mark Singer, a staff writer at The New Yorker.

11 As Patterson stated in the aforementioned 2010 interview, when he reflects on his writing, he concludes that “[i]t’s all about giving shape to the material”, but ultimately, it is about “finding new ways to ask questions” (Patterson 2010).

12 The question to consider is what series of events and underlying rationale led Patterson, more than twenty years after the Good Friday Agreement, to write yet another book – published in 2020 – in which peaceful coexistence is portrayed more as an imaginary construct than a lived reality.

13 The above issue can be viewed from a broader perspective by referring to the arguments of Stanley Fish, who countered the claim that it is difficult to find common ground or functional overlap between legal and literary texts. While reflecting on the concept of interdisciplinarity, Fish emphasized that he did not subscribe to the view of “one large and unified field of knowledge” (1995: 73). At the same time, he argued that specific research fields and disciplines are relationally connected. In this sense, for example, “the legal culture” and “the literary culture” (72) can be seen as interconnected. If we regard these disciplines as distinctly separate, we might assume that each possesses “the special vocabulary of a mere discipline”, which would preclude any direct application of one to the other. However, from Fish’s perspective, such reasoning is questionable. As he points out, “neither the form nor the content of a discipline are self-generated, but become perspicuous by virtue of relationships with other disciplines that are themselves relationally, not essentially, constituted” (75). One particularly relevant insight for the analysis undertaken in this article is Fish’s demonstration of the narrative nature of legal inquiry and the argumentation it entails: “[...] when a client comes to a lawyer he tells a story that in his mind has obvious crucial features and decisive moments; but that when the lawyer hears the story, she hears it quite differently and with different emphases [...].” Ultimately, it is the lawyer who organizes the individual elements of the client’s narrative in order to “determine whether or not the client has a legal cause of action” (71). Can Fish’s conclusion be seen as consistent with Brooks’s approach? In both cases, we observe an emphasis on the role of narrative, within which selected details are arranged – either by lawyers or scholars – to form a coherent and logical whole. As Simon Sterne notes, “narrative logic is an essential and commonplace feature in law” (2018: 314); the same holds true in literary interpretation.

14 The use of additional interpretative tools appears justified when considering Frans Willem Korsten’s observations about the interpenetration of law and literature. According to him, “[i]n the interdisciplinary field of law and literature, the two are mostly put into a relation of a sort of family.” Their interaction rests on the assumption that literary narratives are “superior in [their] capacity to make things imaginable, palpable, tangible […], or in [their] potential to promote empathy or ethical behavior.” At the same time, one can also speak of their “inferior[ity]” due to their “incapacity to follow the strict rules of reasoning and argumentation” (2022: 17). In this context, Brooks’ paradigm, which centers on constructing arguments grounded in analyses that uncover logical narrative connections between individual images (traces within texts), and whose overall message aligns with and resonates in a specific socio-political context, proves to be an interpretative tool of considerable value.

15 The Last Irish Question, published in 2021, further reinforces the conclusions drawn from Patterson’s earlier works published up to 2020.

16 In addressing the author’s indirect reference to post-Troubles reality, I juxtapose his 2020 novel with That Which Was, published in 2004, in fact an earlier attempt to come to terms with the past and to pave the way for a new chapter in Northern Ireland’s history.

17 The character of Herbie seems to resonate with Patterson himself in an intriguing manner. According to Sims (1995: 9), authors who delve into literary journalism often employ “symbolic representation” to focus their “personal involvement” like a lens. Herbie functions as such a symbolic figure, viewing the current socio-political order in Northern Ireland through the eyes of a disillusioned observer – an outlook that closely parallels Patterson’s own, as demonstrated throughout this article.

18 Anna Burns, as I argued in my article from 2021, is among those authors who view “Northern Ireland’s language as endorsing ideological agendas and fostering intentional amnesia that comes to the fore as a predominant side-effect of a wrongly construed politics of memory” (Bartnik 2021: 75).

Received:

17.07.2025

Reviewed:

29.09.2024

Accepted:

10.10. 2025

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

doi: 10.34616/ajmp.2025.27.3

ISSN 2299–7164

Vol. 27 (2025)

Open Access. Published by Committee for Philology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław Branch and College for Interdisciplinary Studies, University of Wrocław. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.

Beata Bury

University of Bielsko-Biala, Foreign Language Centre of the University of Bielsko-Biala

bbury@ubb.edu.pl

ORCID: 0000-0002-5147-5394

Decoding Algospeak: Unveiling the Patterns of Linguistic Evolution in the Digital Age

Abstract

The subject matter of this study is algospeak, a form of coded language used by social media users to evade automated content moderation systems. This study investigates the intricate linguistic strategies employed in algospeak, encompassing emojis, acronyms, euphemisms, number, and symbol substitutions. The research perspective employed in this study is grounded theory, which involves systematic data analysis. The research material comprises an algospeak corpus sourced from platforms such as Know Your Meme, dictionary.com, and Urban Dictionary, which was meticulously analyzed to discern patterns and motivations underlying these linguistic adaptations. The study unveils that algospeak not only facilitates circumvention of censorship mechanisms but also serves to cultivate communal identity and provide support to marginalized communities. This study underscores the complex interplay between technology and human expression, highlighting the need for balanced content moderation that respects free speech and enhances digital literacy.

Keywords: algospeak, grounded theory, social media, content moderation

Introduction

In an era where social media algorithms determine the visibility and virality of content, the way people communicate online is increasingly shaped by the need to circumvent automated moderation systems. Terms and phrases are strategically altered to avoid censorship, evade bans, or ensure that messages are prominently featured in users’ feeds. This phenomenon, known as algospeak, represents a fascinating intersection of technology, language, and culture. It demonstrates how users develop and employ new linguistic strategies to adapt to the ever-changing landscape of digital communication (McCulloch 2019: 154–176; Roberts 2019: 112–130).

From substituting sensitive keywords with phonetically similar words or creative misspellings to using coded language that only in-group members can decipher, algospeak highlights the ingenuity of Internet users in their quest to express themselves freely. However, this evolution is not without its challenges. The need to constantly adapt language to outsmart algorithms can lead to miscommunication, exclusion of those unfamiliar with the latest terms, and the perpetuation of echo chambers where only those versed in the specific vernacular can participate (Wardle, Derakhshan 2017: 67–74).

Moreover, the rise of algospeak has broader implications for digital literacy and the preservation of free speech. It raises questions about the balance between moderating harmful content and fostering open, authentic communication. The constant evolution of these linguistic strategies reflects broader societal trends, where power dynamics between platform users and the platforms themselves are continually negotiated and contested (Gillespie 2018).

The implications extend to various spheres, including politics, where activists and dissidents may use algospeak to organize and spread messages under the radar of oppressive regimes (Cervi et al. 2021: 267–287). Similarly, marginalized communities might adopt algospeak to create safe spaces for discourse that might otherwise be suppressed or misunderstood. This dynamic also influences marketing and branding strategies, as businesses must remain agile, adapting their language to ensure that their content reaches the desired audience without falling foul of algorithmic filters (Donovan et al. 2022).

The aim of this article is to systematically decode the phenomenon of algospeak, uncovering the intricate patterns of linguistic adaptation in response to algorithmic oversight. By analyzing how digital communication evolves to navigate algorithmic constraints, this article offers a comprehensive exploration of the interplay between technology and language. Its originality lies in its dual focus: not only examining the creative strategies employed by users but also addressing the broader implications for digital discourse and societal dynamics. Understanding these dynamics is crucial for navigating and shaping the future of online discourse. Researchers, technologists, and policymakers must engage with these evolving linguistic patterns to foster a digital environment that respects both the need for moderation and the fundamental right to free expression. This balance will be essential in promoting a more inclusive and communicative digital society.

History of Coded Language

The history of coded language spans centuries, reflecting the evolving need for secrecy, identity, and subversion across various cultures. In ancient times, coded language was used for political and military purposes, such as the Spartans’ use of the scytale, a tool for encrypting messages. In the 19th century, Cockney rhyming slang emerged in East London as a playful yet practical linguistic code. It involved substituting phrases with rhyming counterparts, often shortened to the first word, like “apples and pears” (stairs) becoming just “apples” (Hellekson and Busse 2014). This form of slang allowed the working-class Cockneys to communicate covertly, often to confuse eavesdroppers or outsiders, and remains a vibrant part of London culture today (Tancer 2008).

Similarly, Polari was used in the mid-20th century primarily by gay men in Britain as a secretive form of communication during times of intense social stigma and legal persecution. Drawing from Italian, Romani, and other sources, Polari allowed users to speak openly about their experiences and identities without fear of exposure. Terms like “naff” (bad) and “zhoosh” (to spruce up) provided a layer of safety and solidarity within the LGBTQ+ community. Linguist Paul Baker has extensively studied Polari, highlighting its significance in providing a linguistic refuge and fostering a sense of community among its users (Baker 2019; Baker 2002).

In the digital age, leetspeak (or “1337speak”) developed among hackers and online communities in the 1980s and 1990s. Originating from the word “elite,” leetspeak uses character substitutions to replace letters with numbers or other symbols: “leet” becomes “1337,” “hacker” becomes “h4x0r.” This language not only served as a badge of identity among early computer enthusiasts but also functioned to bypass simple text filters and censorship. Its playful complexity and subversive nature reflect the hacker ethic of creativity and defiance. Researchers such as Tim Jordan have explored how leetspeak embodies the hacker culture’s values and its impact on digital communication (Jordan 1999).

Recently, algospeak has emerged in response to social media algorithms, with users intentionally altering words to avoid content moderation—examples include “seggs” instead of “sex” (Curtis 2022) or “clock app” for “TikTok” (Levine 2022) to evade bans on certain sensitive topics. These various forms of coded language highlight the continuous human endeavor to adapt language for secrecy, solidarity, and survival in changing social landscapes.

The reasons for developing and using coded languages are multifaceted. They often arise from a need to protect the speaker from persecution or censorship, to create a sense of community and identity among marginalized groups, and to subvert existing power structures. Whether in the form of Cockney rhyming slang, Polari, leetspeak, or algospeak, coded languages provide a way to communicate securely and expressively in environments where open communication may be dangerous or restricted (Fairman 2009).

Research Questions

This study is centred on the following research questions:

1. What linguistic strategies and modifications do users employ in algospeak to circumvent algorithmic detection and moderation on digital platforms?

This question seeks to explore the specific linguistic techniques used, such as acronyms, creative misspellings, and symbolic representations, to evade automated content moderation systems.

2. To what extent do algorithmic changes and updates influence the evolution of linguistic patterns in algospeak?

This question investigates how updates to content moderation algorithms and platform policies drive shifts in the strategies and effectiveness of algospeak techniques over time.

3. What role does user intent play in the adoption and adaptation of algospeak linguistic patterns?

This question delves into the motivations behind users’ decisions to modify their language, exploring whether they seek to evade detection, express identity, or achieve other communicative goals.

4. What are the implications of algospeak for language evolution and digital literacy skills among users?

This question explores the broader impacts of algospeak on language use and understanding, including its potential influence on language learning, literacy levels, and the development of critical thinking skills in digital environments.

These research questions aim to deepen our understanding of algospeak as a complex linguistic phenomenon shaped by technological, social, and cultural factors. These factors highlight the multifaceted nature of algospeak and its implications for digital communication, governance, and societal norms. The research provides a detailed understanding of how language adapts to technological constraints and reflects broader societal dynamics. By discussing the intricacies of algospeak, the research expands our understanding of how language evolves in response to technological advancements and societal shifts in the digital age.

Research Method

The study employs grounded theory as its primary research method to investigate the linguistic patterns of algospeak. Grounded theory, pioneered by Glaser and Strauss (1967), is a qualitative research approach that emphasizes theory generation from systematically collected and analyzed data rather than testing pre-existing hypotheses. This method is particularly suitable for exploring dynamic and evolving phenomena like algospeak, where the focus is on understanding the processes and meanings embedded in social interactions and language use (Charmaz 2006).

In grounded theory, data collection and analysis proceed iteratively, allowing researchers to continuously refine their understanding of the topic under study. The process typically involves open coding (initial categorization of data), axial coding (connecting categories to explore relationships), and selective coding (integration of categories into a cohesive theory). This structured yet flexible approach enables researchers to capture the complexity and nuances of algospeak linguistic adaptations across different digital platforms (Strauss and Corbin 1990).

By utilizing grounded theory, this study aims to develop a comprehensive understanding of how users modify their language to navigate and circumvent algorithmic detection, exploring the socio-cultural contexts and motivations driving these linguistic adaptations. This methodological choice ensures that the findings are grounded in empirical data and provide insights that are deeply rooted in the lived experiences and practices of digital communication.

Mode of Data Extraction and Presentation

To extract data for the study on algospeak using grounded theory, researchers leverage platforms like Know Your Meme, dictionary.com and Urban Dictionary, which are rich repositories of user-generated content and slang. The process begins by systematically searching these platforms for terms and phrases associated with algospeak. This involves identifying relevant entries on Know Your Meme, where users document and explain the origins and usage of Internet memes, often including instances of modified language. Similarly, Urban Dictionary provides user-submitted definitions and examples of slang, including terms that have evolved to bypass algorithmic detection.

Researchers start by compiling a comprehensive list of potential algospeak terms from these sources, paying attention to entries that explicitly mention evasion of content moderation or demonetization. Each identified term is then scrutinized for its context, usage, and variations. For example, entries might provide insights into the phonetic changes (like “seggs” instead of “sex”), the creative use of symbols (such as “” for buttocks), and the cultural or social contexts in which these terms are used.

In this study, the corpus consists of 96 algospeak words, sourced from platforms like Know Your Meme, dictionary.com, and Urban Dictionary. It is important to note that not all extracted words are discussed in the article. This selective discussion is due to the need to maintain a focused analysis on the most relevant and impactful examples of algospeak. Once a substantial dataset is gathered, the researchers proceed with open coding, breaking down the data into categories and subcategories based on the types of algospeak identified. They then move to axial coding, analyzing the relationships between these categories and the specific contexts of their use. This involves linking particular terms to the themes or topics they are associated with, such as political discourse or health misinformation.

The results of the study will be presented in a table format. By structuring data into columns, the table enhances readability and ensures that each piece of information is clearly delineated. This organization aids in quickly grasping the breadth and depth of the data collected. Moreover, tables provide a concise summary of data that is accessible at a glance. This format is particularly useful for conveying complex information succinctly, making it easier for readers to comprehend and interpret the findings of the study.

By methodically extracting and analyzing data from Know Your Meme, dictionary.com and Urban Dictionary, researchers build a robust foundation for understanding the patterns and dynamics of algospeak. This structured approach ensures a thorough and contextually rich dataset, enabling the development of a grounded theory that accurately reflects the strategies users employ to navigate and subvert algorithmic controls in digital communication.

Discussion of the Findings

The analysis identified a few regular patterns in algospeak, which are used creatively by social media users to bypass algorithmic moderation. These patterns include the use of emojis, acronyms, euphmemisms as well as symbol and number substitutions. Each pattern showcases the ingenuity and adaptability of users in maintaining communication despite the presence of content moderation systems. Below, we discuss each linguistic pattern and present the results in a table.

Emojis in Algospeak

Emojis function as visual metaphors and symbolic stand-ins, substituting for sensitive lexical items that may be flagged by moderation systems. Below is a table of emojis commonly used in algospeak, along with their typical meanings and contexts. The analyzed corpus revealed a total of 25 emojis.

Table 1. Emojis used in algospeak. Source: Author’s own work

No.

Emoji

Meaning

Context Use

1.

(eggplant)

male genitalia

used in place of explicit terms

2.

(peach)

buttocks

common in sexual content discussions

3.

(corn)

porn

common in sexual content discussions

4.

(droplets)

ejaculation

common in sexual content discussions

5.

(cat)

female genitals

common in sexual content discussions

6.

(watermelon)

solidarity with Palestine

used in discussions about sensitive political issues

7.

(sunflower)

solidarity with Ukraine

used in discussions about sensitive political issues

Based on the table above, it can be observed that (eggplant) and (peach) operate as metonymic representations of male genitalia and buttocks, respectively. These choices are not arbitrary but rather embedded in widely recognized visual-linguistic associations. This mirrors the semiotic process of iconicity, where the form resembles or suggests its referent (Chandler 2007). Such emoji use exemplifies metonymic and metaphorical extensions common in digital discourse (Danesi 2017; Skovholt et al., 2014), where users rely on shared visual-linguistic cues to convey implicit meaning. The figurative nature of emojis highlights their polysemy and dependence on contextual pragmatics for interpretation (Ge, Herring 2018; Dresner and Herring 2010). Users must rely on shared cultural or subcultural knowledge to decode meaning, positioning emojis as a form of coded in-group language (Zappavigna 2012). For instance, the emoji has emerged as a symbolic allusion to Palestinian resistance, drawing on the fruit’s visual resemblance to the colours of the Palestinian flag. Similarly, serves as a cultural synecdoche for Ukraine, frequently appearing in digital discourse as a visual shorthand for solidarity during the ongoing conflict. These uses demonstrate that emojis, though visually simple, are rhetorically complex and deeply embedded in collective semiotics (Danesi 2017; Tagg 2015).

The meanings attributed to emojis in algospeak reflect a high degree of semantic flexibility. Emojis like (droplets) and (cat) have undergone semantic shift, evolving to represent concepts like ejaculation and female genitals, respectively, in specific contexts. This flexibility indicates that the meanings of symbols can shift dramatically based on usage patterns and community conventions, highlighting the fluidity and context-dependence of digital language. As inherently ambiguous signs, emojis rely heavily on pragmatic inference and indexicality; their meaning is inferred based on who uses them, how, and in what context. The nuances in their interpretation, influenced by contextual factors, make emojis a complex and sometimes cryptic element of digital communication. As such, deciphering their true intent requires a deep familiarity with the specific context in which they are used (Ge, Herring 2018).

The rise of algospeak, with its reliance on emojis, signifies a broader trend in language evolution influenced by technological advancements and digital culture. Just as spoken and written languages have evolved over centuries, digital communication is rapidly developing its own set of rules and conventions. Emojis, initially designed as simple visual representations, have transformed into powerful linguistic tools that shape online discourse.

Acronyms in Algospeak

Another linguistic pattern observed in the analyzed corpus of algospeak is the use of acronyms. The corpus analysis identified 17 acronyms. The table below presents examples of acronyms that are popular among algospeak users:

Table 2. Acronyms in algospeak. Source: Author’s own work

No.

Acronym

Meaning

1.

SH

self-harm

2.

ED

eating disorder

3.

SA

sexual assault

4.

SS

super straight

5.

SW

sex worker

6.

yt

white (person)

It can be noticed that the use of acronyms such as SH (self-harm), ED (eating disorder), SA (sexual assault), SS (super straight), and SW (sex worker) serves a critical function in navigating the complex landscape of content moderation on social media platforms. These acronyms are often used to refer to sensitive or controversial topics that might otherwise trigger content filters or lead to posts being flagged or removed. By coding these terms, users can discuss critical issues while circumventing automated moderation systems designed to detect and limit the spread of certain types of content (Chancellor et al. 2016: 1201–1213). The acronym “yt” exemplifies a phonetic abbreviation, retaining its auditory resemblance to “white” (/waɪt/), thus maintaining perlocutionary effect despite orthographic alteration. These acronyms can also serve euphemistic functions by muting the emotive force of their full forms, an approach consistent with strategies of dysphemism avoidance and euphemistic substitution (Allan and Burridge, 1991). Beyond that, they carry a sociolinguistic function, acting as boundary markers that signify membership in specific online communities and allow discussions of sensitive topics such as racism, trauma or marginalization in semi-private codes.

Linguistically, the use of acronyms aligns with the concept of lexical economy, as described by scholars like David Crystal (2008: 156–159) or Jean Aitchison (2001: 78–82). Lexical economy refers to the tendency of language users to create shorter, more efficient forms of communication, especially in digital contexts where brevity is essential (Crystal 2008). This phenomenon is particularly evident in the use of acronyms or initialisms such as ED (eating disorder), SA (sexual assault), or SS (super straight), which exemplify how users condense complex, socially loaded concepts into abbreviated forms. From a linguistic perspective, these abbreviations serve multiple functions. On the one hand, they enhance processing efficiency and facilitate rapid communication in environments like social media, where space and attention are limited. On the other hand, they can act as euphemistic shields; by depersonalizing or distancing the speaker from sensitive content, these forms may reduce emotional impact or soften taboo expressions, aligning with what pragmatics scholars refer to as face-saving strategies (Brown, Levinson 1987).

The adaptation of language to circumvent moderation can be seen as a form of digital resistance, where users push back against the constraints imposed by technology and platform policies. This resistance highlights the resilience and creativity of online communities in preserving their voices and narratives despite restrictive environments. It also underscores the importance of understanding and analyzing these linguistic innovations to ensure that the platforms designed to connect us do not inadvertently silence critical conversations.

Euphemisms in Algospeak

Euphemisms, as extracted from the analyzed corpus (see Table 3), serve as an insightful lens for understanding algospeak and its users. These linguistic constructs not only reveal strategies to circumvent content moderation but also highlight the social, cultural, and psychological dynamics within online communities. It needs to be noted that a total of 35 euphemisms were identified in the analyzed corpus.

Table 3. Euphemisms in algospeak. Source: Author’s own work

No.

Euphemism

Meaning

1.

accountant

sex worker

2.

Backstreet Boys reunion tour

COVID-19 pandemic

3.

kermit sewer slide

Commit suicide

4.

Le Dollar Bean

lesbian

5.

leg booty community

LGBT community

6.

mascara

male genitals

7.

nip nops

nipples

8.

oui’d

weed

9.

panini

COVID-19 pandemic

10.

saltine

white person

11.

seggs

sex

12.

tism

autism

13.

unalive

dead

On the basis of the data collected in Table 3, it can be noticed that humour plays a significant role in the creation of algospeak euphemisms. According to linguist Victor Raskin’s script-based semantic theory of humour, jokes often rely on a dual interpretation of words or phrases (Raskin 1985). Algospeak euphemisms, such as “oui’d” for weed or “panini” for the COVID-19 pandemic, frequently employ humour, making serious or taboo topics more approachable and less threatening through semantic play or pragmatic mitigation. Phonologically, the euphemism “oui’d” operates through homophony and phonemic manipulation. The French word “oui” is pronounced /wi/, which is phonetically identical to the English word “wee,” the first syllable in “weed” /wiːd/. This phonetic similarity allows “oui” to function as a covert stand-in for “weed.” The addition of the voiced alveolar stop /d/ completes the phonological construction of the target word “weed,” resulting in “oui’d.” The transformation thus relies on segmental overlap and the strategic replacement of familiar phonemes in order to maintain auditory resemblance while achieving a euphemistic disguise. This type of manipulation exemplifies phonological approximation (Crystal, 2003), a common strategy in algospeak for evading platform moderation systems that detect explicit keywords. Regarding “panini,” it functions as a metaphorical euphemism for “pandemic,” relying on semantic incongruity and humorous dissonance. A panini is a harmless, even comforting, object (a toasted sandwich), in stark contrast to the severity of a global health crisis. This dissonance underpins the joke and offers a form of semantic softening, turning an anxiety-laden topic into something trivial. The shift is also an example of lexical metaphor (Lakoff and Johnson 1980), where a word from one semantic field (food) is mapped onto another (public health crisis) for expressive or humorous effect.

The ability to maintain communication on sensitive topics is critical, especially in communities that rely on social media for support. For example, discussions about mental health issues, such as suicide or depression, are often flagged by algorithms designed to prevent harmful content. “Kermit sewer slide” employs a metaphorical and cultural reference, invoking the image of Kermit the Frog sliding down a drain to indirectly denote suicide, thereby evoking emotional distance and humor. This phrase relies on semantic incongruity, using humor and absurdity to soften the serious and taboo nature of suicide. Pragmatically, it serves as a face-saving strategy that helps speakers discuss a difficult topic while avoiding emotional discomfort and evading content moderation algorithms (Brown and Levinson 1987; Crawford and Gillespie 2016). Meanwhile, “tism” is a clipped form derived from “autism,” which condenses the term into a more casual, possibly less stigmatizing variant. It can be noticed that “tism” retains the distinctive final consonant cluster, which helps maintain its recognizability despite the truncation.

Euphemisms in algospeak often reflect the cultural and social identities of specific online communities. The term “leg booty community” for the LGBT community, for example, not only avoids triggering content filters but also fosters a sense of belonging among users who are familiar with the term. This use of in-group language strengthens community bonds, reinforces shared identities and serves as a marker of social identity (Eckert 2000: 71). Additionally, the playful and metaphorical nature of “leg booty community” also functions as a politeness strategy, mitigating the potential social or emotional risks associated with discussing marginalized identities in a monitored environment (Brown, Levinson 1987).

Automated content moderation systems use algorithms to scan text for keywords and patterns that might indicate rule violations. These systems are a crucial tool for managing the vast amount of content on social media platforms. However, their reliance on fixed keywords can lead to over-censorship or misinterpretation of context. As a result, users have developed innovative linguistic strategies to preserve their communicative freedom in the face of surveillance. Euphemisms like “seggs” or “unalive” are not merely avoidance tactics, but they demonstrate users’ linguistic creativity and adaptability. These modified forms exhibit phonological resemblance to the censored terms while altering spelling just enough to avoid detection, exemplifying what linguists refer to as orthographic variation (Sebba 2007). This adaptive use of language reflects the broader human tendency to find ways around constraints, similar to how slang evolves to circumvent social taboos (Gillespie 2018: 50).

Symbol and Number Substitutions in Algospeak

The following table presents the findings from the analyzed corpus of algospeak, showcasing various substitutions used to evade censorship. These substitutions reveal the creative strategies users employ to navigate automated content moderation systems. The corpus analysis identified 19 symbol and number substitutions.

Table 4. Symbol and number substitutions in algospeak. Source: Author’s own work

No.

Type of substitution

Example substitution

Algospeak word

Meaning

1.

number substitution

<00> → <oo>

b00bs

breasts

2.

symbol substitution

<$> → <s>

le$bean

homosexual woman

3.

symbol substitution

<!> → <i>

sh!t

a censored word for “shit”

4.

number substitution

<8> → <aight>

str8

straight

5.

number substitution

<1> → <i>

k1ll

kill

Words like “b00bs” (breasts), “le$bean” (lesbian), “sh!t” (shit), and “str8” (straight) form a coded language that insiders understand while remaining obscure to outsiders, including automated censorship systems. This practice aligns with the principles of anti-language, where linguistic creativity serves both communicative and identity-affirming purposes. Anti-language, as defined by linguist Michael Halliday (1976), is used by subcultures to resist control by dominant social groups. In the case of algospeak, users employ inventive substitutions to maintain their freedom of expression and foster a sense of identity among those who share their linguistic code. Algospeak stands out as a tool for maintaining freedom of expression in environments with strict content controls, reflecting the ingenuity and resilience of online communities.

On the basis of the analysed corpus, it can be noticed that algospeak substitutions are not always consistent. For example, the letter “i” might be replaced with an exclamation mark “!” or the number “1”. This inconsistency functions as a form of adaptive variability, akin to what Labov (1972) described in spoken language variation, where certain linguistic forms fluctuate based on social and contextual pressures. In the case of algospeak, such pressures are algorithmic rather than social, but the user’s response is similar: develop a shifting code to maintain communicative goals while avoiding penalties.

Conclusion

This study underscores algospeak as an emergent, adaptive register that exemplifies the complex interplay between language, technology, and power. Rooted in the necessity to evade algorithmic detection, algospeak draws on diverse linguistic resources from orthographic manipulation (“seggs” for “sex”), numerical substitution (“k1ll” for “kill”), euphemisms (“unalive” for “dead”) to the strategic deployment of emojis (e.g. , ) and multimodal cues. These innovations reflect broader sociolinguistic processes of lexical creativity, pragmatic adaptation, and semiotic recontextualization (Crystal 2008; McCulloch 2019).

Based on the analysis of the corpus, it is evident that algospeak operates at the intersection of several established forms of language variation. Like slang, it is marked by rapid innovation, in-group identity signaling, and resistance to normative language forms (Eckert 2000). Like anti-languages, as theorized by Halliday (1976), algospeak is used by marginalized or surveilled communities to maintain communicative secrecy and solidarity under external pressures. However, unlike traditional anti-languages, which often arise in closed or subcultural settings (e.g., criminal groups or prisoners), algospeak is both mainstreamed and platform-specific, developing in response to algorithmic regimes rather than societal or legal oppression per se. It also shares features with cryptolects, such as Polari (Baker 2002, 2019), in that it obscures meaning from outsiders while fostering group cohesion, but differs in being decentralized, ephemeral, and shaped largely by machine surveillance rather than human authority.

The analysis reveals that the most frequently employed communicative tools, euphemisms and emojis, are not only semantically rich and emotionally expressive, but also play a crucial role in shaping digital identity. They often carry layered meanings that rely on context and mutual understanding, reinforcing group dynamics and fostering a sense of in-group communication among users navigating moderated online spaces (Ge, Herring 2018). This points to a broader trend in digital communication: the increasing reliance on multimodal discourse, where meaning is constructed through a blend of visual, textual, and contextual cues (Cervi et al. 2021; Darvin 2022).

Moreover, the study supports existing research on the sociolinguistic motivations for language change in digital environments. Algospeak is not solely instrumental, but it also fulfills social and affective functions, allowing users to construct identity, express dissent, and build community within algorithmically constrained spaces (Chancellor et al. 2016; Gillespie 2018). For marginalized groups, in particular, it becomes a linguistic strategy of both survival and resistance.

Yet, this online language comes at a cost. The use of opaque or rapidly shifting terms can result in communicative asymmetry, where only those “in the know” can decode messages, potentially exacerbating exclusion and reducing cross-community understanding (Wardle and Derakhshan 2017). The very features that make algospeak subversive and creative also complicate accessibility and accountability, raising ethical and pedagogical concerns for digital literacy and platform governance.

In conclusion, algospeak exemplifies the fluidity and resilience of human language in the face of technological constraints. It represents a new kind of digital sociolect, one shaped by machine surveillance, community needs, and the affordances of platform-specific design. As such, it offers rich terrain for future linguistic research. Longitudinal corpus analyses could track its diachronic changes, while cross-cultural comparisons may reveal how similar pressures produce divergent linguistic outcomes in different digital ecologies. Drawing from sociolinguistics, digital media studies, and discourse analysis, such research can contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of how language continues to evolve in algorithmically governed spaces.

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Internet references

Table 1

cat emoji. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=%F0%9F%98%BA on 15 July 2024.

corn emoji. Retrieved from https://www.dictionary.com/e/slang/algospeak/ on 15 July 2024.

eggplant emoji. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=Eggplant on 15 July 2024.

peach emoji. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=peach%20emoji on 15 July 2024.

sunflower emoji. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=Pushing%20Sunflowers on 15 July 2024.

water droplets emoji. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=%F0%9F%8D%86%F0%9F%92%A6 on 15 July 2024.

watermelon emoji. Retrieved from https://www.dictionary.com/e/emoji/watermelon-emoji/ on 15 July 2024.

Table 2

ED. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=EDtwt on 16 July 2024.

SA. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=SA%27s on 16 July 2024.

SH. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=SH on 16 July 2024.

SS. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=Super%20Straight on 16 July 2024.

SW. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=SW on 16 July 2024.

yt. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=yt on 16 July 2024.

Table 3

accountant. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=Accountant on 17 July 2024.

Backstreet Boys reunion tour. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=Backstreet%20Boys%20Reunion%20Tour on 17 July 2024.

kermit sewer slide. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=kermit%20sewer%20slide on 17 July 2024.

Le Dollar Bean. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=Le%20Dollar%20Bean on 17 July 2024.

leg booty community. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=leg%20booty on 17 July 2024.

mascara. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=mascara&page=6 on 17 July 2024.

nip nops. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=nip%20nop on 17 July 2024.

oui’d. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=oui%27d on 17 July 2024.

panini. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=global%20panini on 17 July 2024.

saltine. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=Saltine on 17 July 2024.

seggs. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=Seggs on 17 July 2024.

tism. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=Tism on 17 July 2024.

unalive. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=Unalive on 17 July 2024.

Table 4

b00bs. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=b00b on 17 July 2024.

k1ll. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=K1LL on 17 July 2024.

le$bean. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=Le%24bean on 17 July 2024.

sh!t. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=sh%21t on 17 July 2024.

str8. Retrieved from https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=str8 on 17 July 2024.

Received:

30.07.2024

Reviewed:

20.10.2024

Accepted:

16.03.2025

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

doi: 10.34616/ajmp.2025.27.4

ISSN 2299–7164

Vol. 27 (2025)

Open Access. Published by Committee for Philology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław Branch and College for Interdisciplinary Studies, University of Wrocław. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.

Piotr Cap

University of Łódź, Faculty of Philology

piotr.cap@uni.lodz.pl

ORCID: 0000-0002-7685-4112

Enhancing Disinformation Research by Discourse Theoretical Tools: A Critical Cognitive Study of the Rhetoric of the Confederation Party

Abstract

Disinformation discourse consists in the deliberate practice of disseminating false information with the intention to deceive. Using sophisticated techniques of propaganda and threat generation, it comprises all kinds of content of public interest, importance or urgency, from healthcare to environment to war, communicated by organized groups and, often enough, populist political parties. The aim of this paper is to show that threat-building and fear generation in disinformation discourse often involve the activation of general cognitive schemata that can trigger bipolar conceptualizations, typically the schemata of metaphorization and proximization. I argue that metaphoric as well as proximization based conceptualizations serve to enact virtual US vs. THEM distinctions and make credible and appealing the essentially artificial political differences, divisions and potential antagonisms. The paper investigates the power of such conceptualizations in the discourse of Confederation, a nationalist, radical-right political party in Poland, whose popularity has been on the rise in the past year.

Keywords: disinformation, threat generation, metaphorization, proximization, war in Ukraine, Poland, Confederation party

Introduction: Extending the Focus on Disinformation Discourse

Disinformation discourse can be described as a complex discursive practice consisting in the abuse of language to convey false information with the intention to deceive (d’Ancona 2017; Maci et al. 2024). Originating from random fake news spread online by individuals, nowadays it comprises all kinds of content of public interest and importance, from healthcare to environment to war, communicated by organized groups and, as will be shown in this paper, populist political parties. Disinformation discourse is hard to counter, as it draws on the current construction of societies, their deeply rooted anxieties and fears (Chilton 2023). Using sophisticated techniques of propaganda and fear generation, it craftily exploits cases of public distrust in officially distributed information.

While coercion strategies such as anxiety generation are typical of most practices of disinformation, research in threat construction as a fundamental element of disinformation discourse remains quite fragmentary, focusing on random uses of various linguistic ploys to arouse fear (Maci et al. 2024). For example, in studies on (disinformation) discourses stimulating critical public attitudes and behaviors, such as climate change denial (Clarke 2024) or anti-vaccine activism (Padley 2024), a number of lexical items, phrases and grammatical patterns have been analyzed for their threat-building potential and the coercive capacity to make people reject the state-circulated information and advice. However, none of these studies have made an attempt to account for such linguistic forms in terms of what underlying conceptual frameworks they draw upon and what cognitive processes they activate.

The goal of this paper is to show that (coercive) disinformation discourse makes use of linguistic choices anchored in specific cognitive schemata serving conceptualizations of threat and fear, and that research in these schemata and conceptualizations is necessary for a comprehensive and systematic account of the field. In the following I argue that threat-building and fear generation in disinformation discourse very often involve the use of polarization strategies drawing on general schemata of metaphorization and proximization (Musolff 2016, Cap 2013, 2022). Specifically, I demonstrate that metaphoric as well as proximization based conceptualizations serve to perform virtual US vs. THEM distinctions and make credible and appealing the essentially artificial social differences, divisions and potential antagonisms. The paper investigates the power of such conceptualizations in discourse of Confederation, a far-right, nationalist party in Poland, whose popularity has been on the rise in the past year. It describes, in particular, how metaphor and proximization are exploited linguistically in the disinformation rhetoric of Confederation aiming at the suspension of support for the war-torn state of Ukraine, on account of its “excessive and eventually threatening” social and (geo)political costs to Poland.

The paper is organized as follows. The next section characterizes disinformation discourse, in terms of its form, goals and domains. It underlines the heterogeneity of studies in discursive strategies of disinformation, acknowledging the need to broaden the focus of inquiry to include their most important conceptual underpinnings. In that vein, the section following postulates research in the processes of metaphorization and proximization to account for their (exceptional) ability to force deceitful conceptualizations and faulty reasoning lines. It is argued that many metaphoric and proximization based discourses do not just force manipulative or simply false information, attitudes and beliefs on their direct audience, but allow easy replication and recontextualization of the original message in new socio-discursive contexts. The penultimate section illustrates these phenomena in a qualitative and quantitative study of the anti-Ukrainian discourse of the Confederation party between October 2024 and March 2025 in Poland. The final section wraps up the findings, concluding with a brief note outlining prospects for further cognitive-critical studies of disinformation discourse.

Disinformation Discourse: History and Research Challenges

A recent and developing phenomenon in the space of public communication, “disinformation discourse” reveals historical connections to concepts such as “political lie,” “post-truth,” and “fake news.” While “political lie” is commonly associated with deceitful propaganda messages of US government during the country’s involvement in the Vietnam War in 1945–1967 (Arendt 1972), the latter terms have a much shorter history, originating from the writings of journalists spurred into action by the election of Donald Trump and the UK Brexit referendum in 2016 (d’Ancona 2017). Discourse analytical research organized around the concepts of post-truth and fake news flourished in the following years (Ball 2017; Lazer et al. 2018, etc.), accounting for instances of “fabricated information that mimics news media content” (Lazer et al. 2018: 1094) in different domains such as immigration policy (Taylor 2021), health (Musolff et al. 2022), or environment (Brüggemann and Rödder 2020). While all these explorations have been successful in elucidating the most salient aspect of discourse involving fake news, its propaganda value, the most comprehensive of the recent accounts of the field by Maci et al. (2024) indicates limitations of both “post-truth” and “fake news” in further work (“fake news exact character and influence are always going to be tied closely to the context in which it exists”; 2024: 2). Arguing for a more global concept of “disinformation,” it advocates systematic, text-driven research in discursive practices of disinformation and their conceptual bases, postulating application of new tools and interdisciplinary frameworks.

Apart from “fake news,” disinformation discourse shares a common terrain with a host of phenomena referred to as “alternative facts” and “conspiracy theory.” These two concepts make for one of the most natural directions in (future) disinformation research, offering undeniable analytical benefits such as insight in socio-political conditions that make a fertile ground for disinformation. On Maci et al.’s (2024) view, one such condition is a growing lack of confidence in “official” news content generated by “experts” of all kinds “operating as part of the epistemological authorities” (2024: 4). This kind of content is often countered with messages that target socio-culturally shaped vulnerabilities of people, to make them believe “the ultimate reasons for” and “secret plots” behind the realities presented in the official news. Thus, cultural, sociological and cognitive factors must be amply addressed in disinformation research. Not least, explorations in disinformation must reflect the ongoing politicization of the space of public communication: issues of public interest or importance which used to be in principle out of politics (health, environment, even sports), these days get reconstructed, through discourse, as state-political affairs (Cap 2023). This means that authors of fake news, alternative facts and conspiracy theories in the world of politics can easily move between the “political” and the “public,” and thus reach different audiences in multiple domains.

It appears that, to date, studies in disinformation have been unable to organize all these strands and aspirations into a complex research apparatus. In particular, they have been unable to account for the conceptual underpinnings of disinformation, involving the relation between specific language forms used by spreaders and their role in the activation of mental schemata facilitating disinformation effects. The reason for the absence of systematic procedures providing a sound methodological handle on disinformation discourse, might be, paradoxically enough, the proliferation of disinformation practices following the rapid development of social media in the last 15 years (Zimdars & McLeod 2020; Chilton 2023). Faced with massive amounts of new data, analysts seem to have sacrificed some of the research depth for essentially descriptive benefits, focusing on, primarily, the multiple manifestations and forms of disinformation produced by individuals across a great number of social and discourse domains. As a result, early analyses of disinformation exhibit essentially critical findings regarding the propagandistic agency and effectiveness of messages circulated via digital platforms by individuals. A common finding shared by abundant studies in online genres such as tweets, Facebook posts and comments, YouTube videos, and, less frequently, SMS and WhatsApp messages, is that disinformation thrives in social media as they nearly always “blur the conceptualization of information source” (Tandoc 2018: 139).

This finding resonates in most research in disinformation discourse to date, undergoing consecutive tests and verifications across numerous domains, including prejudice, race, immigration, environment, and health, as well as some particularly sensitive and socially consequential domains of state politics (for example, international conflict and warfare). Eventually, however, works such as Balirano & Hughes (2024) and Veritasia et al. (2024) address issues of disinformation agency beyond social media genres, outlining research potential that resides in discourses produced by official, institutional and/or state-run communication outlets. Further studies emerge subsequently focusing upon disinformation as a tempting propaganda tool for state governments and the media channels they control. For instance, in a critical overview of the 2015–2023 rule of the far-right Law & Justice (L&J) party in Poland, Cap (2024) analyzes disinformation strategies in the anti-migration discourse of the L&J government. He describes, among others, how the government managed to earn public support for Poland’s rejection of the EU refugee relocation schema, by deceitfully presenting it as a plan realizing essentially “German interests” at the expense of Poland’s national security.

Perhaps the most conspicuous effect of moving beyond social media genres is the current awareness of researchers (cf. Maci et al. 2024 for a discussion) that new analytical tools are indeed necessary to make further progress, particularly as regards cognitive mechanisms of internalizing disinformation and how spreaders exploit them in their discourse. Most recently, this awareness radiates from projects set to investigate the Kremlin’s disinformation discourse aimed at legitimization of Russia’s invasion on the independent state of Ukraine in February 2022 (Henriksen et al. 2024; Yang et al. 2024; among others). Involving a broad spectrum of forms and propaganda patterns designed to affect socio-psychological predispositions of mass audience (Yang et al. 2024), president Putin’s rhetoric is among those urgent discourses of today that inspire an extended, cognitive critical approach to disinformation discourse.

Metaphor and Proximization: A New Toolkit for Disinformation Studies?

Being among the most extensively investigated areas in cognitive critical discourse studies (see Hart 2018 for an overview), metaphor and proximization make for an excellent methodological addition to research in threat construction as a core element of disinformation discourse, to the extent that studies in metaphoric and proximization based conceptualizations appear necessary for a full-fledged account of the field. Crucially for the coercive function of disinformation, such conceptualizations set up and perpetuate virtual US vs. THEM distinctions, divisions and eventually antagonisms, on which spreaders build their fear appeals. Research in metaphor and proximization as cognitive mechanisms underlying the coercive appeal of disinformation allows to pinpoint concrete linguistic choices which individual as well as institutional and state-level disinformers use to activate the desired construals and visions. Though coercive powers of metaphorization and proximization are greatest when combined, there is a certain “division of labor” performed by the two mechanisms and thus we approach them separately.

Metaphorization

The approach to metaphorization in cognitive critical discourse studies draws on the classical theory of conceptual metaphor (Lakoff and Johnson 1980; Johnson 1987, Gibbs 1994), incorporating insights from critical models (Charteris-Black 2005, 2013) and, crucially, from recent theories of political metaphor (Musolff 2016, 2023)1. It recognizes the conception of a socio-cognitive discourse space (DS) – a mental and ideological space activated by speaker’s discourse, comprising the centrally located US group and the remotely located adversarial THEM group (Chilton 2004, 2010). On the cognitive critical approach, metaphor applies to disinformation practices and disinformation research because of its ability to use conventional scenarios and patterns of understanding to force potentially false visions of the US camp as exposed to particular kinds of threat posed by members of the THEM camp. Since the nature of such conceptualizations is deceitful, or at least manipulative, they count as acts of disinformation. The social impact of disinformation spread through such acts may in fact be larger compared to random instances of fake news or stories, for two reasons. First, metaphors can force visions and patterns of reasoning and behavior that addressees remember (and follow) longer than individual news. Second, expressions that draw on metaphoric conceptualizations are, as a rule, rhetorically attractive and appealing, which encourages addressees to circulate them further (Musolff 2016; Oddo 2018).

A telling example of abuse of a conventional metaphoric scenario in the interest of disinformation is the pro-Leave discourse of the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) in the Brexit referendum debate. Specifically, it is the recruitment by the UKIP’s leader Nigel Farage of the STATE IS CONTAINER metaphor, to paint a hyperbolic and often plainly false picture of the massive influx of immigrants into Britain in the months directly preceding the Brexit referendum (Koller 2019; Cap 2019). Metaphoric expressions conceptualizing the UK as a CONTAINER are a popular feature of British public discourse (including immigration discourse), reflecting and reinforcing an underlying cognitive arrangement, that is the perception of Britain as an island. In general anthropological terms, they emerge from ubiquitous and reoccurring experiences people have with the state of containment:

Our encounter with containment and boundedness is one of the most pervasive features of our bodily experience […]. From the beginning, we experience constant physical containment in our surroundings […]. We move in and out of rooms, clothes, vehicles, and numerous kinds of bounded spaces. We manipulate objects, placing them in containers (cups, boxes, cans, bags, etc.). In each of these cases there are […] typical schemata for physical containment. (Hart 2010: 160)

The CONTAINER schema consists of three structural elements: an interior and an exterior defined by a boundary. The interior also includes a CENTER-PERIPHERY structure, and the CONTAINER possesses, crucially, volume, which is to say a FULL-EMPTY structure (Hart 2010, 2014). This arrangement holds some important implications for political discourse (Hart 2014; Musolff 2016). First, it follows from the nature of the CONTAINER schema that something is either in or out of the CONTAINER (thus being “US” or “THEM,” in DS terms). Second, the experience of containment typically involves protection from, or resistance to, external forces (the adversarial THEM). These features define some of the most broadly recognized and accepted patterns of understanding that underlie people’s discourse. Consequently, the conventional nature of metaphors based on the CONTAINER schema, such as the STATE IS CONTAINER metaphor, goes a long way toward increasing credibility and pragmatic appeal of texts in which they occur. This is of course of exceptional value to potential disinformers.

Nigel Farage’s proto-referendum discourse exploits and abuses the CONTAINER schema by notoriously highlighting those attributes of CONTAINER that expose it to potentially devastating external impact. This threatening construal is activated by the use of lexical items and phrases such as “at our gates,” “wave [of immigration],” “absorb,” “throw open,” “borders,” “full up,” and “burst” in relevant contexts, for example: “illegal entrants are already at our gates,” “day in and day out we face waves of asylum seekers,” “the government has thrown open our borders to more than 30 million immigrants,” “our country is full up to the bursting point,” etc. (Farage 2016). Some of these phrases and contexts include plainly false or at best misleading information. For instance the “30 million” refers not to an actual number of immigrants in the UK, nor to people who might be, in one way or another, “en route” to Britain (e.g. applying for visas), but just to the global workforce of Romania and Bulgaria, the countries that joined the EU in 2007. Still, the presented word choices, even if deceitful in their own right, combine into a forceful and convincing metaphoric scenario that justifies a restrictive immigration policy to contain what is conceptualized as a massive social threat. The scenario comprises a structured set of inferences, such as the following: (a) the state/country (CONTAINER) – Britain – has a limited capacity; (b) continued immigration could cause the country (CONTAINER) to “burst”; (c) immigration will continue as, under orders from the EU, the government has “thrown open [the] borders”; (d) the country is thus under a real, massive threat; (e) the only way to offset the threat is to force the government to ignore the EU orders and maintain a tough immigration policy. The final inference (to force the government to ignore the “orders”) is a direct instruction for the Brexit vote. The forced conceptualizations and inferences (a–e) rely for their social effects on the conventional character, popularity, and easy processing of insights conveyed by the STATE IS CONTAINER metaphor.

Farage’s use of the CONTAINER schema to argue for a restrictive immigration policy and, eventually, for a Leave vote in the Brexit referendum illustrates the capacity of metaphor to spread what can be called “conceptual disinformation,” in which, instead of false news, false or misleading insights in matters of public urgency are forced in the interest of radical and consequential policies. His argument for a Leave vote as the only effective means to avert the alleged “massive threat” follows the strategy of populist discourse to offer quick and easy solutions to social problems which political opponents are apparently unable to solve over a long period of time (Norris & Inglehart 2018). Metaphoric mappings, such as the ones underlying the CONTAINER schema, should thus be viewed and studied as a phenomenon that deserves focus from not just disinformation research but also studies in discursive populism as a whole. What makes this kind of research particularly appealing is the possibility to abstract specific linguistic items inducing potentially manipulative conceptualizations, such as STATE IS CONTAINER, NATION IS BODY, STATE IS PERSON, and so on (Musolff 2023). Further analytical prospects arise as these construals and perceptions are shared and new attractive metaphoric expressions are drawn from them by new audiences. While no metaphoric mapping, nor metaphorization as a process manipulate or deceive in their own right, strategic rhetorical choices highlighting certain attributes of metaphoric referents and hiding others go a long way in triggering disinformation effects.

Proximization

Another concept within cognitive critical approaches to discourse studies which is directly relevant to disinformation research is proximization (Cap 2013, 2017, 2022; Hart 2010; Chilton 2014; Li and Gong 2022; among others). The focus of proximization theory (Cap 2013) is on the dynamics and size of the threat extending over the entities located in the conceptual US camp. This focus makes proximization research complementary with studies in metaphoric scenarios construing the US camp as exposed and vulnerable to external threats. In its theoretical and discourse analytical characterization, proximization involves the use of various linguistic forms (lexico-grammatical structures as well as single items) to construe the remote THEM (distant entities, events, states of affairs, and “distant,” that is adversarial, ideologies) as increasingly closer and eventually threatening to members of the US camp. Proximization is thus, like some of the metaphoric conceptualizations we have looked at above, a forced construal operation whereby the speaker aims to impose on the addressee a threatening worldview in order to arouse their emotions, particularly those of anxiety and fear. As such, it reveals substantial coercive powers, which can be applied in the service of socio-political goals. Crucially, by projecting THEM camp entities as gradually encroaching on the US camp, the speaker is able to mobilize their audience and legitimize actions which the speaker declares to be the best preventive measures to stop the intrusion.

Though in many proximization studies the analyzed threat patterns are real2, proximization can be, like metaphor, abused, that is it can serve to generate virtual, false threats. It is precisely that latter capacity that is relevant to disinformation and disinformation research. The use of proximization to create and force artificial threats coming from members of the THEM camp has been amply demonstrated over years (see Li 2024, for an overview), perhaps most thoroughly in studies in anti-terrorist discourse of policy legitimization, the cradle domain of proximization research (Cap 2008; Dunmire 2011; Cap 2013). One of the many informative findings from these studies is, for instance, the employment of different proximization strategies by the US administration and president George W. Bush to solicit legitimization for the military intervention in Iraq in March 2003, on the grounds of the alleged possession of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) by the Iraqi regime. Although the presence of WMD in Iraq has not been confirmed until today, the 2003 war rhetoric developed by the White House involves the vision of a massive threat encroaching upon America and the rest of the “civilized world”:

We are facing a crucial period in the history of our nation, and of the civilized world. On a September morning, threats that had gathered for years, in secret and far away, led to murder in our country on a massive scale. As a result, we must look at security in a new way, because our country is a battlefield in the first war of the 21st century. We learned a lesson: the dangers of our time must be confronted actively and forcefully, before we see them again in our skies and our cities. And we will not allow the flames of hatred and violence in the affairs of men. The world has a clear interest in the spread of democratic values, because stable and free nations do not breed terrorism and ideologies of murder. Saddam Hussein and his weapons of mass destruction are a direct threat to our people and to all free people. (An excerpt from G.W. Bush’s address in the American Enterprise Institute (AEI) on February 26, 2003)3

Delivered three weeks before the start of the war, Bush’s AEI speech is a lucid example of the (ab)use of proximization discourse as, essentially, a public disinformation strategy. To obtain global approval for American intervention, Bush invokes the aura of a direct physical threat looming over the country (“a battlefield”), thus sanctioning a pre-emptive military response. The threat is construed in mostly spatio-temporal terms, which underscores the imminence and material nature of the envisaged impact. The proximization pattern in the speech involves, first of all, the use of specific linguistic items to develop an inherently adversarial THEM (“Saddam Hussein,” “terrorism,” “ideologies of murder,” “secret and far away,” “weapons of mass destruction”) against US (“our country,” “our skies and our cities,” “our people,” “stable and free nations,” “democratic values”) arrangement. Second, it involves the conceptualization of geographical, geopolitical and ideological distance between the two camps and, most crucially, the construal of the gradual narrowing of that distance relative to activity and the hostile stance (“hatred”) of entities in the THEM camp. As THEM’s actual, here-and-now actions are not explicitly described in the text, the proximization of THEM as a likely invader relies much on a forced inference from analogy. Specifically, Bush’s speech includes a flashback of the 9/11 terrorist attacks (“On a September morning, threats that had gathered for years, in secret and far away, led to murder in our country on a massive scale”), whose job is to endorse the current threatening vision, and to justify the U.S. response in terms of “a lesson well-learned.”

The 9/11 analogy and its abusive application to legitimize the intervention on clearly asserted though in fact unsubstantiated premises (“Saddam Hussein and his weapons of mass destruction”) is arguably the most tangible element of disinformation in Bush’s AEI address. It is also an example of the kind of disinformation that the use of proximization discourse can produce. Similar to metaphor, proximization has the capacity to force upon the audience some complex patterns of erroneous understanding and faulty reasoning, of potentially infinite range and appeal. Rather than communicating random news or individual messages, proximization discourse establishes a conceptual framework, which the audience is encouraged to adopt. The adoption of this framework may then lead to the replication of the original (threatening) insight (or even self-generation of similar insights) by individual addressees for sharing in later communication. Propaganda effects of proximization discourse are therefore of direct relevance to disinformation studies. Such studies will again benefit from a close linguistic and textual analysis, as items triggering proximization can be abstracted and quantified (e.g. Cap 2013). In combination with metaphor analysis, research in proximization based disinformation promises a comprehensive account of the entire THEM vs US conceptual relation and the artificial threat scenarios that disinformation spreaders derive from it. While the focus of metaphor is on the condition of the US camp as exposed to threat from the THEM camp, proximization completes the picture in its focus on the actual outlines of the threat, such as caliber and speed.

Metaphor and Proximization in the Disinformation Discourse of the Confederation Party

In the following, I illustrate the disinformation potential of metaphor and proximization in a brief study of discourse of the Confederation party. Confederation (or Confederation Liberty and Independence, in full) is a far-right, ultra-conservative political alliance in Poland, initially founded in 2018 as a political coalition for the 2019 European Parliament election, and later expanded into a political party. Chaired by Krzysztof Bosak and Sławomir Mentzen (a candidate in the May 18, 2025 presidential elections), it expresses essentially nationalist, anti-EU and anti-immigration stance. Its popularity among voters had been moderate and relatively stable until mid-2024, when the party experienced a massive growth of support in public opinion polls, from about 8% in April 2024 to almost 15% in September ([at:] https://www.wnp.pl/polityka-i-sondaze/sondaze/poparcie-dla-partii-politycznych/45.html [date of access: 12.11.2025]). Ever since, the support levels have been at the continual high of 14–15%, until today4. The unprecedented rise in the popularity figures of Confederation is often attributed to political and discursive skills with which the party responds to developments in the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war and their social and political consequences in Poland (Lipińska, Jemielniak 2025).

The Stance of Confederation on the Russia-Ukraine War and the Ukrainian Refugees in Poland

Though never questioning Russia’s direct responsibility for the war, Confederation always opposed the Polish political mainstream in its stance of solidarity with Ukraine. This position has eventually become somewhat consistent with attitudes of the general public, whose support for helping policy for Ukraine as well as the Ukrainian refugees living in Poland has markedly declined in the past couple of months. Confederation draws on this trend and aims to perpetuate it, particularly by framing Ukrainian refugees as not only a growing economic burden but also a potential threat to Polish identity and state security. Accordingly, many radical politicians of Confederation describe Ukrainians as “invaders,” creating vivid and emotionally charged negative representations. At the same time, hyperbolic language is frequently employed to exaggerate the perceived impact of Ukrainian refugees, such as describing their presence as “occupation,” which serves to amplify public fears (Lipińska, Jemielniak 2025).

In their negative representation of Ukrainians, Confederation draws explicitly upon the most difficult moments in the history of Polish-Ukrainian relations, which have long been marked by contentious and often tragic events, particularly the massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) between 1943–1945 (Motyka 2018). Historical grievances, stemming from World War II and the post-war resettlement, are craftily reactivated by leaders of the party to fit current anti-immigrant and anti-refugee discourses. These discourses align with broader narratives of exclusion and xenophobia promoted for a long time by Polish right-wing parties (Krzyżanowski 2020).

The following subsections include excerpts from the central anti-Ukrainian narratives developed by the Confederation party. The examples reflect the three most recurrent themes in the narratives, involving issues of identity, economy, and national security. They come from a corpus of 77 texts5, comprising parliamentary speeches, convention and rally addresses, and media interviews by Krzysztof Bosak (KB) and Sławomir Mentzen (SM), the co-chairs of the party. Spanning the time from October 2024 to March 2025, the examples illustrate Confederation’s apparently successful strategy to play the anti-Ukrainian, anti-refugee and generally anti-immigration card, in order to keep the party’s approval ratings at their unprecedented high. The narratives of both party leaders include instances of disinformation, craftily embedded in complex metaphor and proximization structures.

Identity Threat Narrative

Issues of identity count among the most recurring elements of Confederation’s discourse on Ukraine. Raised in practically every speech of the party leaders, they set up the basic ideological framework for threatening conceptualizations of the influx of Ukrainian citizens into Poland:

(1) Hardly a week passes without more and more terrifying policy plans being disclosed: to provide Ukrainians with the right to vote in our elections, to force our teachers to learn Ukrainian to take care of their kids, to grant Ukrainian newborns in Poland our citizenship. Is this still Poland? Are we still masters of our own house? (KB, October 30, 2024)

(2) Mr. Tusk, our colors are not blue and yellow, they are white and red. We are a proud, strong and healthy nation, and wish to remain so. We must stop the creeping Ukrainization of Poland! We must stop this sick madness! (SM, November 11, 2024)

(3) It is inconceivable that only 35 years after the fall of communism, the Polish government would have willingly embarked on a pathway to hand over swathes of our hard-won sovereignty to another state, whose insatiability is growing each day as its people colonize our cities and villages. (KB, February 18, 2025)

Examples (1–3) characterize the kind of narrative used by Confederation leaders to depict the presence of Ukrainian immigrants in Poland as a developing identity threat. The narrative combines elements of direct disinformation consisting in spreading blatantly false news, with discursive strategies designed to amplify the long-term effect caused by these news. It is essentially a macro-narrative (De Fina 2023), which means that its elements need not appear all at once; rather, the threatening conceptualizations are forced on the audience incrementally, from one address to another. This allows a certain division of labor between the main actors, and thus, in Confederation’s discourse, “factual” argument is usually performed by Krzysztof Bosak, while Sławomir Mentzen’s responsibility is to give that kind of argument an ideologically-charged, emotive embedding. This of course reflects the rhetorical predispositions of the two speakers (Kosman 2024). Accordingly, in text (1) Bosak outlines an outrageous vision of pro-Ukrainian policies allegedly considered by Poland’s Prime Minister Donald Tusk and his government (“provide Ukrainians with the right to vote in our elections…”). Though none of these “plans” is actually under consideration, Bosak uses them as evidence of the government plotting against its people (“being disclosed”) and goes on to put a question mark over their sovereignty as a nation (“Are we still masters of our own house?”). This final judgement is expressed figuratively, by means of a common STATE IS HOUSE metaphor (Musolff 2016). Obviously, such a lexical choice serves Bosak’s goals to construct the image of Poland as being under threat from the influx of Ukrainian immigrants and to call for prompt countermeasures. In fact, it serves even more goals. The STATE IS HOUSE metaphor presupposes the CONTAINER schema (cf. 3.1), which in turn entails, in Chilton’s (2004: 88) words, “protection by means of exclusion,” as opposed to any other means available to defenders of the CONTAINER. Consequently, by employing the STATE IS HOUSE metaphor for coercive effects (such as the effects sought by Bosak) the speaker is able to not only activate a sense of external threat to “the house,” but also artificially inflate it to instill a strong protective instinct in the threatened in-group. The latter is, needless to say, a great premise to draw on in further appeals for social consolidation and mobilization.

The use of metaphor to conclude the argument in (1) is consistent with the application of proximization strategy earlier in the passage. While the HOUSE metaphor essentializes the threat, the proximization element salient in phrases such as “hardly a week passes without,” “more and more,” or “being disclosed” forces an exaggerated vision that highlights the progressive nature of the threat, and its fast-growing outlines. Interaction between metaphorization and proximization is equally salient in text (2), which is an excerpt from Sławomir Mentzen’s address to participants of “The Independence March,” an annual far-right and largely nationalist demonstration taking place in Warsaw on Poland’s Independence Day, November 11. Forcing the vision of “the creeping Ukrainization of Poland,” Mentzen employs axiological proximization (Cap 2010) to construct a gathering ideological threat to central Polish values, symbolized by the “white and red [colors]” of the Polish flag. This conceptualization presupposes – analogically to example (1) – a certain degree of vulnerability of the home camp, which is “strong and healthy” as yet, but remains exposed to external impact in the long run. The vulnerability argument follows in principle the NATION IS BODY metaphor (Musolff 2016), however individual mappings engaged in the general scenario bring to light only some attributes of the metaphor’s vehicle (BODY), while hiding others. In particular, attributes drawn from the health domain are addressed, enabling the construal of Poles as potentially “infected” by the alleged ‘Ukrainization,” the latter described as “sick madness.”

Example (3) demonstrates Krzysztof Bosak’s conspicuous tendency to provide a historical perspective on the current policy of the government. This strategy often serves the goal of adding extra appeal to his overtly critical stance. Here, Bosak describes the government’s pro-Ukrainian posture as a proof of historical and political ignorance – a lack of ability to learn from lessons of the past such as the loss of national sovereignty in the communist period. The remainder of the passage endorses this accusation, developing a metaphoric scenario of “colonization” of Poland’s “cities and villages” by “another state.” This scenario carries a substantial load of conceptual disinformation, which goes beyond the hyperbolic word choice, the “colonization.” Crucially, it establishes a metonymic relation between Ukraine as a state and Ukraine as a people, thus brushing aside the humanitarian aspect of the presence of Ukrainians in Poland. While certainly logical from a conceptual standpoint, the relation reveals a huge manipulative potential in political terms, which Bosak exploits in his argument. The resulting fear appeal draws extra strength from the accompanying proximization pattern, which provides the impending threat with a clear trajectory (“a pathway to”) and dynamic nature (“growing each day”).

Economic Threat Narrative

A substantial part of the anti-Ukrainian discourse of the Confederation party involves presentation of Ukrainian immigrants as a growing burden to Polish economy, particularly the labor market and welfare state. This narrative counts among the most blatant examples of the party’s disinformation strategy, ignoring a wealth of state institutional as well as independent research data on the impact of Ukrainian immigration into Poland (Ptak 2025). In one of the most comprehensive and in-depth reports, Poland’s National Development Bank indicates that, between February 2022 and March 2025, Ukrainians have paid 23% more into the Polish state budget in taxes than they have received in benefits (BGK, 2025). The report underscores that Ukrainians – who number around 1.5 million, making them by far Poland’s largest immigrant group – have contributed in that period between 1.5% and 2.4% to Poland’s annual GDP growth (BGK, 2025). These points are however disregarded in the argument of the Confederation leaders:

(4) “March of Gratitude”? Really? If I were provided by the government with a free apartment, food, healthcare without queuing, medicines, even the most expensive ones, all kinds of benefits, and all the other privileges that Poles can only dream of, I would march like this every day. We must get rid of these social parasites. (SM, January 16, 2025)

(5) The greedy and cunning Zelensky is outplaying Tusk like a child. Parts of our country are no longer Poland, they are becoming something like Ukropolin. The Poland we know and love has turned grey and sad, and it is going bankrupt, too. (KB, February 1, 2025)

(6) We have our own, qualified people looking for jobs for months, and the government is giving Ukrainians further employment priorities. Mr. Tusk, on whose orders are you planting this delay-action bomb under our job market? (SM, March 3, 2025)

Similar to the identity narrative, the economic narrative involves a combination of direct disinformation and conceptual-discursive strategies, such as metaphor and proximization, employed to strengthen the rhetorical appeal of argument containing false or manipulative claims. This combination is immediately visible from excerpt (4), in which Sławomir Mentzen produces a sequence of false (“a free apartment”), hardly verifiable (“healthcare without queuing, medicines, even the most expensive ones”), or vague (“all kinds of benefits, and all the other privileges”) statements6, to wrap up his enumeration with a metaphorically phrased conclusion, “we must get rid of these social parasites.” Mentzen’s reference to Ukrainian people living in Poland as “social parasites” presupposes two mutually related metaphoric conceptualizations. One involves, as was already noted, perception of a NATION in terms of a (human) BODY, allowing view of the immigrants as a “foreign disease.” The other conceptualization reactivates the infamous PEOPLE ARE PARASITES metaphor, by implying that a social out-group (here: Ukrainian immigrants) constitutes a menace to the (host) nation, in the sense that it feeds off the economic life force of the nation, and simultaneously infects it with a disease (which is where the two metaphors meet). Reminiscent of the Third Reich propaganda used to legitimize the Holocaust during World War II, the PARASITE metaphor represents, almost inconceivably, a strategic, recurrent lexical choice in anti-immigration discourse of not only Sławomir Mentzen, but the Confederation party as a whole. Apart from its obvious dehumanization effects stimulating and justifying a quick response to the “infection,” it possesses a huge coercive potential that comes from its inherent proximization element. As observed by Musolff, “’parasite’ has the ability to enter the body unnoticed, conceal its presence and delay the onset of the symptoms of illness, making the host unaware of infection until it is too late.” (2016: 79). This metaphoric scenario makes messages such as Mentzen’s final call in (4) particularly urgent and appealing. Interestingly, while that call functions as kind of a coda to factual disinformation chunks spread over the entire passage, it itself represents what we have identified in 3. as complex “conceptual disinformation,” instilling systematic insight patterns in the minds of the audience.

In (5) and (6), the presence and function of metaphor and proximization are equally salient, though there is a thematic difference between the two excerpts. While the argument in (6) focuses solely on the growing economic threat from Ukrainian immigration, (5) reveals a broader socio- and geopolitical focus, combining economic, identity, and sovereignty threat scenarios. In his reference to Poland as “Ukropolin,” Bosak invokes a conspiracy theory that was quite popular around the time of the downfall of the communist rule in Poland in 1989. As supporters of the Solidarity trade union came to power, conspiracy theorists declared that “Polin” had arisen, a state controlled by Germany and Israel (Polin is the Jewish name for Poland). Bosak’s recontextualization of the theory serves to extend the spectrum of his argument, as well as broaden its target audience, by appealing to people holding antisemitic beliefs and attitudes. The conflation of the two groups of adversaries, Ukrainians and Jews, is further performed by the mention of president Zelensky, a Ukrainian of Jewish descent. The description of Zelensky as “greedy,” “cunning,” and “outplaying [Poland’s Prime Minister] Tusk” draws on some of the most common of the anti-Jewish stereotypes and prejudices in Poland, fitting well with the metaphoric and proximization based assertion of the economic threat (“it [Poland] is going bankrupt”) toward the end of the passage. This last claim, though completely unsubstantiated in economic terms (Ptak 2025), derives considerable strength from its firm connection to the preceding claims and their conspiratory element.

Finally, in (6) Mentzen enacts the economic threat narrative mostly through the popular POLITICS IS WAR metaphor, developing a scenario in which the “commander-in-chief” (“Tusk”) decides on the use of a “weapon” (“bomb”) to destroy a “target” (“job market”).7 Again, given facts (BGK, 2025), Mentzen’s narrative constitutes a virtual reality vision, rather than a genuine economic argument. Also again, the speaker expects the claim to earn extra strength from its local context. This time, the key contextual element is Mentzen’s presupposition that PM Tusk is not the actual “commander-in-chief,” but a leader who still has to take orders from someone else. The inclusion of such a presupposition in the form of a rhetorical question (“on whose orders are you…”) allows Mentzen to reconfigure the main POLITICS IS WAR metaphor into a subvariant that accommodates the concept of treason, such as acting not for, or in defense of, but explicitly against one’s own nation. That new variant is consistent with some features of the Polish political context, especially the view of Tusk’s opponents of the PM being soft on certain international partners (particularly Germany), and often supporting their agenda at the cost of Poland’s national interests (Rankin 2024). The reading of Mentzen’s metaphor through the above lens explains his lexical choice and perhaps also his obvious assumption that the metaphor’s appeal should keep the audience from fact-checking the earlier claims.

Geopolitical Security Threat Narrative

The security threat narrative draws upon the assumption that helping Ukraine, whether militarily or economically, increases the probability of a direct conflict with the Russian Federation. This stance is present in speeches of both leaders of the Confederation party:

(7) Each round of ammunition we send to Ukraine brings us one step closer to war with Russia. (SM, February 24, 2025)

(8) This is not our war. Zelensky says Ukraine has been attacked by a virus that spreads quickly. We must not forget that the best way to avoid a virus is to avoid contact with the host. (KB, March 18, 2025)

In (7) and (8) Mentzen and Bosak outline future visions which derive their threatening appeal from the use of proximization and metaphor. In (7), a common proximization strategy is employed that consists in depicting an ongoing action (“each round of ammunition we send”) as a source of threat that nears over time (“one step closer”). In (8), the fearful conceptualization involves, once again (cf. 4.2–3), the BODY metaphor, though this time the threat is not communicated explicitly, but emerges inferentially from the vision of “contact with the host.” Whatever the strategy, the general message communicated by the two leaders goes against the stance of nearly all political scientists and war experts in Poland (see Wojczal 2025, for an overview of opinions). In one of the strongest and apparently most influential calls for the continuation of military support for Ukraine, Kuczabski et al. (2025) argue for the absolute necessity of maintaining a “buffer zone” between Poland and Russia. Having seized Ukraine, they say, Russia could very quickly redirect all their potential and commitment to hybrid warfare against the Baltic States, Poland and Romania, destabilizing the entire region and the territories where numerous sensitive installations such as power plants and pipelines are located. Kuczabski et al. (2025) conclude that the continued hybrid and military pressure from Moscow would force the West to deploy hundreds of thousands of troops from across NATO along the Pact’s eastern flank, and thus, in fact, wage a second Cold War.

The apparently disinforming security narrative of Confederation, involving ample use of metaphor and proximization formulas, has recently become particularly salient in the party’s anti-Ukrainian discourse. This can be seen from the following table, which specifies the number of instances of metaphorization and proximization8 engaged in each of the three narratives between October 2024 and March 2025:

Table 1. Monthly numbers of metaphorization and proximization instances per text

Month

Average number9 of metaphorization and proximization instances per text, serving

identity narrative

economic narrative

security narrative

October 2024

7

10

3

November 2024

7

11

4

December 2024

6

13

3

January 2025

5

11

6

February 2025

3

12

8

March 2025

3

11

10

The data in Table 1 warrant (at least) three important observations. First, the most stable contribution to the threat-based discourse of the Confederation party is from the economic narrative, and its many component metaphor and proximization structures. This can be explained by the fact that a significant number of the party’s supporters are entrepreneurs and small business owners (Kosman 2024; Lipińska and Jemielniak 2025). Second, in the course of time, the identity threat narrative becomes gradually less salient, “giving the floor,” so to say, to the security narrative. It seems that as the war in Ukraine drags on, Confederation leaders find parts of their identity argument ineffective, thus replacing them with more explicitly threatening discourse. Finally, the figures reveal mutual balance and consistency of the three narratives as a whole. This is reflected particularly in the narratives’ collective use of metaphor and proximization strategies over a long time. For example, the average number of metaphorization and proximization instances per text in October 2024 (20) differs only slightly from the number of such instances in March 2025 (24). These data show the strategic character of Confederation’s anti-Ukrainian discourse, which is both internally consistent and able to respond to its changing contexts, mostly the security context.

Conclusion

This paper has shown relations that hold between disinformation, metaphorization and proximization on a number of research planes, such as empirical, theoretical and methodological. The critical study of discourse of the Confederation party and the consideration of anti-terrorist and Brexit discourses demonstrate substantial explanatory power and complementarity of metaphor and proximization as descriptive categories capable of accounting comprehensively for acts of strategic (state-political, institutional) disinformation as regards discourse processes of virtual threat construction and public fear generation. While both metaphor and proximization can be employed to force bipolar and essentially antagonistic US vs. THEM (or THEM vs. US) distinctions (“greedy Ukrainians” vs. “over-generous Poles,” “(potential) terrorists vs. citizens of a democratic state,” “EU federalists” vs. “true patriots”), their focus as research concepts is different. This brings us to the theoretical position and methodological postulates of the present paper. It seems that the best research effects can be expected when instruments of metaphor analysis are used to explore the socio-psychological condition of the US conceptual camp as exposed to threat from the THEM camp. Simultaneously, proximization frameworks (e.g. Cap 2013) should be employed to complete the metaphor-based analysis by insights in discursive constructions of the size, direction, speed and effects of the threat. Notwithstanding this kind of division of research labor, both metaphor and proximization emerge as concepts, phenomena, and strategies that can play equally significant parts in the design and distribution of disinformation. Engaged in discursive activation of central cognitive schemata of reasoning and emotional involvement, metaphor and proximization possess the potential to force faulty conceptualizations and purposefully erroneous reasoning lines, which can be later replicated by disinformation targets – more extensively than randomly communicated false messages or news. This last point is the key argument for further, possibly broader explorations in metaphoric and proximization based construals and their propaganda effects, a research agenda that is clearly in the interest of a comprehensive, systematic and up-to-date account of the field.

Proceeding in the above direction, research in metaphor and proximization meets remarkably well the aspirations voiced in Maci et al. (2024); it also responds to the current deficits of disinformation studies and their future challenges. Crucially, it provides tools for essentially text-driven investigations, focusing upon the power of concrete linguistic (lexical, grammatical, textual) choices to trigger psychological and cognitive processes producing, eventually, specific socio-political effects such as reinforcement or change of ideological beliefs and postures. At the same time, however, it attracts and readily connects with the existing theories and models, particularly those accounting for the social impact of (dis)information involving alternative facts and conspiracy theories (viz. the Jewish theme in discourse of the Confederation party).

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1 Research such as Lakoff’s (1991) is not, also by the author’s own admission, “a theory.” It is, rather, an application of the theory of conceptual metaphor to the analysis of political discourse.

2 In health protection discourse (Li, Gong 2022), in environmental discourses (Liu, Cheng 2023), etc.

3 See Cap (2008) for a comprehensive analysis of the whole speech.

4 I am writing this paper in April–May 2025.

5 For the sake of the quantitative study in 4.4., the corpus includes texts of roughly similar length (between 400-600 words each) and similar thematic focus (i.e. each text deals only with issues of the Russia-Ukraine war). It includes the total of 41260 words (2752 sentences).

6 While Polish people would often offer free temporary housing, etc. to Ukrainian refugees, especially right after the Russian invasion in February 2022, none of the “benefits” mentioned by Mentzen have been state benefits.

7 The “delay-action” phrase provides the metaphor with a crucial temporal proximization feature (Cap 2013, 2017; Dunmire 2011) which amplifies the threat by making it extend significantly into the future.

8 I.e., instances such as the underlined occurrences of metaphor and proximization in examples (1–8).

9 Rounded to whole numbers. See, also, the corpus description in 4.1.

Received:

26.06.2025

Reviewed:

30.08.2025

Accepted:

12.19.2025

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

doi: 10.34616/ajmp.2025.27.5

ISSN 2299–7164

Vol. 27 (2025)

Open Access. Published by Committee for Philology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław Branch and College for Interdisciplinary Studies, University of Wrocław. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.

Marta Chodkiewicz-Nalepa

Maria Curie-Sklodowska University (UMCS), Department of Applied Linguistics

marta.chodkiewicz@mail.umcs.pl

ORCID: 0000-0001-9244-6576

Implementing a Multi-Stage Collaborative Translation Project: Performance and Perceptions of Undergraduate Students

Abstract

This article seeks to evaluate the performance and learning experience of undergraduate students who participated in a multi-stage collaborative translation project. The project was implemented during a practical course in the fundamentals of translation whose core aim is fostering the development of the three translation-specific sub-competences of translation competence according to the PACTE (2003) model. Forty-eight students, divided into eight teams, worked on subsequent projects according to a workflow based on the ISO 1700:2015 quality standard for translation services. The students communicated with a simulated client; carried out selected pre-production activities; and then completed the (1) translation and check, (2) revision, (3) review, and (4) final verification and release stages. The performance of different team members in the project and its evolution over the course of training as well as student perceptions of the learning experience are examined from a quantitative and qualitative research perspective. The study has revealed that the project participants were able to develop hard skills strictly related to translation, soft skills, as well was as the ability to provide translation services, simultaneously bringing to light the challenges that students faced and major issues in their performance. Conclusions are offered regarding the effective organisation of such projects, which may be applicable in similar educational contexts.

Keywords: collaborative translation project, simulated project work, translator education, translation competence, social constructivism, situated learning

Introduction

One of the main goals of the Bologna process is to enhance the employability of graduates, that is their “ability to gain initial meaningful employment, or to become self-employed, to maintain employment, and to be able to move around within the labour market,” which is constantly changing (Working Team on Employability 2009: 5). A gap has, however, been noted between academia and the translation industry (see e.g. M. Orlando 2016), and this also pertains to the Polish context (Marczak, Bondarenko 2022). This gap is to a large extent due to the extensive application of traditional approaches to teaching translation, which is still common in some contexts. For decades, translation has been taught in an abstract, decontextualised manner, based on what has been called the “who will take the next sentence?” (Nord 1997) or “chalk-and-talk” (Kiraly 2012: 123) approach. In line with an objectivist or positivist worldview, objectively existing knowledge – reduced to principles, guidelines, or axioms – is postulated to be transmitted by the teachers to the learners, who store it in their minds. Such conduit or transmissionist instruction, which is contrived and teacher-centred, does not make it possible for students to develop competences useful in the current and future professional translation market (Kiraly 2000, 2012, 2015, 2016).

Recent paradigm shifts in translator education have, however, made it possible to better bridge the gap between academia and the translation industry. These are two post-positivist and student-centred approaches, i.e. the social constructivist (transformative learning) and emergentist (situated learning) paradigms. According to social constructivist theory proposed by Vygotsky, knowledge is actively organised in the individual minds of students during interaction with the social environment. This approach acknowledges the existence of multiple perspectives (and realities) and emphasises the careful application of scaffolding, holding learners in their zone of proximal development. It is founded on socio-cognitive apprenticeship, learner autonomy, and authentic collaborative project work (González Davies 2004; Kiraly 2000, 2015, 2016). The most recent, emergentist paradigm sees learning as a non-linear, dynamic, autopoietic (self-generating and self-maintaining), and unpredictable process (e.g. Kiraly 2016). In this approach, learning is “the result of the complex interplay of processes and only incidentally and occasionally the direct result of teaching” (Kiraly 2015: 28). The teacher orients, scaffolds, and facilitates the learning process, which is socially situated, embodied, context-dependent, and praxis-oriented (Kiraly 2015, 2016; Risku 2010: 101). Learners are able to acquire a bundle of competences, a list of which can be found in translation competence models (e.g. EMT 2022; Göpferich 2009; Kelly 2005; PACTE 2003), though it is difficult to predict exactly which components will develop the most and according to what trajectory (Kiraly 2015).

A pedagogical approach which falls under the scope of both the social constructivist and emergentist paradigms is project-based learning (see Marczak 2023 for a detailed analysis). Project participants collaborate in carrying out the translation processes, playing the roles of Project Managers, terminologists, translators, and revisers and/or reviewers, in order to provide a functional translation product (Nord 1997) that is in line with the requirements of a simulated or authentic client. This mimics the allotment of tasks in collaborative work carried out at translation companies and in freelance translator networks (Gouadec 2007). In such projects, students thus practise working in conditions that are similar to professional ones, making it a learning experience in which students “are faced with problems that will develop different types of competences,” including translation-related problems, technical problems, organisational problems, and team-work problems (Fernández Prieto, Sempere Linares 2010: 141). The projects may be authentic, i.e. carried out for a real-world client or user (Kiraly 2012; see Li 2022 for a meta-analysis of 11 representative authentic project-based classes) or simulated, that is arranged by the teacher to mimic authentic translation projects. The latter scenario is applied in order to overcome the constraints of authentic projects, such as strict deadlines and high translation quality requirements, and is particularly recommended in the early stages of translator education (Hansen-Schirra, Hofmann, Nitzke 2018). Intra-university projects are also organised to address the ethical issues with students performing unpaid work for clients who would otherwise employ professional translators (see e.g. Paradowska 2021; Way 2016).

Previous studies have highlighted a range of pedagogical benefits of implementing collaborative translation projects. Firstly, they foster the development of both core translation competences and crucial interpersonal skills, the latter being of paramount importance in the contemporary translation market (e.g. Huertas-Barros 2011; Marczak 2023; Moghaddas, Khoshsaligheh 2019; Olvera-Lobo et al. 2009; Paradowska 2021; Prieto-Velasco, Fuentes-Luque 2016). It follows that such projects are associated with improvements in students’ post-project translation performance (e.g. Bayraktar Özer, Hastürkoglu 2020; Moghaddas, Khoshsaligheh 2019; Prieto-Velasco, Fuentes-Luque 2016). Secondly, the integration of modern technologies within these collaborations is instrumental in developing students’ technological proficiency (e.g. Marczak 2023; Olvera-Lobo et al. 2009; Paradowska 2021; Prieto-Velasco, Fuentes-Luque 2016). Thirdly, structuring projects as simulated translation companies, which is an alternative to offering one-off tasks, specifically promotes entrepreneurial and service provision competence (see e.g. Li 2022).

One possible inspiration for the implementation of such projects, making it possible to even better prepare students for working in the translation industry (Biel 2011), has been the ISO 1700:2015 quality standard for translation services1. Apart from specifying the professional competences of team members and the resources required by translation service providers, the standard also necessitates the implementation of a translation workflow, consisting of the pre-production, production (translation and check and revision being obligatory and review and proofreading being optional), and post-production processes. The introduction of such standards in the translation industry has raised the quality of translation (services), translators’ professional competences, and the profile of the industry (Biel 2011; Gouadec 2010), though following them does not always guarantee high translation quality, and they only briefly mention the areas that are key for assuring it (D. Orlando 2015).

In light of the benefits of collaborative project work in preparing students for working in the translation industry, this paper presents the results of a study investigating undergraduate students’ performance in a simulated multi-stage translation project, carried out largely based on the ISO 1700:2015 standard, and the perceptions of their learning experience probed in a survey.

Methodology

This section describes the methodology of the study, including its participants and setting as well as the process of data collection and analysis.

Participants and Setting

The participants of the study (n=48) were second-year students of an undergraduate translation programme held at the Department of Applied Linguistics at Maria Curie-Sklodowska University. The collaborative translation project task was organised during a course in the ‘fundamentals of translation’, which is a two-semester-long practical course in non-specialised translation into the L1 and L2. Its core aim is helping students develop the three translation-specific sub-competences of translation competence according to the PACTE (2003) model. Students learn how to proceed strategically, adopting a dynamic/functional approach towards translation (Nord 1997; Reiss 2000) and engaging in reflective practice. Working in simulations of authentic situations, students first analyse the source text and the translation situation, communicating with the client if necessary, and formulate an adequate macro-strategy. They learn to then identify translation problems and apply micro-strategies in line with the macro-strategy, relying on an adequate combination of internal and external resources. They are trained in the effective use of reliable external resources in solving translation problems as well as in glossary creation and application. A further key area of focus within the curriculum is revising the target text. The course is process-oriented, meaning that each translation task (whether individual or collaborative) involves reporting on and/or analysing the translation process, i.e. the macro-strategy and process of solving the three greatest translation problems encountered. The students also have an opportunity to analyse and improve collaborative translation products and processes (their own and those of other teams), as well as reflecting on the sources of their errors and how to improve their translation performance and competence in the future. As already mentioned, one of the collaborative tasks is the simulation of a professional translation project, which is the focus of the current article. Since all teams contacted the simulated client via the discussion forum (as arranged by the teacher) and communicated with each other using messaging applications (by choice), this was a telecollaborative project.

Data Collection

The students completed a collaborative translation project from Polish into English outside of the classroom. Each team consisted of a Project Manager, a terminologist, two translators, a reviser, and a reviewer. The tasks were carried out according to a workflow largely corresponding with the ISO 17100:2015 standard, and some additional process-related data were reported on, as shown in Table 1. It is important to add that the translators could disagree with the changes in the translation, in which case a discussion was to be held with other team members and final decisions were to be reached collaboratively. Team members could also disagree with the macro-strategy and/or translations in the glossary.

Table 1. Core team member tasks2

Project Manager

Pre-production

Assign team roles

Communicate with client (using forum on course website)

Formulate macro-strategy and send it to team

Assign source text parts to translators

Set deadlines

Production

Monitor deadlines

Merge translations with footnotes and send to reviser; participate in team file exchange

Perform quality checks at any point during assignment

Post-production

Perform final target text verification

Prepare report (including list of tasks + information about satisfaction with team performance, problems encountered, and solutions applied)

Release final target text version along with macro-strategy, glossary, and report

Terminologist

Pre-production

Prepare glossary (table) with key source text terms, their definitions, their translations, and, optionally, contextual examples

Translators

Production

Translate source text using glossary and check target text, communicating with each other if necessary

Describe process of solving three greatest problems in footnotes

Reviser

Production

Revise target text using track changes, comparing it against source text (and possibly solve other issues)

Write brief report on revision process

Reviewer

Production

Review target text using track changes (and possibly solve other issues)

Write brief report on review process

Table 2 presents the characteristics of the 8 source texts, whose readability was assessed using Jasnopis ([at:] www.jasnopis.pl [date of access: 21 Nov., 2025]), a computer application which measures the comprehensibility of texts written in Polish (Dębowski et al. 2015). The texts were arranged in terms of their difficulty level, which, according to Jasnopis, ranged from 4/7 (somewhat difficult text, understandable to those with secondary education or ample life experience) to 7/7 (highly complex text whose comprehension may require specialised knowledge). It should be borne in mind, however, that readability cannot be equated with translatability (see e.g. Hvelplund 2011), and indeed translating text 6 was found to be easier than translating texts 3–5. Owing to differences in translation task difficulty, a different maximum number of points for a fully correct translation (calculated per 300 words) was assigned to each text.

Table 2. Source text characteristics

Proj.

no.

Text genre

Text topic

Text difficulty (/7)

Maximum pts for correct translation

Word number

1

Interview

Detrimental effects of seed oil consumption

4

104

416

2

General interest article

Weather impact on mood

4

104

343

3

Informative article

Ski safety campaign and mountain tourism

5

108

269

4

Internet article

Company description

5

108

310

5

Research article

Implementation of inquiry-based science education

6

110

399

6

Informative article

Dietary treatment of diabetes

6

104

325

7

PowerPoint presentation

Tourism marketing campaign

7

110

318

8

PowerPoint presentation

Teacher working conditions

7

116

428

The projects were analysed in detail in class, which enabled vicarious learning. The team members also received written feedback from the teacher on task performance using a specially designed assessment form, and the translation product and its revisions were assessed and commented for each project stage in a translation evaluation sheet. After receiving feedback from both the students and teacher, the team were invited to complete a follow-up survey concerning, i.a., what they had learnt from playing a particular role in the project (open question), which aspects had been the most challenging (open question), how useful they thought the skills developed might be in the future (5-point Likert scale), and how much they had enjoyed participating in the project (5-point Likert scale).

Data Analysis

The data collected regarding selected aspects of students’ performance in the project and of their perceptions of the learning experience were analysed qualitatively and quantitatively.

Terminology was scored out of a maximum of 20 points. One point was deducted for each issue observed with regard to the following: (1) term selection (unnecessary item included as term or missing term); (2) definitions (incorrectly structured/used, imprecise, or missing definitions); and (3) target language terms (incorrect term, use of article before term, or use of initial capital letter and final period).

As for translation quality, errors of minor (−0.5 point), major (−2 points), and critical (−5 points) severity were marked. They were additionally tagged as pertaining to source text meaning transfer (unjustified changes in meaning such as meaning shifts, additions, and omissions) and target text adequacy (terminology, style and register, grammar, coherence, spelling and spacing, punctuation, layout, and consistency), based on ITI (2015) criteria, as well as target text functionality/usability. The score for translation quality was calculated by subtracting points for total error severity from the maximum number of points assigned to a particular text. This score was interpreted qualitatively as follows, largely based on the thresholds for particular grades applied at the Department: 95 points and more – excellent quality (translation is of near-professional quality); 88–94.5 points – very good quality; 82–87.5 points – good quality; 76–81.5 points – satisfactory quality; 65–75.5 points – acceptable quality; and 65 points and less – unacceptable quality. Additionally, instances of lack of correspondence between the glossary and translation were noted.

Regarding other aspects of project implementation, which were primarily the responsibility of the Project Manager, communication with the client and the macro-strategy were analysed and scored out of a maximum of 10 points. Issues with translation delivery were also noted (delivery after deadline or of unclean version).

When it comes to the analysis of survey results, responses to open questions were first coded manually for the categories they represented, and then the coded responses were analysed quantitatively for students playing particular roles. Likert scale responses were evaluated by calculating mean scores and standard deviations.

Results and Discussion

This section discusses the results of the study. Most of the aspects investigated did not clearly improve over the course of training, but if improvement was indeed found, this is commented upon.

Terminology Assessment

As shown in Table 3, as many as three of the glossaries delivered were below the acceptability threshold (13 points). The teams had the greatest problem with term selection (6 teams). This included the addition of unnecessary items. These were often general-language items that did not pertain to the domain represented by the text or term fragments. Their translations were not helpful for the translators, sometimes even making it more difficult for them to re-express the text in the target language. On the other hand, in two cases, important terms were missing from the glossary. Moreover, six teams delivered definitions that were incorrectly structured (4), imprecise (3), and/or unnecessarily capitalised and ending with a period (2). In one case, a term was left with no definition. As many as seven teams did not provide fully correct target language terms: typically, one of the terms was incorrect (5 teams), or articles were unnecessarily used before the target language term (3 teams).

It is worth adding that in three cases (teams 2, 3, and 4), a translation for one term from the glossary was not used in the target text, nor was the glossary changed, and in one case, two terms remained in the glossary which were not used in the translation (team 6). In total, the glossaries were not applied by seven translators, with a tendency for improvement.

Table 3. Glossary assessment

Project

no. (total score for glossary /20)

Term selection issues (negative pts):

unnecessary item included as term/ missing term

Definition and target language term issues (negative pts)

Incorrectly structured/used definition

Imprecise or missing definition

Incorrect target language term

Use of article before target language term

Use of initial capital letter and final period

1 (16)

-

1 (wrong genus)

-

1

2

2 (15)

2 (unnecessary items)

1 (circularity)

-

-

2

-

3 (18)

2 (unnecessary items)

-

-

-

-

-

4 (11)

7 (unnecessary items)

-

1 (missing definition)

1

-

-

5 (13)

2 (missing terms)

1 (source text term repeated, whole sentence)

1 (imprecise definition)

1

1

1

6 (15)

2 (unnecessary items)

-

-

-

3

-

7 (12)

2 (unnecessary items)

2 (no genus; same definition for 2 terms)

3 (imprecise definitions)

1

-

-

8 (11)

7 (missing terms)

-

1 (imprecise definition)

1

-

-

Translation Quality Assessment

Figure 1 shows the quantitative assessment of translation quality after the completion of particular stages of each project. In a professional ISO-based project, one would expect translation quality to always be high to begin with and to rise with each stage. However, this was not observed in the current study, and a consistent rise in translation quality was only found for one team (5) and nearly the case for two other teams (2 and 3) (see Figure 1).

Figure 1. Translation quality assessment (points)

Initial total translation quality was found to be acceptable or better in merely two cases – projects 3 (good) and 6 (acceptable), though in the latter case, only one translator actually performed at a satisfactory level. In addition, one out of two translators performed in an acceptable manner in projects 1 and 4.

Translation quality after revision was found to be acceptable or better in only 4 cases. In two cases, translation quality fell drastically (projects 1 and 7) as a result of the revisers introducing critical errors. These revisers had low translation competence, the first one additionally being neglectful. Several students also made unnecessary revisions. Moreover, the reviser in project 8 only improved the very low translation quality only by 1 point, and in project 3, the quality of an already good translation fell by 1 point. In contrast, in three cases, the revisers improved translation quality significantly (2, 5, and 6), or at least in such a way that it became acceptable (4). One other issue worth mentioning regarding reviser performance is the fact that the reviser in project 4 did not use track changes, which resulted in the Project Manager having more tasks to perform and in the final version of the translation being deficient, as the file delivered to the client was not clean.

In the review stage, as many as seven translation products (excluding the one in project 7) were acceptable or of higher quality. In two cases, translation quality fell drastically (6) or slightly (2) with respect to that after the revision process. In other cases, the lesser the increase in quality was after revision, the greater it typically was after the review process. The reviewers made the greatest contributions to projects 1 and 8, where translation quality was unacceptable after revision, though this was not the case in project 7.

After Project Manager verification (which took place following the translators’ acceptance or non-acceptance of changes suggested by the reviser and reviewer), all but one translation product met acceptability criteria. One was very good (project 6); two were either good, satisfactory, or acceptable (2 and 3; 1 and 5; and 7 and 8, respectively); and one was unacceptable (4). In two cases, translation quality was assessed as lower than after review, as it is at this stage that issues caused by the reviser not using track changes properly and problems with layout in the PowerPoint presentations (projects 4 and 8, respectively) were addressed in the assessment. In other cases, translation quality remained similarly high (3) or further increased, sometimes rather drastically (6 and 7), which shows that the Project Managers were forced to and indeed managed to improve translation quality resulting from poorer performances of other team members.

Assessment of Other Aspects of Project Implementation (Primarily Project Manager Responsibilities)

As far as communication with the client in concerned (Table 4), in all cases but one (project 2), all questions were pertinent and asked using understandable language. They typically concerned the target text readers and place of publication. In addition, two Project Managers successfully reported on issues encountered during the translation task and recommended solutions.

However, half of the macro-strategies required improvements. The key functions of the target texts were identified correctly in all but one case (project 4). The most common area for improvement concerned the identification of the target text receivers, and the second most common one was a lack of clarity. It is worth mentioning at this juncture that since other team members were to request that the macro-strategy be improved if they saw fit, the quality of the macro-strategy did not depend exclusively on the Project Manager.

The most severe issue noted in Project Manager performance was not delivering the final translation file within deadline (projects 3, 4, and 7; wrong file format in last case). In the first two cases, the files delivered after deadline were unclean. Moreover, in one case (8), the text had been divided in a way that made it problematic to translate it (in the middle of an enumeration).

Table 4. Communication with client, macro-strategy, and translation delivery assessment

Project no.

Communi-cation with client (/10)

Macro-strategy

Translation delivery issues: translation sent after deadline or unclean

Score (/10)

Areas for improvement

1

10

6

Target text function interpretation

Key source text feature identification

Logic

-

2

7

10

-

-

3

10

7

Logic

After deadline, unclean

4

10

5

Target text function identification

Clarity

After deadline, unclean

5

10

7

(Secondary) audience identification

Clarity

-

6

10

10

* Broader audience identification desirable

-

7

10

10

* More precise audience identification desirable

After deadline (wrong format initially)

8

10

7

Text genre identification

Target text recipient identification

Major source text deficiency identification

-

Analysis of Survey Results

The current section discusses the selected results of the survey, which was completed by all the Project Managers, translators, and revisers, and all but one reviewer and terminologist.

The Project Managers, the revisers and reviewers, and the terminologists learnt the most and were the most challenged by their core tasks, which were, respectively, organising the team work (including setting and monitoring deadlines), revision, and glossary creation (in particular term selection), as indicated by half or more respondents in each sub-group. As for the translators, although what they found most challenging was the translation task itself, including dealing with particular source text features and reporting on the process of solving translation problems, they declared that they had developed their communication skills the most. Indeed, team communication and collaboration, as well as mutual responsibility, were mentioned by several other students as a learning area and/or challenge. The students also declared that they had learnt to meet deadlines (n = 6), struggled with technical aspects (4), and realised how fit they were for the role played (3). It is worth adding that the Project Managers and translators felt they had learnt to or regarded it as a challenge to perform quality assurance/evaluate the quality of the target text, including revising the target text (7 in total), and the revisers and reviewers found it challenging to transfer source text meaning (3).

Table 5. Student survey results (*1 response per item enumerated)

Learning areas

Most challenging aspects

Response

No.

Response

No.

Project Managers (n = 8)

Organisation (including deadline setting)

4 (1)

Organisation (including deadline monitoring and self-organisation)

6 (1;1)

Quality assurance (including revision)

2 (1)

Being Project Manager for first time; communication; patience; problem-solving; project delivery; report completion; revision; stress management

1*

Fitness for role

2

Mutual responsibility

2

Communication; conflict resolution; decision-making; diligence in future projects

1*

Revisers and reviewers (n = 15)

Revision

13

Revision

8

Identifying ST deficiencies; meeting deadlines; organisation; specific aspects of translation

1*

Translation (source text meaning transfer)

3

Technical issues

2

Fitness for role; meeting deadlines; no challenges

1*

Terminologists (n = 7)

Glossary creation

4

Term selection

4

Meeting deadlines

3

Communication; definition precision; translation accuracy

1*

Attention to detail; collaboration; research skills

1*

Translators (n = 16)

Communication

7

Translation (including specific source text features and translation problem-solving report)

9 (3; 3)

Revision and translation quality assessment

3

Technical aspects

2

Expanding knowledge on text topic

2

Meeting deadlines

2

Gaining experience (in L2 translation)

2

No challenges

2

Glossary application

2

Collaboration and communication; revision

1*

Meeting deadlines

2

Problem-solving

2

Research skills

2

Mutual responsibility

2

Attention to detail; collaboration; macro-strategy application; organisation

1*

As for students’ perceptions of the usefulness of the skills developed thanks to the project, the revisers and reviewers saw the skills acquired as the most useful (mean = 4.3) and the Project Managers as the least useful (mean = 3.8), the mean score for all students being 4.1 (SD = +/– 0.6). Regarding students’ level of enjoyment, the translators enjoyed participating in the project the most (mean = 3.6), whereas the terminologists and Project Managers enjoyed it the least (mean = 3.0 and 3.1, respectively), the mean score for the entire group being 3.4 (SD = +/– 0.7).

Conclusions and Pedagogical Implications

The analysis of students’ performance in the study revealed that there are several crucial issues which merit even more attention in class. These are as follows: (1) project delivery within deadline; (2) correspondence between the translation and glossary; (3) translation quality assessment and revision; (4) each team members’ responsibility for the quality of the final translation product; (5) the principles of glossary creation; (6) identification of the target text receivers and clarity of the macro-strategies; and (7) assignment of roles in the project. Regarding the latter, differences in translation competence between team members should be taken into account, in that students with higher competence seem better suited to play the roles of revisers and reviewers. It seems all students would benefit from more effective, individualised training that would better foster the development of their translation (and revision) competence, including more broadly understood quality assurance skills.

The survey results indicate learning gains across several key domains, including those mentioned in the paragraph above. First of all, the students had an opportunity to develop hard skills related strictly to translation (translation, revision/review/translation quality assessment, research, and terminology management), as reported in similar educational contexts (e.g. Olvera-Lobo et al. 2009; Paradowska 2021; Prieto-Velasco, Fuentes-Luque 2016). They also practised their soft skills (personal and interpersonal competence, EMT 2022), which are transferable to other activities and enable self-organisation and management of the work of others as well as collaboration and communication (with a sense of mutual responsibility), and enhanced their service provision competence (EMT 2022; as previously found, e.g. by Huertas-Barros 2011; Olvera-Lobo et al. 2009; Marczak 2023; Moghaddas, Khoshsaligheh 2019; Paradowska 2021). Their first-hand experience in working in such a project made it possible for them to improve their interpersonal skills that are not trained in individual work, taught them what a professional workflow looks like, and showed them how fit they were for the role played. On average, the students perceived the skills developed thanks to the assignment as potentially useful in the future (mean = 4.1), which largely mirrors the results of the study by Gałuskina and Sycz-Opoń (2024), the level of enjoyment typically being lower. It would be desirable to provide future course participants with guidance related to using their interpersonal skills and managing their workload and time (especially that some respondents reported that they had problems organising their work so as to be able to meet other commitments), which may impact not only translator performance but also job satisfaction. Such guidance could be provided by the teacher or based on student research/discussion (Marczak 2023).

In future projects, it is worth using a CAT tool and/or a project management/communication tool (as in, e.g. Gałuskina, Sycz-Opoń 2024; Marczak 2023; Olvera-Lobo et al. 2009; Paradowska 2021; Prieto-Velasco, Fuentes-Luque 2016). Aside from better preparing the students for the professional translation market, this would particularly aid the students in creating glossaries (including the problematic aspect of term selection); applying the terms from the glossary in the translation; checking, revising, reviewing, and verifying the translation (including overcoming technical problems with using track changes); file sharing among team members; and organising and monitoring the project. It could also be useful to explicitly appoint a person that would be responsible for checking the correspondence between the glossary and the target text before the project is delivered, either by amending the workflow chart or listing it as a task that should be assigned to a particular team member.

Last but not least, what might have influenced students’ performance in the study was a lack of motivation, both extrinsic and intrinsic, which may have affected the quality of the translation products delivered (cf. Gałuskina, Sycz-Opoń 2024). The former can be more easily boosted, by making the grade obtained in the project a component of the final grade, possibly based on the individual assessment of the performance of each team member. It should be stressed even more that the skills developed in the project are immediately applicable in the translation internship, which forms large part of the study programme, and are transferrable to professional situations in different fields. It would also be useful to encourage students to be present in class as much as possible as absence in previous classes hindered learning from the projects of other students and the feedback received by them.

This study has shown how a translation project can be applied in the initial phases of translator education and discussed its benefits for translation competence development as well as the issues and challenges that may be expected to arise and how they may be dealt with. It may serve as inspiration for other translation teachers implementing such projects, especially in undergraduate translation courses, and its results will be used to inform the application of the project in future versions of the current course.

Acknowledgements

I am grateful to dr Urszula Paradowska for her advice on designing the study, the reviewers for their invaluable comments and suggestions regarding the paper, and the students that participated in the study.

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1 See the work of Gałuskina and Sycz-Opoń (2024) and Paradowska (2021) for examples of collaborative translation projects implementing this quality standard carried out in the Polish context.

2 The tasks are inspired by those in Paradowska’s (2021) study.

Received:

26.11.2024

Reviewed:

29.12.2024

Accepted:

16.06.2025

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

doi: 10.34616/ajmp.2025.27.6

ISSN 2299–7164

Vol. 27 (2025)

Open Access. Published by Committee for Philology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław Branch and College for Interdisciplinary Studies, University of Wrocław. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.

Piotr P. Chruszczewski

Uniwersytet Wrocławski, Wydział Neofilologii

piotr.chruszczewski@uwr.edu.pl

ORCID: 0000-0002-3915-650X

Antropologiczno-językowe uwarunkowania
przekładu utworów poetyckich – na przykładzie wybranych tekstów Franco Arminio
(część pierwsza)

Anthropological and Linguistic Determinants of Poetry Translation. Based on Selected Texts by Franco Arminio
(Part One)

Abstract

One may wonder whether translating poetry is synonymous with translating the style of the translated texts, with translating the message contained or hidden in the text, or whether, ultimately, translating poetry is rewriting it in another language. Apparently it is not always, and in fact very often impossible to translate a poetic text in such a way as to convey the style of the original. One can obviously try to convey the meaning, but the translator often becomes helpless when the author himself has deliberately deprived the text of meaning, which sometimes happens and may be an intentional literary device. Furthermore, it is worth emphasizing that translation is not a mechanical and mindless transcription from one language to another, since no artificial algorithms are capable of performing this task satisfactorily. The translator of poetic texts has a difficult, even breakneck and impossible task, which is why every poetry translator I know can stand alongside other noble defenders of lost battles in every field. With this in mind, this text is an attempt to present certain anthropological and linguistic conditions of translating poetic works using the example of several texts by the contemporary Italian poet Franco Arminio.

Keywords: literary translation, contemporary Italian poets, Franco Arminio, anthropological linguistics

Słowa kluczowe: przekład literacki, współcześni włoscy poeci, Franco Arminio, językoznawstwo antropologiczne

La poesia è la scienza del dettaglio.
Quindi non ti parla dei baci, ma di quel bacio.
Non ti parla dell’amore, ma di quell’amore.

Poezja jest nauką o szczególe.
Nie opowiada o pocałunkach, tylko o  konkretnym pocałunku.
Nie opowiada o miłościach, tylko o konkretnej miłości.

Franco Arminio [1960 Bisaccia], 2024

Trzeba pisać tak, jakby to, co w tej chwili piszemy,
było ostatnim naszym słowem,
to znaczy z maksymalną precyzją, wiedzą, umiejętnością,
tak, żeby już nic nie zostało na potem.

Zbigniew Herbert [1924 Lwów – 1998 Warszawa], 1972

Poezja jest bardziej wieloznaczna niż inne dziedziny ludzkiego wysłowienia: ma więc stosunkowo większe szanse utrwalenia choć ułamka przytłaczającej wielości i ogromu tego wszystkiego, co wobec wiersza zewnętrzne lub on niego wyższe. Drugą strona medalu jest jednak zwięzłość – i jest to cecha poezji ważna nie tylko jako przyczyna sprawcza wieloznaczności, ale również jako wartość sama w sobie. Poezja mówi bowiem o Innych, Świecie i Transcendencji, ale jest także dialogiem z nimi. Jest skierowana do nich. Jest poddawana przez nich bezustannemu sprawdzianowi.

Stanisław Barańczak [1946 Poznań – 2014 Newtonville], [2006] 2014

Specjalnie nie ułatwiłem sobie zadania, przywołując na początek obserwacje poetów, w których udało mi się odnaleźć ich własne spostrzeżenia na temat tego, jak rozumieją poezję i jak należy ją pisać. Niestety nigdzie nie mówią równie jasno, jak należy poezję tłumaczyć…

Poeci wskazani przeze mnie są zgodni co do tego, że godne teksty poetyckie wymagają niezwykłej, dodałbym – wręcz obsesyjnej – dbałości o szczegół, bowiem oni w tym szczególe zawierają esencję tego, co chcą wyrazić. Można się zastanawiać, czy tłumaczenie poezji jest równoznaczne z przekładem stylistyki tłumaczonych testów, z przekładem komunikatu niesionego, bądź ukrytego w tekście, czy w końcu tłumaczenie poezji jest jej przepisywaniem na inny język. Otóż nie zawsze, a nawet bardzo często nie da się przełożyć tekstu poetyckiego w taki sposób, żeby oddać stylistykę oryginału, komunikat – sens można oczywiście próbować oddać, ale tłumacz rozbija się o ścianę, kiedy przekładanemu tekstowi sam autor celowo odebrał sens, co niekiedy się zdarza i może być celowym zabiegiem literackim, ponieważ użyte przez autora metafory mogą być czytelne tylko i wyłącznie dla niego samego. I w końcu przekład nie jest maszynowym i bezmyślnym przepisywaniem, bowiem żadne sztuczne, czy nawet udające naturalne algorytmy sobie z tym nie radzą i pewnie jeszcze długo nie będą w stanie sobie poradzić. Tłumacz tekstów poetyckich ma zadanie niełatwe, a wręcz karkołomne i niewykonalne, stąd każdy znany mi tłumacz poezji może się ustawić do zdjęcia ze wszystkimi innymi szlachetnymi obrońcami przegranych batalii w każdej dyscyplinie.

To powiedziawszy w tym momencie, w zasadzie każda rozsądna osoba, zamierzająca tłumaczyć teksty literackie, która w swojej naiwności – jak, nie przymierzając, piszący te słowa, powinna się poddać, bowiem już z samej definicji, nie jest możliwym przełożenie czegokolwiek z jednego języka na inny język z taką samą maksymalną precyzją, jaką w powstanie tekstu włożył autor, bowiem nawet języki blisko spokrewnione niejednokrotnie okazują się bardzo różne, i to właśnie w szczegółach, tak istotnych dla poetów, którzy z wielkim pietyzmem układają wersy swoich tekstów.

Uważam, że jeśli teksty wybrane przez tłumacza są na tyle interesujące i ważne na tym etapie naszej wspólnej kultury europejskiej, na jakim obecnie jesteśmy, to teksty te powinny być również dostępne dla polskich czytelników w ich rodzimym języku.

Co ciekawe, teksty przekładów poezji Franco Arminio (dalej jako FA) całkiem zgrabnie mogą stanowić doskonałe empiryczne przykłady na to, że przekładoznawstwo, w tym oczywiście także praca każdego tłumacza, wpisana jest w językoznawstwo kontaktu językowo-kulturowego, które z kolei funkcjonuje w ramach dużo obszerniejszej dyscypliny naukowej jaką jest językoznawstwo antropologiczne (zob. Chruszczewski [2011] 2026; Knapik, Chruszczewski 2023: 24–30; Chruszczewski 2022).

Przekładoznawstwo można próbować definiować jako „dyscyplinę zajmującą się uzyskaniem wiedzy o tym, jak kreowane jest znaczenie w poszczególnych społeczno-kulturowych zanurzeniach dyskursów i poszczególnych typów tekstów tychże dyskursów (w praktyce praca tłumacza […] polega głównie na wypracowywaniu ekwiwalentów znaczeniowych tekstów języka źródłowego w kulturach języków docelowych)” (Knapik, Chruszczewski 2023: 29). Wypracowane przez tłumacza nowe teksty, czyli teksty przekładów powinny się po prostu równie dobrze czytać w swojej nowej kulturze, jak czytają się teksty oryginałów w swojej własnej kulturze, w której zostały wykreowane.

Innymi słowy tłumacz tekstów FA z zakresu dyskursu poetyckiego powinien zawsze mieć na uwadze w czasie tłumaczenia szeroki obraz tego, co tłumaczy i musi koniecznie uwzględniać także to, że tłumaczone teksty pochodzą z dosyć ściśle określonego miejsca współczesnej kultury włoskiej, a dokładniej – z włoskiego, i pod każdym względem upalnego Mezzogiorno, co Autor doskonale oddaje w utworze „SALENTO”1:

SALENTO. Martwy bezruch – controra salentina. Ziemia bardziej wieśniaków niż marynarzy, półwysep światła zeszlifowany przez wiatr. Każdy dom jest szczelnie zamknięty, jakby nadciągało tornado. Mieszkańcy pozostają w środku, aby zazdrośnie strzec kawałka cienia; barbarzyńskiemu słońcu w żaden sposób nie wolno się tam wedrzeć. Słońce nie rozświetla tutaj rzeczy, ono je zatapia. Miasteczko jest przedstawione niczym ślimak w swojej skorupie. Wychodzi się popołudniami, około zachodu, jakby to był wczesny ranek. Wzajemnie się pozdrawia, kiedy słońce się chowa, gdy stygnie koszmar dnia. Nigdy nie doświadczyłem takiego skwaru. Mezozoiczny mięczak maszeruje w mojej krwi o trzeciej w nocy. Łóżko jest rozedrganym tropikalnym morzem. Język zamarł mi w gardle. Odnoszę wrażenie, że w mojej głowie uległ stopieniu ten nieokreślony punkt, w którym mieści się moje ego, ten biologiczny linoskoczek, zwany świadomością. (Arminio 2020)

[SALENTO. La quiete letargica della controra salentina, terra di contadini più che di marinai, penisola di luce, penisola limata dal vento. Ogni casa è sigillata come se fosse in corso un tornado. Le persone stanno dentro a custodire gelosamente un filo d’ombra. Il sole è una bestia che non deve entrare in nessun modo. Il sole non splende sulle cose, le inonda. Il paese è ritratto come una lumaca nel suo guscio. Si esce di pomeriggio, verso il tramonto, come fosse primo mattino. Ci si saluta quando il sole declina, quando il giorno è un pericolo scampato. Non avevo mai conosciuto un caldo come questo. Un mollusco mesozoico mi cammina nel sangue alle tre di notte. Il letto è un mare caldo e agitato. La lingua mi è morta in gola. Dentro la testa pare si sia fuso quel punto indefinibile dove c’è l’io, dove abita questo funambolismo biologico che chiamiamo coscienza. (Arminio 2020: 97)]

Nawet jeśli część tekstów FA ktoś chciałby zakwalifikować do kultury masowej, do czego niektóre z nich pozornie mogłyby się całkiem dobrze nadawać, to ich nieoczywistość, głębia otwierających się nowych i ponadczasowych znaczeń oraz nowatorskie pomysły literackie ich autora, lokują je bliżej wyszukanych welleryzmów literackich. Natomiast welleryzmy – z zasady – należałoby traktować już bardziej jako rozrywkę intelektualną, w której nie ma jednej prostej odpowiedzi i która zakłada pewien wysiłek intelektualny odbiorcy. Trzeba także mieć na uwadze to, że welleryzmy często charakteryzują się sporą dozą humoru, niekiedy ludycznego, ale u FA częściej jest to humor wyszukany, subtelniejszy i bardziej przenikliwy, czasem melancholijny, nieco bardziej ukryty pod powierzchnią samego tekstu, spod którego sam autor musi się niemal dosłownie odkopywać, o czym sam pisze w ten oto sposób:

PISANIE. Bywają trzęsienia ziemi, które przytrafiają się tylko nam. Znajdujemy się pod ruinami i nikt nie ma o tym pojęcia. Odkopać musimy się sami, odkopać od spodu. Pisanie jest działaniem tego typu. (Arminio 2020)

[SCRIVERE. Ci sono dei terremoti che avvengono solo per noi. Stiamo sotto le macerie e non lo sa nessuno. Dobbiamo scavare da soli, scavare da sotto. Scrivere è un’azione di questo tipo. (Arminio 2020: 122)]

Welleryzmy są zwykle krótkimi tekstami mieszczącymi się w zakresie pewnego rodzaju tekstów związanych z przytoczeniami złotych myśli i porad (zob. np. Prędota 2003: 62–63). Do swoistego poradnictwa można także zaliczyć teksty nieco dłuższe niźli welleryzmy, których FA nie żałuje czytelnikowi w swoim „poradniku aptecznym” z 2020 roku:

TYMCZASOWE PRZYKAZANIA. Błogie są godziny, w których nic się nie wydarza. Jeśli coś postanowicie, niechaj to będzie przejrzyste postanowienie. W przeciwnym razie lepiej nic nie postanawiać. Rozprawiajcie z samymi sobą i czasem także z innymi. Ale bez przesady. Niekiedy rozprawianie jest sposobem na niedostrzeganie. Dostarczajcie sobie krytyki, ale też komplementów. Lepiej wcześniej niż później. Nie zagubcie szczegółów ani ram. Przechodźcie od ogółu do szczegółu i na odwrót. Bądźcie ludźmi i zwierzętami, ale także autotrofami. Rzeczywistość zasługuje na atencję. Przyznajcie się do swoich błędów, bardziej do tych, które popełniacie z innymi, niż do tych, które popełniacie sami. Pozwólcie się zdradzać, odpuśćcie – niechaj zwady idą własnym kursem. Zaopatrzcie się w tymczasowe przykazania. Jedne mogą być dobre tylko na poranek, inne mogą mieć zastosowanie nawet przez miesiąc. Nie ufajcie przykazaniom na całe życie. Zadbajcie o swoje przebudzenie. (Arminio 2020)

[PRECETTI PROVVISORI. Buone sono le ore in cui non accade niente. Se decidete qualcosa, che sia una decisione chiara. Altrimenti meglio non decidere niente. Discutete con voi stessi e qualche volta anche con gli altri. Ma senza esagerare. A volte discutere è un modo per non vedere. Fatevi delle critiche ma anche dei complimenti. Meglio presto che tardi. Attenti ai dettagli e alla cornice. Andate e venite dal generale al particolare e viceversa. Siate umani e animali e anche vegetali. La realtà merita attenzione. Ammettete i vostri errori, quelli che fate con gli altri più di quelli con voi stessi. Fatevi tradire, lasciate che l’incompresione faccia il suo corso. Fornitevi di precetti provisori. Alcuni sono buoni per una mattinata, altri possono valere anche per un mese. Diffidate dei comandamenti per tutta la vita. Abbiate cura del vostro risveglio. (Arminio 2020: 75)]

Wydaje się, że wedle przytoczonych na początku tego tekstu autorów, praca poety polega na tym, że precyzyjnie wbudowuje on w minimum słów swoje myśli, wrażenia zmysłowe oraz inne informacje, które do niego docierają, które uważa za ważne i które przepracował w swojej wyobraźni. Tekstem egzemplifikującym to, co mam na myśli jest następujący utwór:

PATRZENIE. Patrzę na każdą rzecz, jakby była piękna. A jeśli nie jest, znaczy że muszę bardziej się w nią wpatrzeć. (Arminio 2020)

[GUARDARE. Io guardo ogni cosa come se fosse bella. E se non lo è vuol dire che devo guardare meglio. (Arminio 2020: 58)]

Wydaje się, że Franco Arminio niekiedy działa jak reporter: „[t]raktuję język jako pojęcie szersze. Dla mnie językiem jest sytuacja, są gesty, barwa, kształt. Odbieram informacje nie tylko z tego, co ktoś mówi – lecz z całego pejzażu, klimatu, ze sposobu zachowania ludzi, z tysiąca szczegółów. To wszystko mówi, ta cała rzeczywistość, która mnie otacza. I mówi nie językiem, który wyraża się słowem, ale swoim językiem symboli, znaków” (Kapuściński [2003] 2008: 49–50, zob. też omówienie [w:] Gryksa 2022). Wydaje mi się, że z opisem takiego, wręcz pozajęzykowego sposobu chłonięcia rzeczywistości mamy do czynienia w tekście „LA RONDINE”:

JASKÓŁKA. W jej ubraniach nie było ciała, tylko lawina. Porwała mnie całego, a później zniknęła. Nie widziałem jej latami. Miesiąc temu dowiedziałem się, że jest hospitalizowana.

Zastałem ją bardzo bladą w długiej białej koszuli. Od razu chciałem ją pocałować, ale wystarczyło mi, że byłem nieco bliżej jej ciała. Odszedłem przesiąknięty jej oczami i zapachem sali, jakby jej intymność przeszła na książki, na butelkę z wodą, na pudełka z lekarstwami.

Wróciłem, żeby ją odwiedzić przez ten zapach i dla jej ust. Nie chciałem jej dotykać. Wystarczyło mi spojrzeć na jej usta i znów odczuć ten zapach zbliżenia. Wiem, że kiedy wyruszam z irracjonalną fobią, to wyruszam z fobią mojej matki, nie znalazłem czasu na odnalezienie takiej prawdziwie mojej własnej. Przed kobietą moje życie obnaża wszystkie swoje pęknięcia, staje się niczym kryształ ugodzony kamieniem.

W pewnym momencie Anna położyła mi ręce na usta, prosząc żebym nic nie mówił, żebyśmy wspólnie popatrzyli na świat za oknem. W czerwcu domy niczemu nie służą. Niebo pełne jest jaskółek, otwórzmy okno. Jeśli jakaś tutaj wleci, to będziemy się kochali. Kiedy to mówiła, miała cerę niczym Azzurina, ledwo zarysowane piersi, a włosy jeszcze czarniejsze. Wolniuteńko starałem się pieścić jej włosy i plecy. Co rusz z jej ciszy ulatywały wiatropełne frazy. Następnie powoli odwróciła się w moją stronę – spójrz, wleciała jaskółka. (Arminio 2020)

[LA RONDINE. Dentro i suoi vestiti non c’era un corpo, ma una valanga. Mi è passata addosso e poi è svanita. Per anni non l’ho più vista. Un mese fa ho saputo che era ricoverata in ospedale.

L’ho trovata pallidissima in una lunga camicia bianca. Subito ho avuto voglia di baciarla, ma mi è bastato stare un poco vicino al suo corpo. Me ne sono andato coi suoi occhi e con l’odore della stanza, come se il suo sesso fosse arrivato sui libri, sulla bottiglia d’acqua, sulle scatole di medicine.

Sono tornato a trovarla per quell’odore e per la sua bocca. Non avevo idea di tocarla. Mi bastava vedere la sua bocca e ritrovare quell’odore di sesso. Io so che vado in giro con uno sgomento assurdo, vado in giro con lo sgomento di mia madre, non ho fatto in tempo a trovarne uno veramente mio. Davanti a una donna la mia vita rivela tutte le sue crepe, diventa come il cristallo colpito da una pietra.

Anna a un certo punto mi ha messo le mani sulla bocca, mi ha detto di non parlare, di guardare insieme il mondo che c’è fuori. A giugno le case non servono a niente. Il cielo è pieno di rondini, apriamo la finestra. Se una entra qui in questa stanza, tu e io faremo l’amore. Mentre lo diceva aveva la carnagione azzurina, i seni ancora più piccoli, i capelli più neri. Io con molta lentezza cercavo di accarezzarle i capelli e la schiena. Ogni tanto dal suo silenzio uscivano frasi piene di vento. E poi lentamente si è girata verso di me: guarda, è entrata una rondine. (Arminio 2020: 29)]

Tłumacz ma utrudnione zadanie, ponieważ powinien najpierw odtworzyć proces budowania utworu poetyckiego w przeciwnym kierunku w stosunku do jego powstania i na powrót w języku, na który tłumaczy, starać się oddać zbudowany przez autora tekst wraz z jego rozumieniem w kulturze docelowej. Osobne pytanie badawcze dotyczy tego, jak takie rozumienie w kulturze docelowej powinno wyglądać, bowiem może ono być pełne udomowionych i okiełznanych obrazów, lub wręcz przeciwnie, może być zbudowane z egzotycznie brzmiących fraz i równie dalekich od kultury docelowej obrazów. I co najtrudniejsze i zarazem najbardziej fascynujące – raczej nie jest to w pełni wykonalne. Stąd też jakiekolwiek tłumaczenie, a tym bardziej pierwsze jakiegokolwiek utworu, nie powinno być końcem, ale początkiem sztafety translatorskiej. Już nie mówię, że początkiem takiej sztafety, jaką obserwujemy u tłumaczy i tłumaczek Alicji w Krainie Czarów autorstwa Lewisa Carolla [Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland, 1865]2 w kilkunastu przekładach tego tekstu, ale w przyszłości kilka przekładów każdego z ciekawszych tekstów nieistniejących w tym momencie dla polskiej kultury literackiej obcojęzycznych autorów bardzo by się przydało. Niestety, to również jest niewykonalne. Jednym słowem, tłumacz żyje w świecie niemożliwego, niczym nieistniejący mieszkańcy legendarnego królestwa księdza Jana, a jego najwyższą nagrodą jest satysfakcja czytelnika chłonącego autora, nigdy tłumacza. Niemniej sam, jako nienasycony czytelnik, lubię czytać teksty przetłumaczone przez konkretnych tłumaczy. W sumie niekiedy wbrew temu, co napisałem dwa wersy wyżej, kiedy mam do wyboru tekst w kilku lub nawet bywa, że w kilkunastu translatorskich odsłonach, to wybieram najpierw ten, który został przełożony przez mojego ulubionego tłumacza/tłumaczkę. Dzieje się tak z przyczyny bardzo prozaicznej – i to nawet jeśli chodzi o poezję – ponieważ bliskim niemożliwości jest takie przekładanie, żeby nie zostawiać swoich idiosynkratycznych śladów w przekładach, dzieje się tak dlatego, ponieważ każdy człowiek, a tym bardziej osoba wyczulona na bogactwo języka i świadoma całej palety jego niuansów zawsze zostawia po sobie ślady w tłumaczonych przez siebie tekstach. Dla mnie te ślady pozostawione przez tłumacza są ważne, bowiem często to właśnie one świadczą o kunszcie tłumacza, chociaż czasem bywa, że jest ich zbyt wiele lub zbyt mało i tak, dla przykładu, żeby obecnie docenić kunszt tłumaczy, ale przede wszystkim kunszt Dantego – nie siląc się na czytanie oryginału, w napisanym przez niego tekście „Divina Commedia” (pierwsze wydanie drukiem w roku 1472), należałoby chyba równocześnie czytać Boską Komedię w tłumaczeniu Edwarda Porębowicza z 1909 roku (wersyfikacja i stylistyka tekstu dopracowane przez bliskiego ideałowi romanistę-literaturoznawcę, światłego filologa-estetę, tylko sam tekst przekładu już podlegający znacznej erozji czasu) i Jarosława Mikołajewskiego (świetny i zrozumiały dla współczesnego odbiorcy „raport z piekła”, jak tekst tego przekładu określił reportażysta Kapuściński, tylko bez zachowania metrum oryginału), opublikowany w 2021 roku.

Powyższy przykład zwraca uwagę na jeszcze jedną istotną zmienną dla przekładu, a zmienną tą jest sam czas. Jest to ważne o tyle, na ile zajmujemy się tłumaczeniem tekstów odległych w czasie w stosunku do swoich odbiorców (o ile nie są historykami literatury), które po kilkuset, czy nawet już po kilkudziesięciu latach należy tłumaczyć na nowo, bowiem z uwagi na dynamiczne językowo-antropologiczne mechanizmy i zachodzące procesy zmian w językach naturalnych oraz z uwagi na niebagatelne zmiany kultury, teksty dnia poprzedniego stają się coraz bardziej nieprzejrzyste dla coraz bardziej współczesnych odbiorców.

Bibliografia

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Kapuściński, Ryszard ([2003] 2008) Autoportret reportera. Wybór i wstęp Krystyna Strączek. Kraków: Wydawnictwo Znak.

Knapik, Aleksandra R., Piotr P. Chruszczewski (2023) Kreolingwistyka w zarysie. Językowo-kulturowe mechanizmy przetrwania, rozwoju i dezintegracji. San Diego: Æ Academic Publishing.

Prędota, Stanisław (2003) Wprowadzenie do językoznawstwa niderlandzkiego. Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego.

Inne źródła wskazywane w tekście

Alighieri, Dante (1265-1321) [Divina Commedia. Pierwsze wydanie opracowane przez mistrza drukarskiego Johannesa Numeistera (1472), ucznia Johannesa Gutenberga. Foligno.] Tłum. pol. Edward Porębowicz (1909). Boska Komedja. Warszawa: Nakład Gobethnera i Wolffa. Tłum. pol. Jarosław Mikołajewski (2021). Boska komedia. Kraków: Wydawnictwo Literackie.

Arminio, Franco (2024) „La poesia è la scienza del detaglio” [na:] https://www.facebook.com/festivaldellatv/videos/la-poesia-%C3%A8-la-scienza-del-dettaglio-franco-arminio-al-festival-della-tv-di-dogl/1478054806164882/ (data dostępu: 4 czerwca 2025).

Barańczak, Stanisław ([2006] 2014) „Poezja jest bardziej wieloznaczna…”. [W:] Stanisław Barańczak. Wiersze zebrane. W ramach serii: Biblioteka Poetycka Wydawnictwa a5. [W:] Ryszard Krynicki (red.). Tom 55. Kraków: Wydawnictwo a5.

Herbert, Zbigniew (1972) Polskie Radio, rozmawia Jerzy Mikke, „Nie wierzę w literaturę powstałą z literatury” [na:] https://herbert.polskieradio.pl/#&panel1-1&panel2-1&panel3-1&panel4-1&panel5-1&panel6-1 (data dostępu: 4 czerwca 2025).

1 Wszystkie przedstawiane tutaj tłumaczenia tekstów poetyckich autorstwa Franco Arminio są przełożone przez Piotra P. Chruszczewskiego i stanowią próby oddania znaczenia oryginałów w języku polskim; praca nad tłumaczeniami tych tekstów cały czas trwa. Za nieocenioną pomoc i dyskusje podczas pracy nad przekładami jestem bardzo zobowiązany Pani profesor Justynie Łukaszewicz oraz Panu profesorowi Wojciechowi Solińskiemu, niemniej ostateczne decyzje podejmowałem sam.

2 Co ciekawe tekst ten był tłumaczony na język polski przez rekordową liczbę tłumaczy i tłumaczek, wśród których byli: Adela S., Maria Morawska, Antoni Marianowicz, Maciej Słomczyński, Robert Stiller, Jolanta Kozak, Iwona Libucha, Bogumiła Kaniewska, Krzysztof Dworak, Magdalena Machay, Elżbieta Tabakowska, Grzegorz Wasowski, Jacek Drewnowski, Jerzy Łoziński, Paweł Baręsewicz, Paulina Braitner, Wioletta Gołębiewska, Leszek Kleszcz, Krzysztof Tropiło, Bartłomiej Paszylk – i to są tylko te osoby, które udało mi się odnaleźć w archiwach bibliotecznych. Całkiem możliwe, że osób tłumaczących tekst Carolla było więcej, a jestem przekonany, że jeszcze pojawią się nowi tłumacze i tłumaczki, którzy niebawem przedstawią swoje autorskie przekłady tego tekstu.

Received:

04.12.2025

Reviewed:

21.12.2025

Accepted:

25.12.2025

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

doi: 10.34616/ajmp.2025.27.7

ISSN 2299–7164

Vol. 27 (2025)

Open Access. Published by Committee for Philology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław Branch and College for Interdisciplinary Studies, University of Wrocław. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.

Magdalena Dańko

Université d’Opole, Institut de linguistique

mdanko@uni.opole.pl

ORCID: 0000-0002-7202-1682

« Sujet parlant » – « Sujet apprenant ».
Sur les traces d’acquisition des voyelles antérieures arrondies [y], [ø], [œ] en FLE1

“Speaking Subject” – “Learning Subject”. On the Acquisition of Rounded Front Vowels [y], [ø], [œ] in French as a Foreign Language

Abstract

If we accept that phonetic/phonological systems can remain adaptable throughout life, and can be reorganized in response to the contrasts of a new language by the addition of new categories or the modification of existing ones, then there is an undeniable interest in studying the speech of non-native speakers in order to better understand these phenomena of (re)organization of the phonetic/phonological space in question. Computer processing of the sound signal enables us to examine these phenomena with precision, thereby limiting the subjectivity of an assessment based on listening and perception. In this case, an association between the [Ø] and [œ] of French and the [ɛ] vowel of the ‘reduced’ vowel system of Polish occurs most often and requires appropriate training to acquire the proper labiality. The French [œ] is regularly tinged with the acoustic characteristics of Polish [ɛ] or [ɔ]; [Ø] is associated with the vowels [ɛ] or [u] ; and [y] is given the resonance of [i], or even [u]. Be that as it may, as the degree of aperture increases (muscle relaxation takes effect), labialization becomes more difficult to control.

Keywords: phonetics, sound acquisition, pronunciation didactics, French as a Foreign Language

Mots-clés : phonétique, acquisition des sons, didactique de la prononciation, français langue étrangère

Introduction

« Redoutée, fascinante (…) », la phonétique apparait souvent comme « une science ardue, vaguement intimidante par sa technicité même ». Et pourtant, « elle s’incarne pédagogiquement et sociologiquement, pour l’apprenant comme pour le béotien, dans l’une des valeurs les plus hautes de la pratique langagière : la prononciation » (Porcher 1987 :135). Certes, « on n’enseigne pas la phonétique comme on enseigne la grammaire, le vocabulaire ou les pratiques communicatives culturelles d’une langue. La raison est simple : ce qu’on appelle dimension phonético-phonologique d’une langue est intimement lié au fonctionnement neurophysiologique de la perception et de la production des sons de la parole » (Sauvage 2020 : 9). En l’occurrence, afin de développer les pratiques favorisant la neuroplasticité cérébrale, autrement dit, de stimuler efficacement des circuits neuronaux du cerveau de l’apprenant, il s’agit avant tout de comprendre le fonctionnement du processus d’acquisition des sons. Une avancée en la matière est possible, notamment à travers les corpus oraux d’apprenants, et constituera toujours un pas supplémentaire vers une meilleure compréhension des faits.

Cela étant, notre objectif est d’étudier l’espace phonético-phonologique à travers l’analyse acoustique des productions d’apprenants, notamment à travers ce que nous appellerions des mécanismes de tâtonnement, à la recherche des gestes articulatoires et de leurs effets acoustiques dans la production de sons. Plus précisément, nous prendrons pour objet d’étude les voyelles antérieures et labiales du français [y], [ø], [œ] pour évaluer leur fonctionnement dans l’espace phonético-phonologique des apprenants polonais.

Il s’agit d’une approche innovante dans la mesure où le traitement du signal sonore sur ordinateur permet d’examiner « à la loupe » les phénomènes en question, notamment au moyen du logiciel de synthèse à formants PRAAT, en limitant ainsi la subjectivité d’une évaluation basée sur l’écoute et la perception. D’autres outils avancés dans le domaine de la programmation, R et RStudio, nous aideront à traiter les données de manière à rendre plus performante leur expertise, à les formaliser et à les visualiser.

Cadre théorique

Notre arrière-plan théorique repose sur les récents modèles d’acquisition des sons de la parole. Et d’après les études de Kuhl (1991, 2004), les prototypes de catégories phonétiques agissent comme des « aimants perceptifs » (ang. perceptual magnet effect), attirant les sons similaires et réduisant la capacité à les distinguer les uns des autres. Cette influence est observée chez les nourrissons et les adultes humains, mais pas chez les singes, suggérant ainsi une spécificité liée à l’expérience linguistique humaine. En effet, le codage initial des schémas de la langue maternelle (L1) finit par interférer avec l’apprentissage des nouveaux schémas d’une langue étrangère (L2) (Iverson and Kuhl et al. 2003).

Dans son modèle d’apprentissage de la parole (Speech Learning Model), Flege (1995) explique que les mécanismes d’apprentissage peuvent être activés tout au long de la vie, mais chez les apprenants adultes, la difficulté de créer de nouvelles catégories correspondant aux sonorités de la L2 résulterait de l’influence des catégories créées précédemment pour la L1. En l’occurrence, la « classification d’équivalence » permet aux jeunes enfants d’apprendre la production authentique des contrastes en langue maternelle. En revanche, elle risque de perturber la perception chez les adultes, en les empêchant d’utiliser efficacement l’apport sensoriel dans leur apprentissage de la L2 (Flege 1980, 1981 ; Flege, Hillenbrand 1984).

Dans cette optique, selon le modèle de perception des sons de Best, appelé Perceptual Assimilation Model (Best 1991 ; Best, Strange 1992), un contraste non natif peut être associé à deux phonèmes natifs différents, s’assimilant ainsi à deux catégories (Two Categories, TC). À l’inverse, deux phonèmes non natifs (similaires ou différents) peuvent être également assimilés à une seule catégorie native (Single Category, SC). Alternativement, la paire non native peut être assimilée à une seule catégorie native, mais l’un des éléments resterait plus similaire que l’autre au phonème natif, les contrastes non natifs présentant un certain degré de différence (Category Goodness, CG). Enfin, les sons non natifs peuvent être trop différents des propriétés acoustiques existant en L1 pour être assimilés à l’une des catégories existantes de la phonologie native, de sorte qu’ils restent perçus comme des sons non vocaux (semblables à des bruits) et ne peuvent pas devenir « assimilables » (Non-Assimilable, NA).

Certes, le cerveau humain est particulièrement réceptif durant les premières années de vie. Et les adultes peuvent, en effet, être généralement moins capables que les jeunes enfants de développer de « nouveaux schémas articulatoires » ou de traduire les informations sensorielles associées aux phonèmes de la L2 en « schémas de contrôle moteur stables » (Flege 1987 : 49).

Cependant, la plasticité neuronale ne rend pas impossible l’apprentissage de sons à l’âge adulte. Stimulée, notamment sur le plan perceptif, la faculté de sélection cérébrale peut être développée afin d’atténuer les difficultés d’identification phonémique et de production. L’interlangue de l’apprenant étant en perpétuelle (re)construction, elle se laisse modeler grâce à des procédés de remédiation adaptés et en interaction avec des interlocuteurs plus compétents, usagers natifs ou enseignants.

Caractéristiques articulatoires et acoustiques des sons [y], [ø], [œ]

Le [y] fait partie des voyelles de petite aperture. Les lèvres sont arrondies, décollées des dents, projetées en avant, et restent très sollicitées lors de l’articulation. La masse de la langue est avancée, l’apex s’appuie contre les incisives inférieures, les côtés de la langue sont légèrement relevés. Les mâchoires étant rapprochées, la cavité buccale antérieure et l’ouverture des lèvres restent très étroites. Le voile du palais est relevé, le volume de la cavité pharyngale s’élargit.

Image 1. Position articulatoire (lèvres et profil) pour le [y] dans l’occurrence « une réponse ambiguë » par deux sujets, masculin à gauche et féminin à droite, d’après Bothorel et al. 1986 : 48

La protrusion des lèvres entraîne un allongement notable du conduit vocal. Les valeurs de formants sont enregistrées à des fréquences autour de 300 Hz (F1), 1800-2000 Hz (F2) et 2500 Hz (F3)2. Le rapprochement des deuxième et troisième formants, caractéristique de cette voyelle focale, est observable sur le spectrogramme.

Image 2. Représentation spectrographique du [y] dans l’occurrence « ça me tue », locutrice francophone native, 361 Hz (F1), 1881 Hz (F2), 2205 Hz (F3), 3569 Hz (F4), base de données de l’auteure

Le [ø], de moyenne aperture (mi-fermé), est articulé avec les lèvres arrondies et décollées des dents. Le conduit vocal est rétréci dans la partie antérieure de la cavité buccale et un rétrécissement au niveau labial est observable. La masse de la langue se déplace vers l’avant de la cavité buccale, l’apex reste proche des incisives inférieures. Le dos de la langue et le voile du palais sont relevés. Les mâchoires restent légèrement ouvertes et la protrusion des lèvres est moins accentuée que pour le [y].

Image 3. Position articulatoire (lèvres et profil) pour le [ø] dans l’occurrence « deux machines à sous » par deux sujets, féminin à gauche et masculin à droite, d’après Bothorel et al. 1986 : 57

Image 4. Représentation spectrographique du [ø] dans l’occurrence « un temps venteux ? », locutrice francophone native, 495 Hz (F1), 1689 Hz (F2), 2346 Hz (F3), 3797 Hz (F4), base de données de l’auteure

Sur le spectrogramme, nous observons des formants F1, F2, F3 répartis de manière plus uniforme. Leurs valeurs se situent à des fréquences autour de 400 Hz (F1), 1400-1700 Hz (F2) et 2300-2700 Hz (F3).

Le [œ], de moyenne aperture (mi-ouvert), est articulé avec les lèvres arrondies et un léger rétrécissement labial. Le dos de la langue est abaissé, la masse de celle-ci se trouve en avant de la cavité buccale, l’apex reste proche des incisives inférieures. Le voile du palais est relevé. Les mâchoires sont moyennement ouvertes et l’aperture est plus grande que pour le [ø].

Image 5. Position articulatoire (lèvres et profil) pour le [œ] dans l’occurrence « un jeune hibou » par deux sujets, féminin à droite et masculin à gauche, d’après Bothorel et al. 1986 : 64

Image 6. Représentation spectrographique du [œ] dans l’occurrence « elle a eu peur ? », locutrice francophone native, 641 Hz (F1), 1743 Hz (F2), 2855 Hz (F3), 4053 Hz (F4), base de données de l’auteur

Les valeurs de formants sont enregistrées à des fréquences autour de 400-600 Hz (F1), 1400-1700 Hz (F2) et 2400-2800 Hz (F3). On observe ainsi que les voyelles [œ] et [ø] sont caractérisées par des formants approximativement équidistants. Une répartition plus uniforme des formants F1, F2, F3, F4 est alors visible sur les spectrogrammes.

Méthodologie et outils d’analyse

La description des caractéristiques articulatoires et acoustiques des voyelles requiert de rappeler le corrélat articulatoire-acoustique, c’est-à-dire l’interdépendance des aspects articulatoires et des effets acoustiques, car le lien entre les configurations du conduit vocal et les résonances a été établi (Fant 1960). Sur le plan acoustique, les voyelles sont caractérisées par leurs formants (F1, F2, F3, F4), lesquels évoluent, notamment en fonction du degré d’aperture, du lieu d’articulation et du degré de labialité. Autrement dit, un changement de forme et de volume des résonateurs, de position des organes mobiles n’est pas sans conséquences sur les caractéristiques acoustiques des sons émis et sur la qualité perçue.

En l’occurrence, les voyelles de grande aperture, dites ouvertes, présentent un F1 élevé. À l’inverse, les voyelles de petite aperture, dites fermées, présentent un F1 bas. Le premier formant est généralement lié à l’aperture ; il faut cependant noter que le F1 des voyelles moyennes [œ] et [ø] en français peut être manipulé par un seul changement dans la configuration des lèvres. Une avancée de la langue et des lèvres étirées aboutissent à un F2 très élevé des voyelles antérieures, acoustico-perceptivement aiguës. Un recul de la langue et des lèvres arrondies aboutissent à un F2 bas des voyelles postérieures, acoustico-perceptivement graves. Et comme en français, la configuration des lèvres influe sur la longueur et les résonances de la cavité antérieure, le troisième formant (F3) joue un rôle important dans la définition acoustique plus précise : l’étirement des lèvres entraîne un F3 plus élevé pour le [i], et la protrusion des lèvres a pour conséquence un F3 abaissé pour le [y].

Dix locutrices polonophones ont participé à cette expérimentation. Nous leur avons demandé de parler librement de leur mode de vie, de leurs habitudes alimentaires, styles vestimentaires, activités, lieux et saisons préférés, de leurs relations personnelles (soit des thèmes correspondant au programme d’études de FLE aux niveaux A1-A2). Pour recueillir environ vingt minutes de parole pour chaque intervenante, plusieurs séries d’enregistrements (individuels et en interaction) ont été effectuées. Le profil des locutrices est assez homogène : elles ont entre 20 et 25 ans, sont étudiantes de premier cycle universitaire d’une faculté de lettres en Pologne, apprennent le français depuis deux ans, déclarent posséder le niveau B1 ou B2 en anglais, et certaines connaissent d’autres langues au niveau « communicatif » débutant (italien, espagnol ou allemand).

Pour effectuer une analyse formantique des [y], [ø], [œ], les occurrences prononcées en position accentuée (syllabe finale du mot phonétique) ont été extraites de la parole continue des intervenantes. La segmentation et la transcription des données, leur évaluation suprasegmentale et segmentale, ont été réalisées au moyen du logiciel PRAAT (Boersma, Weenink 1992–2019 [lien:] https://www.fon.hum.uva.nl/praat/ [consulté le 20 novembre 2025]). Les mesures des valeurs (F1, F2, F3, F4) ont été effectuées automatiquement, au milieu de la structure formantique stable des voyelles, puis vérifiées manuellement. Les données chiffrées ainsi recueilles ont été transformées en aires de dispersion vocalique (valeurs brutes FR) au moyen des logiciels R et R-Studio ([lien :] https://www.r-project.org et https://www.rstudio.com [consulté le 20 novembre 2025]). Pour commenter les résultats obtenus en termes de caractéristiques articulatoires et acoustiques, l’espace vocalique en langue maternelle du groupe polonophone a également été défini (valeurs moyennes PL). Finalement, les données du groupe expérimental ont été confrontées aux moyennes d’un groupe de contrôle (dix étudiantes francophones natives de profil socioculturel semblable). En respectant la même méthodologie en version simplifiée, les voyelles articulées au sein de mots phonétiques préfabriqués ont été oralisées par les locutrices francophones, puis extraites pour l’analyse formantique des F1-F2 Hz, des F2-F3 Hz (valeurs moyennes FR).

Synthèse des résultats

Les premières observations concernant la réalisation du [y] par les polonophones nous permettent de constater une instabilité sur l’axe antérieur/postérieur du deuxième formant (F2), car les occurrences de cette voyelle s’étendent de 2600 à 600 Hz (F2). En revanche, un écart-type3 moins significatif a été noté sur l’axe du premier formant (F1), (écart-type F1 = 66, F2 = 466, F3 = 229). Les occurrences du [ø] se dispersent sur les axes de F1 (de 350 à 900 Hz) et de F2 (de 2200 à 900 Hz) en s’appropriant une zone très large (écart-type F1 = 152, F2 = 327, F3 = 216). Quant à la voyelle [œ], une instabilité est notable également, car les valeurs des réalisations analysées (de 400 à 1100 Hz F1, de 2100 à 1100 Hz F2) s’éloignent régulièrement de la moyenne du groupe de contrôle et les écarts-types restent élevés (respectivement F1 = 136, F2 = 248, F3 = 251).

Image. 7. Les aires de dispersion des [y], [ø], [œ] (F1-F2 Hz), locutrices polonophones

Ensuite, après avoir superposé les occurrences des [y], [ø], [œ] au triangle vocalique polonais, nous pouvons observer que certaines réalisations du [y] tendent vers l’espace réservé au [i] et que d’autres s’approchent du [u]. Par exemple, j’ai vu 350 Hz (F 1), 599 Hz (F2), 2601 Hz (F3) ; des chaussures 433 Hz (F 1), 814 Hz (F2), 2886 Hz (F3) ; avoir un bel allure4 378 Hz (F1), 1181 Hz (F2), 2756 Hz (F3) ; des pulls à capuche 543 Hz (F1), 826 Hz (F2), 2807 Hz (F3).

En règle générale (Billières 2005, Intravaia 2000, Guberina 2003, Callamand 1981), lorsque [y] est prononcé (et donc perçu comme un) [i], la difficulté concerne le trait de labialité, puisque le phonème /y/ est L++ (A-) par rapport à /i/. En revanche, lorsque [y] est prononcé [u], le problème ne concerne plus le trait de labialité mais celui d’acuité, [y] étant une voyelle aiguë et [u] une voyelle grave. La labialisation (même pour le [u]) étant faiblement marquée en polonais, elle nécessite souvent d’être stimulée pour atteindre le résultat acoustique d’un [y] surlabialisé en français (L++). La protrusion des lèvres entraînant un allongement notable du conduit vocal se traduit par des F2-F3 rapprochés, que nous avons certes notés à plusieurs reprises, mais il ne s’agissait pas à cette étape d’une habitude articulatoire régulière et spontanée de toutes les locutrices enregistrées.

Image 8. Les [y], [ø], [œ] superposés aux moyennes du polonais (F1-F2 Hz à gauche, F2-F3 Hz à droite)

Ensuite, il est utile de noter que les [ø] et [œ] se retrouvent régulièrement dans les aires de dispersion des [ɨ] et [ɛ] polonais, alors que ces derniers, rappelons-le, n’ont pas pour trait distinctif la labialité, comme c’est le cas des voyelles antérieures labialisées en français. En voici quelques exemples : Des gens sont chaleureux 699 Hz (F1), 2052 Hz (F2), 2644 Hz (F3) ; ce que vous appréciez dans ce lieu? 716 Hz (F1), 2125 Hz (F2), 3171 Hz (F3) ; le paradis des randonneurs 804 Hz (F1), 1891 (F2), 2614 Hz (F3).

Image 9. Les [y], [ø], [œ] superposés aux moyennes du groupe de contrôle (F1-F2 Hz)

La confrontation des résultats avec le groupe de contrôle accentue les écarts annoncés. Les [ø], [œ], [ɛ] partagent une aire de dispersion commune, et c’est le [œ], apparemment plus difficile à réaliser, qui pose problème, car plusieurs occurrences viennent se greffer sur le [ɛ], tandis que d’autres s’étalent sur l’axe de F2 et rejoignent l’aire de dispersion du [ɔ] ouvert et postérieur. Certaines réalisations du [ø] s’apparentent à celles de la voyelle [u] présente en polonais et en français. Je peux 380 Hz (F1), 1006 Hz (F2), 2713 Hz (F3) ; j’ai de grands yeux 457 Hz (F1), 941 Hz (F2), 2690 Hz (F3) ; ma maman est généreuse 435 Hz (F1), 1206 Hz (F2), 3191 Hz (F3) ; les premières des fleurs 733 Hz (F1), 2114 Hz (F2), 3283 Hz (F3) ; je sens l‘odeur 404 Hz (F1), 1427 Hz (F2), 2689 Hz (F3) ; une robe à fleurs 704 Hz (F1), 1916 Hz (F2), 3131 Hz (F3).

Image 10. Exemples des productions d’apprenants (moyennes F1-F2 Hz) : [ø] ≠ [u] ; [œ] ≠ [ɛ]

En définitive, si deux phonèmes non natifs peuvent être assimilés à une seule catégorie native – en l’occurrence, c’est généralement une association des [ø] et [œ] du français à la voyelle [ɛ] du système vocalique « réduit » du polonais qui se manifeste –, un entrainement adapté est nécessaire pour s’approprier le trait de labialité.

Pour aller plus loin, un contraste non natif peut être associé à deux phonèmes natifs différents, devenant ainsi assimilé à deux catégories : en effet, il arrive régulièrement que le [œ] soit teinté de caractéristiques acoustiques du [ɛ] ou du [ɔ] polonais, que le [ø] soit associé aux voyelles [ɛ] ou [u], et que le [y] reçoive la résonance du [i], voire du [u].

Conclusion

Si nous admettons que les systèmes phonético-phonologiques peuvent rester adaptables tout au long de la vie et se réorganiser au contact des contrastes d’une nouvelle langue par l’ajout de nouvelles catégories ou par la modification des catégories existantes, il est assurément pertinent d’étudier le parler des locuteurs non natifs pour mieux comprendre ces phénomènes de (ré)organisation de l’espace phonético-phonologique en question.

Le polonais, par rapport au français, possède un nombre relativement restreint de voyelles, lesquelles sont réparties selon trois degrés d’aperture : il y en a trois étroites, [i], [ɨ], [u], deux moyennes, [ɛ], [ɔ], et une large [a]. Pour ce qui est du lieu d’articulation, elles sont classifiées en : antérieures [i], [ɨ], [ɛ], postérieures [u], [ɔ], ou centrale [a]. En l’occurrence, la position des lèvres lors de l’articulation est liée à la position de la langue. Autrement dit, l’arrondissement des lèvres est corrélé avec un retrait de la masse de la langue vers l’arrière de la cavité buccale. À l’inverse, la position antérieure de la langue est associée à un aplatissement et un écartement des lèvres. En effet, aucune voyelle antérieure n’est arrondie en polonais.

Seules deux voyelles orales peuvent être classées en tant que labiales, les postérieures [u] et [ɔ]. Or, le degré de labialité, même dans le cas de ces dernières, reste très léger et n’a rien à voir avec la protrusion marquée des lèvres présente lors de l’articulation du [y] français. L’appropriation de ce geste (réflexe neurophysiologique) est primordiale pour progresser dans la prononciation correcte du [ø] et du [œ] et demande des stimulus déclencheurs sur le plan perceptif et visuel. La labialisation, contrairement à l’aperture, est bien visible, et un entrainement articulatoire intensif et régulier (n’ayons pas peur de son caractère répétitif) peut faciliter la production. Si la paresse musculaire et/ou une insensibilité perceptive persistent, l’acquisition des [ø] et [œ] labialisés restera probablement compromise par la suite. À mesure que le degré d’aperture augmente (que le relâchement musculaire opère), la labialisation devient plus difficile à contrôler.

En définitive, dans le contexte de l’enseignement/apprentissage de la prononciation française, il y a trois traits distinctifs fonctionnels : le degré de labialité (protrusion labiale, fort/léger arrondissement des lèvres), le degré d’aperture associé au degré de tension, et la position de la langue (en lien avec l’acuité) ; en façonnant le conduit vocal, ils influent sur les timbres vocaliques caractéristiques du français. Pour ce qui est des voyelles [y], [ø], [œ], la labialisation reste particulièrement saillante en tant que trait opératoire. Pour éloigner phonétiquement le [y] du [i], il est important d’insister sur les contrastes [y] L+ ≠ [i] L-. Sinon, il y a lieu de travailler sur la « surlabialisation » du [y] L++ par rapport au [u] L+. Pour distinguer le [ø] du [u], nous mettrons en valeur les contrastes [ø] A+ ≠ [u] A- (le cas échéant, nous insisterons sur le caractère labial du [ø] L++ ≠ [u] L+ (sachant que le [u] polonais n’a pas de trait de labialité fortement marqué). Afin de stabiliser la prononciation du [œ], notamment associé aux voyelles labiales et postérieures [ɔ] ou [u], il est utile de mettre en jeu des contrastes [œ] A+ (T-) ≠ [u] A- (T+). Et, si le [œ] est confondu avec le [ɛ], le travail sur la labialisation revient au premier plan, car [œ] L+ ≠ [ɛ] L°. Quoi qu’il en soit, une phase de diagnostic sera toujours nécessaire pour définir la remédiation adaptée aux difficultés rencontrées.

Indépendamment du contexte social et des différents phénomènes sociaux qui peuvent se présenter (comme la « glottophobie », Blanchet 2016), la résonance d’un « accent étranger » n’est pas problématique en soi sur le plan linguistique. La théorie de la viabilité nous explique qu’une multitude de solutions articulatoires aboutissent à une même cible acoustique et phonétique ; et qu’une multitude de solutions acoustiques aboutissent à une même cible perceptive (Sock et Vaxelaire 2004). Mais le dépassement d’un seuil de tolérance acoustique (production déformée) risque toujours, malgré tout, de perturber la communication et de nuire, sur le plan émotionnel, à l’assurance de l’apprenant.

Bibliographie

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Blanchet, Philippe (2016) Discrimination : combattre la glottophobie. Paris: Textuel.

Bothorel, André, Péla Simon, François Wioland, Jean-Pierre Zerling (1986) Cinéradiographie des voyelles et des consonnes du français. Strasbourg: Travaux de l’Institut de phonétique de Strasbourg.

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Intravaia, Pietro (2000) Formation des professeurs de langue en phonétique corrective. Le système verbo-tonal. Paris: Didier Érudition.

Iverson, Paul, Patricia K. Kuhl, Reiko Akahane-Yamada, Eugen Diesch, Yoh’ich Tohkura, Andreas Kettermann, Claudia Siebert (2003) « A Perceptual Interference Account of Acquisition Difficulties for Non-Native Phonems. » [Dans : ] Cognition. Vol. 87; B47–57.

Kuhl, Patricia K. (2004) « Early Language Acquisition: Aracking the Speech Code.” [Dans : ] Nature Reviews Neuroscience. Vol. 5; 831–843 ; https://doi.org/10.1038/nrn1533 (consulté le 20 novembre 2025).

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Sauvage, Jérémi (2020) « Quel futur pour la phonétique rémédiative ? » [Dans : ] Le langage et l’homme. Revue de didactique du français. Vol. 2020–2; 7–12.

Sock, Rudolph, Béatrice Vaxelaire (2004) L’Anticipation. A l’horizon du présent. Paris : Mardaga.

Ressources Internet

Boersma, Paul, David Weenink (1992–2019) Praat: Doing Phonetics by Computer. Version 6.0.46. Computer program ; http://www.praat.org (consulté le 20 novembre 2025).

1 Français Langue Étrangère (FLE).

2 Il s’agit des valeurs formantiques approximatives de [y], [ø], [œ], que nous avons définies à partir des moyennes de Calliope 1989 (corpus de phrases isolées lues) et Gendrot et Adda-Decker 2005 (corpus de quatre heures de discours journalistique).

3 L’écart-type est une mesure de la dispersion des valeurs autour de la moyenne. S’il est faible, il indique l’homogénéité de l’échantillon statistique.

4 Ces éléments sont reproduits tels qu’ils ont été prononcés spontanément par les participants, nous ne les avons pas corrigés.

Received:

18.04.2025

Reviewed:

17.06.2025

Accepted:

12.12.2025

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

doi: 10.34616/ajmp.2025.27.8

ISSN 2299–7164

Vol. 27 (2025)

Open Access. Published by Committee for Philology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław Branch and College for Interdisciplinary Studies, University of Wrocław. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.

Paweł Golda

University of Silesia in Katowice, Institute of Linguistics

pawel.golda@us.edu.pl

ORCID: 0000-0001-5505-7731

Joanna Ryszka

University of Silesia in Katowice, Institute of Linguistics

joanna.ryszka@us.edu.pl

ORCID: 0000-0002-5142-3949

Ami Toren

Independent Scholar, Zurich, Switzerland

amimoshe.toren.wg86@alumni.upenn.edu

On Helena Hellerówna. The Life and Achievements of a Polish Literary Translator

Abstract

Helena Hellerówna, a Polish interwar literary translator, was born in Cracow on February 27th, 1899, and died as a U.S. citizen in New York on June 25th, 1978, under the name Helen Antonia Atlas. She translated, among others, awarded works (e.g. Fiancée d'Avril by Guy Chantepleure or Le repos de Bacchus by Pierre Boileau) and recognised authors (e.g. André Maurois, François Mauriac, or Maria Peteani) frequently signing as Hel Hel or H.H. Her career was interrupted by WWII, during which Hellerówna became a victim of the Holocaust. Her contribution to the Polish translation community has been largely forgotten, to the point where even the Polish National Library has no accurate information about her. This paper presents a preliminary study on Helena Hellerówna as a translator, with the aim of reconstructing her biography and compiling a complete list of her translations, to facilitate further research on her works within the framework of Translator Studies (Chesterman 2009). The objective of this approach is to bring the translator out of the “shadow” of the author, as mentioned by Venuti (2008). In the case of translators about whom little is known – such as Hellerówna – conducting in-depth research in Translation Studies is challenging without first establishing a comprehensive biographical account, and this study seeks to provide it.

Keywords: Helena Hellerówna, Helena Heller, Helen Atlas, biography, literary translation, translator studies

Introduction1

Translator Studies focus on the figure of the translator, who sometimes is overshadowed by their translations or whose role is perceived as less important than that of the original author (Venuti 2008). Nowadays, many scholars also recognise this importance and analyse the biographies of various translators who have made significant contributions to the development of literature, frequently drawing on anthropological translation studies (e.g. Płużyczka 2021). Among the analysed translators, we can find Zofia Chądzyńska (Gaszyńska-Magiera 2012), Wanda Kragen (Eberharter 2014), Wiktor Baworski (Eberharter 2017), Jan Nepomucen Kamiński (Eberharter 2018), Bolesław Leśmian (Górski 2018), Irina Adelgejm (Krajewska 2022), and Marceli Tarnowski (Golda, Ryszka 2024). The interest in these translators often stems from the fact that their contribution to the development of foreign literature was long overlooked (Gaszyńska-Magiera 2012; Krajewska 2022), even though traces of their character can be found in the translation. As Andrew Chesterman (2009: 19–20) suggests, it is crucial to consider the cultural, cognitive, and sociological aspects that leave an imprint on the translator’s (and interpreter’s) language and perspective, sometimes visible through the translation.

This paper aims to present the biography and translation work of Helena Hellerówna, a Polish-American literary translator whose career spanned the 20th century, with her most active period being during the interwar years (Sobesto 2024: 192). Despite the extensive bibliography of her contributions, and her role as the translator of awarded works (e.g. Fiancée d’Avril by Guy Chantepleure or Le repos de Bacchus by Pierre Boileau) and recognised authors (e.g. André Maurois, François Mauriac, or Maria Peteani), Hellerówna has remained relatively overlooked and unknown in scholarly discourse until now. There is no biographical information about her in the Polish National Library, the Scientific Information Laboratory, or the Polish online biographical dictionary, Polski Słownik Biograficzny. Only the dictionary of pseudonyms of Polish writers, Słownik pseudonimów pisarzy polskich, edited by Edmund Jankowski (1996), provides the place and (incorrect) year of her birth.

Importantly, this paper does not apply or adhere to any specific methodology; it should be perceived as a preliminary study on Helena Hellerówna, aiming to reconstruct her biography and to facilitate further research on her works and language within the framework of Translator Studies (Chesterman 2009). This approach allows the translator to come out of the “shadow” of the author, as described by Lawrence Venuti (2008). However, in the case of translators about whom little is known – such as Hellerówna – conducting in-depth research in Translator Studies is challenging without first establishing a comprehensive biographical account2, and this study seeks to address that gap.

According to her birth certificate, Hellerówna was born on February 27, 1899. Her birth certificate lists her given name as Helena and her father’s surname as Heller. However, throughout her life, she also used other names: Helena Hellerówna, Helena Antonina Heller (AINR), Helena Atlas (after her marriage), and Helen Antonia Atlas (after her naturalisation as a United States citizen). Additionally, in some documents, she appears as Hélène Heller (documents related to her stay in France), or her family name is misspelt as Heler (both instances observed in materials from AINR). As for the first form, Hellerówna, which was used, among others, to sign her translations, the suffix -ówna was traditionally a linguistic marker of subordination and affiliation, indicating the unmarried daughter (Skudrzyk 1996). Thus, Hellerówna means the daughter of Heller. The occupying authorities prohibited using this suffix (and similar ones), but after Poland regained independence, the Polish authorities abolished this prohibition in 1919. During the interwar period, some offices mandated using such forms of women’s surnames (Ostrowska-Knapik 2020), allowing Heller to sign her translations as Helena Hellerówna3.

Hellerówna’s birth date warrants closer examination. As mentioned, she was born in 1899, but some sources report her birth year as 1909. The earliest record in which she appears to be ten years younger is dated May 13, 1945. However, upon her entry to the Gross-Rosen concentration camp, her date of birth was recorded as February 28, 1903, making her four years younger. Interestingly, upon her liberation, Hellerówna’s birth date was registered as February 28, 1909, suggesting that her age had been further reduced by six additional years while at Langenbielau. Hellerówna most likely used the chaos of the final months in the concentration camp to fabricate a birth date that made her ten years younger. Presumably, she realised that the authorities would no longer scrutinise individual details like dates of birth, especially since many prisoners were likely to perish before being liberated. A younger age may have enhanced Hellerówna’s chances of survival during the brutal selection process.

Once she adopted a new birth date, Hellerówna continued to use it throughout her post-war life. Her decision to maintain this altered birth year may have also been motivated by a desire to improve her employability and chances of obtaining a visa for emigration. Consequently, Hellerówna consistently reported her birth date as February 28, 1909, in all subsequent documents. This date appears in numerous post-war records, including her Holocaust survivor registration card signed in 1947 (Yad Vashem), her passport questionnaire from the same year (AINR), various documents in Toren’s archives (including sworn and notarised documents where she acknowledged that making a false statement was punishable by law), and her 1951 petition for American naturalisation (Ancestry). The 1909 birth year is also recorded in the Polish National Library’s archives. In contrast, the actual birth year of 1899 appears less frequently in official records, though it can still be found in documents such as her registration cards for the Jagiellonian University.

Regarding Hellerówna’s place of birth, there are two possibilities. For instance, the birth certificate from Toren’s archives states that she was born at Jasna 4 in Stradom, a district of Cracow. However, records from the Jewish Community Centre4 list her place of birth as Borek Fałęcki, which was not part of Cracow at the time of her birth, but was later incorporated into the city.

Family Background

The family background of the protagonist will serve as the starting point for this paper. Helena Hellerówna was born to Wilhelm Heller, also known as Schmerl Wolf Heller (Hirschberg 2024) and Chana (JRI-Poland; The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, hereafter referred to as USHMM), Hana (Minakowski 2024), Anna-Maria (AINR), or Anna Heller née Frommer (Toren’s archives). Wilhelm Heller was born in 1864 in Tarnopol, Poland, into a wealthy family. He was the son of Dawid Heller, the owner of a hotel in Lviv, and Jutta née Mantel. He worked for the postal service (Minakowski 2024; JRI-Poland), and according to the knowledge of his descendant, Ami Toren, he headed a post office branch in the city centre of Cracow. Anna Frommer was born on December 26, 1885 (Minakowski 2024), April 7, 1871 (USHMM), or April 4, 1871 (Jewish Historical Institute, hereafter referred to as JHI), as the daughter of Izaak (Minakowski 2024) or Izak (JRI-Poland) Frommer and Malka (Minakowski 2024) or Amalia (JRI-Poland) Frommer née Hirsch. Hellerówna’s parents married on May 4, 1893, in Cracow (JRI-Poland). Then, Wilhelm Heller passed away before WWII in 1936 (Geneteka), and his wife died during the war in 1942.

Helena Hellerówna had an older brother, Tadeusz Heller, born on July 10, 1894 (Hirschberg 2024). He was a gynaecologist, graduating with a Doctor of Medicine degree from Jagiellonian University in 1922 (Minakowski 2024), and served as an officer during WWI and the Polish-Soviet War. Tadeusz Heller passed away on February 28, 1942 (Gołąb 1945: 4) in Uzbekistan, where, as his old university friend testified after WWII, Tadeusz had travelled to Kermine (today’s Navoiy) to enlist in Anders’ Army after being just released from forced labour in the gold mines in the North Siberia. On September 11, 1927, he married Rozalia, also known as Irena, born on December 25, 1902, the daughter of Leib Schonfeld and Freida née Gutter (Hirschberg 2024). Tadeusz and Rozalia had one daughter, Ewa, the mother of Ami Toren, the co-author of this paper. The family left Poland in 1945. Ewa later married and lived as Eva Toren in Israel. She passed away in 2022 at the age of 94. She had two sons and two grandchildren.

Helena Hellerówna’s family resided at Ułanów 457 in the Łagiewniki district of Cracow (Hirschberg 2024) and at Grabowskiego 13 or 13/4 (JHI). They lived there until the outbreak of WWII (HHCV). She was born into a family of consciously assimilated Jews (Adamek, Radwan-Pragłowski 2006: 382). Her mother’s father, Isaak Frommer, fiercely opposed religion and broke away from it5. On her father’s side, the Heller family’s roots extend back hundreds of years, and her ancestors came from long lines of venerable rabbis. However, the translator’s father, Wilhelm, deviated from the rabbinical tradition. After marrying Anna Frommer, Wilhelm’s family severed ties with him, resulting in no contact with that side of the family. Despite not becoming a rabbi, Wilhelm refused to renounce his Jewish faith, even though converting to Christianity would have improved his legal career prospects. Hellerówna’s brother, Tadeusz, named after Tadeusz Kościuszko, also refused attractive offers to convert to Christianity, which was a precondition for advancing his medical career. Neither her father nor brother was religious, but they considered abandoning their heritage an affront.

The family was distinguished and artistically inclined, enjoying an enlightened and assimilated upbringing with strong artistic leanings in early 20th-century Cracow. Hellerówna’s uncle, Artur Frommer, established the first X-ray medical clinic in Cracow and developed a thriving medical practice (Urbanik, Wyka, Urbanik 2016: 181–182). Another uncle, Szymon Frommer, was a painter who studied fine arts in Cracow and tragically died of tuberculosis in 1911 at the age of 28. Szymon Frommer was also closely connected with the artistic community. His friend, the sculptor Xawery Dunikowski, immortalised him as Jesus above the entrance to the Jesuit church at Mikołaja Kopernika 26 in Cracow.

Hellerówna’s cousin, Róża Aleksandrowicz, was a patron of many painters in Cracow until WWII. Roża generously supported numerous Cracow artists with art supplies, and in gratitude, they created portraits of her. As a result, she is immortalised in many portraits displayed in national galleries in Warsaw and Cracow. After the war, Aleksandrowicz, under the threat of imprisonment, was forced by the communists to donate her extensive collection of paintings by leading artists to the Cracow National Museum. It is also worth mentioning Hanka Ordonówna, the famous singer and actress of that time. Whenever she visited Cracow in the 1920s, she stayed with Hellerówna’s mother’s sister, Zofia Frommer.

Early Life and Education

Irena Weissowa, the wife of painter Wojciech Weiss and a talented painter herself, mentioned the translator in her memoirs. She noted that they frequently painted Hellerówna, describing her as having a beautiful light complexion and dark hair. Weissowa also highlighted her patience and enjoyment in posing for the artists. One of the portraits, titled The Violinist (Skrzypaczka, 1921), is presented above. In general, Hellerówna had a strong affinity for the arts. As a young girl, she developed exceptional talent in playing the violin and cello, with her teachers predicting a great future for her as a concert performer. However, performing on stage caused her significant stress, leading her to abandon this vocation abruptly.

During her early years, Hellerówna had a unique affection for the colour green, which she incorporated into her clothing, accessories, and interiors. Notably, she kept a green leather-bound book in which she collected autographs from renowned composers and concert performers, including pianists, violinists, violists, conductors, and singers. This collection began in Cracow in 1919 and continued through the 1960s in New York. The autograph book, preserved in Toren’s archives, contains signatures from notable figures from around the world, such as Feodor Chaliapin, George Enescu, Grzegorz Fitelberg, Walter Gieseking, Emil Gilels, Grace Moore, Mieczysław Horszowski, Henri Koch, Benno Moiseiwitsch, David Oistrakh, Isaac Stern, Rudolf Serkin, or Arturo Toscanini.

Some of the autographs also include brief notes from the authors. For example, one of the earliest pages, likely from the early 1920s, features a dedication from Paul Grümmer, a German cellist: “Fräulein Heller für ausgezeichnete I. Geige!” (eng. “To Miss Heller, for an excellent first violin”6)7 and “Mit herzlichen Dank für die freundliche Führung” (eng. “With heartfelt thanks for the kind guidance”).

Photo 1. The Violinist – Portrait of Helena Hellerówna by Wojciech Weiss (Konopacki, Weiss 2013). Reproduced with permission from the copyright holder

In her affidavit dated March 30, 1955, submitted as part of her compensation proceedings, Hellerówna stated that her parents ensured she received a good education. She reported attending high school and graduating with the matura in 1927 (Toren’s archives). However, since Hellerówna made herself ten years younger than she was, it appears that the correct graduation year was likely 1917. Unfortunately, we do not know which high school she graduated from. In the same affidavit, she also claimed to have studied at the Jagiellonian University in Cracow until 1931, completing her studies with a degree in Philosophy. However, this information appears to be inaccurate in light of the records found in the Jagiellonian University archives.

First of all, Mariusz Kulczykowski (2004: 570), in his book, which serves as a database of Jewish students at the Jagiellonian University between 1918 and 1939, indicates that Helena Hellerówna began her studies at the Faculty of Philosophy in the academic year 1918/1919. This information is confirmed by several documents preserved in the Jagiellonian University archives, most of which were compiled and signed by her. These documents prove that Hellerówna studied from the spring semester of 1918/1919 until the academic year 1922/1923. It means that she correctly enrolled each year as follows: 1918/1919 (spring semester only), 1919/1920, 1920/1921, 1921/1922, and 1922/1923, thereby completing a total of four full years. Her documents do not provide any information about the high school she graduated from, nor is there any evidence of her entry exams.

As previously mentioned, Hellerówna was a student at the Faculty of Philosophy, where she took courses in the sciences, including organic chemistry, experimental physics, heredity and reproduction, and anthropology. She also attended courses on foreign art, such as the history of art in Italy, Italian painting, the history of Greek sculpture, the history of opera, and German painting of the 15th and 16th centuries. Regarding Polish art and culture, she studied contemporary Polish painting, Polish literature of the 15th and 16th centuries, and the history of mediaeval architecture in Poland. Additionally, Hellerówna took foreign language courses in English, French, and Italian. Her language instructors included Polish professors, such as Michał Dziewicki and Bolesław Kielski, and foreign teachers like Fr. Fortunato Giannini for Italian and Louis Bernard for French. She also participated in a course on translating classical works taught by Michał Dziewicki for several semesters.

As previously mentioned, Hellerówna claimed in her affidavit to have studied at the Jagiellonian University in Cracow until 1931. Another source, the 1975–1976 edition of the American Biographical Institute’s Community Leaders and Noteworthy Americans, lists her as having obtained an absolutorium8 in Philosophy in 19309. However, the Jagiellonian University archives contain no evidence that she was enrolled after 1923, and she indeed completed her studies that year. The discrepancies in the reported years of completion – 1931 in the affidavit and 1930 in the biographical dictionary – are likely due to her attempts to make herself younger.

Photo 2. Helena Hellerówna’s signature on her registration card for the Jagiellonian University, dated September 28, 1922 (Jagiellonian University Archives, ref. WF II 406)

According to Ewa Kołodziejczyk (2019–), in the 1930s, while professionally active, Hellerówna travelled abroad regularly. However, despite the extensive scope of our research, we found no clear evidence to substantiate this claim. We hoped to confirm this information through her previously mentioned autograph book, a collection that began in Cracow in 1919 and continued through the 1960s in New York. Upon reviewing the approximately one hundred autographs Hellerówna collected, we identified one from Leipzig in 1923 and another from Vienna, though the latter lacked a date. This limited evidence is insufficient to conclude that her travels abroad were regular. Most of the 1920s and 1930s autographs originated in Cracow, with others lacking any location indication. While the collection includes numerous signatures of international musicians, these could have been gathered during performances in Cracow. There is also one inscription from Krynica. Ami Toren recalls that, according to his mother’s testimony, their relative spent significant time travelling between Cracow and Warsaw. However, we found no autographs explicitly linked to Warsaw. Autographs from the 1950s and 1960s clearly indicate her presence in New York.

Translation Career

After examining her early life and education, we will proceed to discuss her professional life. During her translation career, which likely began in 1928, Hellerówna translated at least seventy literary works, which she usually signed as Helena Hellerówna, but also as Hel Hel (Bar 1936: 147; Bar 1938: 40, e.g. Babel d’amour by Pierre Zenda) and H. H. (e.g. Mariàges by Charles Plisnier). She worked with various publishing houses in Poland, including Towarzystwo Wydawnicze “Rój,” Wydawnictwo Współczesne, and Stanisław Cukrowski. Hellerówna translated books from German (e.g. works by Goll, Gaugenwald, Heuer, and Kaus), French (e.g. Mauriac, Benoit, and Morand), English (e.g. Hichens, Bradley, Marshall King, Parke, Parrot, Queen, and Thomas), as well as, from Italian (e.g. Pitigrilli), and possibly Norwegian (e.g. Haakon Bugge Mahrt)10. She published and contributed to Around the World, New Daily, AS, and Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny (Community Leaders and Noteworthy Americans 1975). For her work for the latter, she is recognised by some scholars, e.g. Bańdo (2006: 135), who mentioned her as the translator of, for instance, André Maurois and Haakon Bugge Mahrt.

Table 1. The source language of the translated books

English

French

German

Italian

Norwegian

14

40

11

1

1

According to Hellerówna’s information in her autobiographical note, she was also the translator of short Italian stories and contributed to Around the World and New Daily (Community Leaders and Noteworthy Americans 1975). However, the search for confirmation of this information has posed some challenges. Google News Archive does not list any periodicals under these two titles. We can find some periodicals titled New Daily (e.g. edited by Edward Martell and published between 1960 and 1967, see Green 2002: 230); yet none of them were published when Hellerówna was professionally active. It is highly probable that Around the World and New Daily are actually English translations of the Polish periodicals’ titles. New Daily refers most likely to Nowy Dziennik, published 1918–1939 (Jagiellońska Biblioteka Cyfrowa, cf. Brzoza 1998), which in the issues from 188 to 199 from 1931, edited by Zygmunt Hochwald, included fragments Le Soleil de minuit written by Pierre Benoit and translated by Helena Hellerówna. This provides some evidence that the New Daily mentioned by Hellerówna is the Polish Jewish Nowy Dziennik published in Cracow. Moreover, according to the recollections of Ami Toren, Hellerówna’s cousin, Zygmunt Aleksandrowicz, was a sponsor of the journal in question. Their families were close, and it is possible that Hellerówna began her collaboration with Nowy Dziennik with Aleksandrowicz’s help.

When it comes to Around the World, it could either refer to Dookoła Świata (eng. “Around the World”; [translation by J. R.]) or Okienko na Świat. Pismo dzieci i młodzieży (eng. “Window to the World. Periodical for children and youth”; [translation by J. R.] ). The argument for Dookoła Świata is that the title translates perfectly into English Around the World, yet it was published between 1954 and 1976 (Polish National Library), which was after Hellerówna ended her professional career. On the other hand, Okienko na Świat. Pismo dzieci i młodzieży was published between 1937 and 1939 and, like Nowy Dziennik, was a Jewish periodical published in Cracow (Szabłowska-Zaremba 2015). Moreover, Okienko na Świat. Pismo dzieci i młodzieży published short stories translated from various languages, including German, French, and Italian. Yet, none of the issues available at Jagiellońska Biblioteka Cyfrowa includes Hellerówna’s name or her name’s acronym as the author of the translations. Additionally, her name does not appear in the article by Szabłowska-Zaremba (2015), which discusses the history of Okienko na Świat Pismo dzieci i młodzieży in great detail and lists most of the contributors who worked for this periodical.

The argument for Hellerówna’s decision to translate Polish periodical titles into English is that the biographical notes in Community Leaders and Noteworthy Americans (1975), as already mentioned, were published for a fee. The price likely depended on the length of the note, which may explain why Hellerówna opted for shorter English titles. It is also possible that, after many years, she did not fully recall the names of the journals she had translated for or worked with.

Kołodziejczyk (2019–) also suggests that Hellerówna translated works from Spanish, potentially referring to some translations published in periodicals. However, we were unable to confirm this information.

The majority of Hellerówna’s translations were prepared by her alone, with a few exceptions. She collaborated with Małgorzata Sokołowska on Bacchante by Robert Smythe Hichens, which was published by Biblioteka Groszowa in 1929. She also worked with Tadeusz Ćwikliński on Aerodrome by Rex Warner, published by Wydawnictwo “Awir” in 1947. Additionally, she partnered with Witold Zechenter, who translated the poems included in her version of André Maurois’s Silences du colonel Bramble – Les discours du dr. O’Grady, first published by Biblioteka Groszowa in 1930.

It is important to note that the number of translations attributed to Hellerówna may not necessarily reflect the total number of books she translated. This discrepancy arises from her translations being published either twice11 or the translation being divided into two parts12. The fact that the translations were republished under different titles did not go unnoticed by critics. For instance, Witold Chwalewik (1932: 185) commented on Vioux’s Le requin, and Zygmunt Czerny (1933: 154) did the same for Dyvonne’s Chipette et lui (1933: 154) and Ursula Parrot’s Ex-Wife (1932: 122). Notably, the initial preparation of the complete list of Hellerówna’s translations suggested that one manuscript, Baskijski dzwonek, was published posthumously. However, this book, published in 1993, is actually a reprint of Hellerówna’s 1936 translation of Martha Ostenso’s Prologue to Love, which was originally titled Prolog miłości.

Table 2. The reasons for multiple presence of the same source books

Divided into two parts

First published
in a newspaper

First published
under a different title

7

11

7

Naturally, columns two and three in Table 2 are not mutually exclusive. Some of the books, whose fragments were first published in newspapers, initially had different titles, which later changed when published as books. However, three book translations were published under two different titles from the start, e.g. Ursula Parrott’s Ex-Wife was published in Poland in 1932 by Wydawnictwo Współczesne under titles Eks-żona and Rozwódka.

Notably, the Polish National Library questions the translatorship of Le Soleil de minuit by Pierre Benoit, published in 1932 by Towarzystwo Wydawnicze “Rój”. This doubt likely arises from the fact that Rocznik Literacki za rok 1932 (1932: 182) lists this translation as without specifying a translator. However, as noted earlier, Hellerówna did indeed translate Le Soleil de minuit into Polish, with the first publication appearing in Nowy Dziennik in 1931.

After WWII, Hellerówna planned to continue her career as a translator, as she commented in 1946 for Tygodnik Odrodzenie. She mentioned that she had just completed the translation of Mauriac’s La Chair et le Sang, a work she had already translated, but whose typescript had been destroyed during the war. She also expressed her intention to continue translating Mauriac’s Mamona, the typescript of which had also been lost. Hellerówna noted plans to translate four novels by William Somerset Maugham: The Razor’s Edge, Up at the Villa, The Mixture as Before, and Christmas Holiday (Tygodnik Odrodzenie 1946: 21). However, her career as a literary translator most likely ended in 1947 with the publication of her last two translations, Mauriac’s La Chair et le Sang and Warner’s Aerodrome.

Table 3. Translations per publisher

ABC – Nowiny Codzienne

Wydawnictwo “Awir”

Biblioteka Groszowa

Biblioteka Tygodnika Ilustrowanego

Dod. powieściowy „ABC”

Graf

Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny

Instytut Wydawniczy „Plan”

Lektura

Nowy Dziennik

Powszechna Spółka Wydawnicza „Płomień”

Premie Powieściowe “Świata”

Stanisław Cukrowski

Towarzystwo Wydawnicze “Rój”

Udziałowa Spółka Wydawnicza

Wydawnictwo „Globus” we Lwowie

Wydawnictwo Współczesne

Sum

1928

1

1

1929

1

1

1930

2

1

3

1931

1

2

4

7

1932

1

2

5

8

1933

1

1

1

1

2

6

1934

1

1

1

1

4

1935

2

14

1

1

1

19

1936

1

1

1

1

9

2

15

1937

3

1

4

1938

1

4

1

1

3

4

14

1939

3

3

1

1

8

1947

2

2

1993

1

1

Sum

1

2

3

2

2

1

11

4

1

1

8

1

23

12

7

1

13

93

In 1967, Hellerówna applied for reparations under the German Federal Act (BGBL I S. 559). In her application, she stated that she had joined the PEN Club, which granted translators the same rights as authors. According to her statement, her work as a translator earned her a decent salary of approximately PLN 25,000–30,000 per year. Additionally, she was a member of the Association of Polish Writers in Cracow and the Association of Authors, Composers, and Publishers in Warsaw (ZAIKS) (AINR). This suggests that she was well-connected in the literary community, rather than isolated.

Interestingly, some authors, for instance, Eugenia Prokop-Janiec (2023: 202) – most likely mistakenly – suggest that Helena Heller was a pen name of Róża Heller (1906–1936, according to Minakowski 2024). Róża Heller, “the only daughter of the wealthy owners of Hotel Europejski and a student of the Jagiellonian University” (Prokop-Janiec 2023: 202), was an influential figure in Cracow’s literary and artistic salons (ibid.) and an acquaintance of Tadeusz Boy-Żeleński (Landau-Czajka 2006: 102–103). Prokop-Janiec (2023: 202) further claims that Róża Heller translated for As journal, where Helena Heller’s translations were also published. However, it seems highly unlikely that both Helena and Róża would have published under the same name and in the same journal.

Photo 3. A portrait photo of young Helena Hellerówna (AINR, ref. IPN BU 1540/1707)

During the War13

Helena Hellerówna lived in Cracow at Grabowskiego 13 until December 3, 1940. During this period, she and her mother sought baptismal certificates from the Catholic Church in an attempt to avoid Nazi persecution. Despite applying to the Metropolitan Curia in Cracow and even writing to the Mayor of Cracow on September 15, 1941, there is no record of a response (Grądzka-Rejak 2018: 105–106). Family records, however, suggest that they eventually received the certificates. Unfortunately, these documents offered little protection against the harsh realities that followed.

On December 3, 1940, Hellerówna, her mother, and her aunt Zofia Frommer were arrested by the Gestapo and taken to Piaski, near Lublin. After three months, on March 2, 1941, the translator managed to escape and fled to Łagiewniki, near Cracow, where she worked at a brick factory and stayed until September 1941, with her mother and aunt still by her side.

In September 1941, Hellerówna sought refuge with a friendly Aryan family, the Murdzinskis (most likely Marudzińscy), in Gorlice, where she pretended to be their Aryan cousin. This family provided her with a hiding place in a small wooden chamber, measuring 1.5 metres in length and 1 metre in width. Inside this confined space, she was given two horse blankets, a straw mat, a pot of drinking water, and a bucket for basic needs. At night, food – typically stale bread and boiled potatoes – was passed to her through a small opening. The situation took a dangerous turn in October 1942 when a neighbour suspected her of being Jewish and reported her to the local authorities. Her identity card was confiscated for verification, which was supposed to be completed the next day. To avoid detection, Hellerówna fled to Drochlin, near Koniecpol, where the Murdzinski family’s relatives provided her with a new identity card under the name Helena Dembowska.

In November 1942, her mother fell gravely ill with pneumonia. Neighbours urged the translator to call a priest to administer last rites, but fearing exposure due to their lack of knowledge of catechism, her mother insisted on leaving their hiding place. Tragically, she passed away destitute and homeless on November 15, 1942, in her daughter’s arms on the cold streets of Drochlin. She was buried in the church cemetery in Lelów, near Częstochowa. The Book of the Deceased in 1942 from the Roman Catholic Parish of St. Martin in Lelów, held by the parish, contains an entry for Anna Frommer. Unfortunately, the exact location of the grave is not specified, and it is likely that, after being unattended for many years, the grave was removed.

After her mother’s death, Hellerówna continued to hide with her aunt Zofia. From January 10, 1943, they stayed in Swoszowice and Prądnik near Cracow. They lived in deplorable conditions, constantly fearing for their lives, often starving, and suffering from extreme weakness. The Bandurowski family, who hid them, provided some shelter, but their safety was always at risk. The hardships continued until March 21, 1944, when both Hellerówna and her aunt Zofia were arrested by the Gestapo and taken to Montelupich Prison in Cracow. Zofia and nine other prisoners arrested that day were taken to be shot the next morning at the nearby camp Płaszów. Montelupich prison was notorious for detaining Jews who had been caught outside the ghetto while trying to live under Aryan identities. Prisoners there were either murdered or sent to concentration camps like Auschwitz, Płaszów, Gross-Rosen, or Pustków (Kostkiewicz 2020: 55). Due to her pre-war work as a translator, Hellerówna was forced to translate German documents for her captors, Herr Kindermann and Herr Lohsen. Despite this, she was subjected to daily beatings and the constant threat of deportation to a concentration camp.

On January 16, 1945, just two days before the arrival of the Red Army, Hellerówna was transferred to the Gross-Rosen concentration camp and then to Langenbielau, near Breslau, where she became prisoner No. 93504. She was forced to work at the Lehmann aircraft factory until her liberation on May 8, 1945.

On May 8, 1945, she was liberated by the Soviet Army. Since the train connection to Cracow was not operational at this time, Hellerówna had to work at the Flechtner factory in Reichenbach to earn a living.

Table 4. The place and dates of Helena Hellerówna’s residence in 1940–1945

Place

Date

Cracow

November 18, 1939–December 3, 1940

ZAL Piaski

December 3, 1940–March 2, 1941

Łagiewniki

March 2, 1941–September 1941

Gorlice

September 1941–October 1942

Drochlin

October 1942–January 10, 1943

Swoszowice

January 10, 1943–January 30, 1943

Prądnik

January 30, 1943–March 21, 1944

Montelupich Prison

March 21, 1944–January 16, 1945

KL Gross-Rosen, KL Langenbielau

January 16, 1945–May 8, 1945

The table above helps to summarise Hellerówna’s location and periods of displacement. It also suggests where further information about her might be discovered in the future.

Postwar Life

In July 1945, Helena Hellerówna, unexpectedly for her family, arrived in Cracow, having just been released from a concentration camp. Her arrival came at a crucial moment for her family: the morning before her relatives – her sister-in-law Irena (Rozalia) and Ewa Heller (mother of Ami Toren) – were scheduled to leave Poland. They had decided not to remain in Poland, which they considered “a graveyard for Jews”, and had arranged a clandestine route to Palestine. Hellerówna’s arrival was met with indescribable surprise and joy. During the reunion, she learned of her brother’s death and recounted the tragic fates of her mother and aunt. Although Hellerówna’s return was a momentous event, Ewa Heller hesitated to delay their departure due to the difficulties in arranging it. At the same time, the translator needed time to settle her affairs in Cracow. As of 1946 and 1947, she resided at Grabowskiego 13 (Hirschberg 2024; JHI), 13/4 (JHI; AINR), or 130/3 (JHI), or alternatively at Grabowskiego Boczna 3 (AINR) in Cracow. There, in Cracow, Hellerówna met her future husband, Dr. Adolf Atlas.

Adolf Atlas was born on August 15, 1890, in Rzeszów, as the son of Herman or Hersz Atlas and Franciszka or Fany Atlas née Raff (Hirschberg 2024; Military Historical Centre; JRI-Poland). On November 1, 1918, he enlisted as a volunteer in the Sanok Rifle Battalion14. He earned a Doctor of Law degree and practised as an attorney in Sanok until 1939 (Hirschberg 2024; Kirkiczenko, Kraczkiewicz 1929: 219, 1939: 277). Dr. Atlas was a member of the Association of Economic Journalists, serving on its board of directors. Additionally, he was a prolific publicist, contributing to various economic journals and newspapers such as Bank and Dziennik Gazeta Handlowa15. He was also elected a councillor of the Sanok City Council in mid-1939, just before the outbreak of WWII (Drwięga 2008: 46). Adolf Atlas was married before. With his wife Roża (born in 1891 as the daughter of Samuel and Eugenia), he had a son, Ryszard, born in Lviv on August 19, 1929 (Yad Vashem).

In 1939, Dr. Atlas visited his brother, Marceli Atlas16, in the United States17. During his stay, WWII broke out, preventing him from returning to Poland. He made several, unfortunately unsuccessful, attempts to rescue his family from occupied Poland18.

The 1940 United States Federal Census lists Dr. Atlas as Adolph Atlas, using the English spelling of his name, with a residence at 1222 48th St, A.D. 9, Kings, New York, United States. Most likely, somewhere around that time, and presumably with the help of his brother, he obtained American citizenship. After the war, Atlas still actively searched for his family, and when his efforts yielded no results, he travelled to Poland personally. Upon his return, he learned that his wife and son had perished19. During this time, he also met Helena, whom he decided to marry before returning to the United States.

Helena Hellerówna was always an opponent of Communism. She worked for a newspaper in Poland that was well-known for its anti-Communist stance. After WWII, when the Communists came to power, the newspaper was banned, and all its employees faced persecution. As a Jew, Hellerówna feared for her life, mainly due to the anti-Semitic sentiments among the Polish population. She witnessed the Kielce pogrom in 1946 with horror and attempted to leave Poland at that time (HHAF). Unfortunately, leaving Poland proved difficult (Semczyszyn 2018), and she was forbidden to emigrate due to her poor health (HHAF). Around that time, Hellerówna was accused of collaborating with the Nazis, and her case was brought before a court in Cracow. Since the Gestapo had imprisoned her under duress, she was eventually acquitted.

After the war, Hellerówna began working as a translator for the French consulate in Cracow. In May 1948, the consulate facilitated her travel to Paris under various pretexts (HHAF). In her application for a passport and visa, she emphasized her membership in the Association of Polish Writers in Cracow and the Association of Authors, Composers, and Publishers in Warsaw (ZAIKS). To strengthen her application, in addition to assistance from the French consulate, she also received an attestation from the ZAIKS stating that she was traveling to Paris on behalf of this association. The purpose of her trip was to acquire the rights to works by French authors and to sell the copyrights of Polish novelists (AINR). Dr. Atlas, already in France, awaited her arrival, and they married on August 28, 1948 (HHCV) at the town hall of the 1st arrondissement of Paris (AINR)20. In the marriage certificate21, Hellerówna listed her profession as Femme de Lettres (eng. “woman of letters”)22.

In January 1949, Mrs. and Mr. Atlas arrived in New York. Hellerówna entered the United States as the wife of an American citizen (HHAF)23. Since her Polish citizenship was never formally revoked, she was Polish until her naturalisation on July 26, 195, as a United States citizen, and after that, she held two citizenships (Ancestry; HHAF).

While living in the United States, Hellerówna did not continue her professional career. Dr. Atlas’s brother, Marceli, who had amassed considerable wealth in Detroit, ensured that his relatives would not need to work (HHCV). Dr. Atlas passed away on September 20, 1963. Due to the limited availability of burial plots in Manhattan, he was interred at Riverside Cemetery in Saddle Brook, Bergen County, New Jersey (Find a Grave)24. After his death, Marcel Atlas continued to support Hellerówna financially until her passing (HHCV). According to Ami Toren, Hellerówna had a close relationship with her family, even after her move to the United States.

Helena Hellerówna had a remarkable talent for spotting collectables and art. After her husband’s death, she began collecting antiques on a significant scale. She stopped collecting autographs and attending concerts and, instead, focused on auctions and estate sales. Her knowledge of European art and interior styling was extraordinary. Hellerówna was adept at identifying outstanding pieces at unusual venues. Her home became a repository of valuables25.

Final Years

Despite living independently, Helena Hellerówna’s final years in New York were marked by happiness and fulfilment. She was able to pursue her interests and utilise her extensive knowledge.

In her last year, Hellerówna was diagnosed with terminal cancer, and her condition deteriorated rapidly. She was admitted to a hospital, where the significant costs of her treatment necessitated the liquidation of her most cherished possessions through two large auctions. During this challenging period, Hellerówna received invaluable support from her best friend, Carola Rowe26.

In her final months, Hellerówna experienced hallucinations, believing she was back in the concentration camp. She was terrified of the nurses, whom she imagined to be angels of death. Hellerówna passed away on June 25, 1978, with her death notice published in the New York Times the following day: “ATLAS – Helen A., beloved wife of the late Adolph, loving aunt and friend to many. Services Tuesday, 2 PM at Frank E. Campbell, Madison Ave at 81 St.” She was laid to rest in an eternal grave at Maple Grove Cemetery, located on Kew Gardens Road, Kew Gardens, NY 11415, in Section E, Lot 252, Unit B, Grave #3.

Photo 4. Helena Hellerówna’s grave. The photograph originates from the private archive of Ami Toren and is published with the author’s permission

Reception of the Translations and Reviews

Opinions on Helena Hellerówna’s translations varied. In Kurjer warszawski: wydanie wieczorne from January 17, 1931, we can read that translating fast-paced Paul Morand’s New-York’s plot was beyond Hellerówna’s depth, suggesting she did not do very well. Moreover, this translation was also criticised due to the number of mistakes, which the reviewer perceived as disrespectful to the reader (Sobesto 2024: 315, who quotes an article from 1931 published in Kurjer Lwowski). The review by Chwalewik (1932: 130) praised her for few linguistic mistakes in her translation of Ursula Parrott’s Ex-wife but criticised her neutral treatment of a plot that was supposed to shock. The following year, she was praised by Czerny (1933: 167) for an improvement in the quality of her translation based on Maurois’ Cercle de famille. However, Czerny (1933: 168) also expressed his surprise at Hellerówna’s decision to translate the “pornographic” Babel d’amour by Zenda.

In Rocznik Literacki from 1934, Wanda Tyszkowa criticised Hellerówna’s translation of Maurois’ Les discours du docteur O’Grady – Les silences du colonel Bramble for its numerous linguistic errors and discrepancies with the original work. Tyszkowa (1934: 157) made similar comments on Hellerówna’s language in the translation of Morand’s France la Doulce. Henryk Elzenberg (1936: 122) also found Hellerówna’s translation of Maurois’ Voltaire to be “strongly flawed.”

In 1935, Andrzej Mikułowski and Stanisław Kaliszewski offered their critiques on Hellerówna’s translations of Bernard Quesnay by André Maurois and L’Île verte by Pierre Benoit, respectively. Mikułowski (1935: 5) pointed out some semantic mistakes, suggesting that there were likely many more to be found. Kaliszewski (1935: 5), on the other hand, commented that her translation “leaves a great deal to be desired.”

In 1937, Bruno Schultz (1937: 4) reviewed Mauriac’s Anges noirs but did not comment on the quality of Hellerówna’s translation. Similarly, Adam Bar (1938: 10) discussed Carlisle’s Mother’s cry without further comments on the translation, proving Venuti’s (2008) point of translators being overshadowed by the work or original author. After some time, once negative or critical reviews became more positive, describing Hellerówna’s translations as “correct,” e.g. Ilustrowany Tygodnik AS from December 18, 1938, on Mauriac’s Fleuve de feu published in Polish as Strumień ognisty. It is worth highlighting that the mentioned review was printed in the newspaper where Hellerówna also published her translations (Community Leaders and Noteworthy Americans 1975). This shared affiliation may have contributed to the positive tone of the review.

Unfortunately, despite translating many books by at least forty authors, Hellerówna’s work did not gain significant scholarly attention until recently. However, it should be admitted that her translations had to be somewhat popular since out of seventy translated titles, eleven (e.g. Edouard VII et son temps by André Maurois and Anges noirs by François Mauriac) were first published in newspapers or periodicals before being released in book form. It seems unlikely that publishers would have opted to print translations that did not resonate with Polish readers. While the decision to republish these translations in book form may have been driven by the popularity of the original authors, the success of Hellerówna’s translations likely played a role as well.

Conclusions

Helena Hellerówna was an extraordinary and captivating figure. Her family background played a crucial role in shaping her career path, and she surrounded herself with many inspiring individuals, including artists and intellectuals. Deeply devoted to her family and friends, her social relationships remained a cornerstone of her life until the end. Hellerówna was fortunate to live and work during the interwar period, a time when translation was thriving (Sobesto 2024), which allowed her to achieve financial independence and live on her own terms. Though her life during the war was marked by tragedy and hardship, she overcame these challenges through her inner strength. Fortunately, after the war, she was able to lead a happy life with her loving husband.

The analysis of Hellerówna’s post-war life suggests that translation was her primary source of income before the war. The discontinuation of her translation career after marrying Dr. Atlas could stem from the negative impact that her work for the Nazis had on her perception of this translation. As a result, after the war, she worked briefly for the French consulate, and her translation plans, outlined in Tygodnik Odrodzenie (1946), never came true. Another possible reason for ceasing her career was the fear of her co-workers, which she mentioned in her application for reparations. We can assume that translation was mainly a means of income for Hellerówna rather than her passion, as she did not pursue it after moving to the United States. Nevertheless, these are mere speculations that can naturally be difficult to confirm or deny. Among the questions that arose during the analysis and can be further pursued are those related to the character of Róża Heller and the possibility that Róża is the author of one translation attributed to Helena Hellerówna.

Lastly, the number of translations presented in Table 3 is naturally impressive. However, it has to be noted that twenty-two positions from this list are reprints, and the final list consists of seventy distinct original titles. Nonetheless, Hellerówna translated at least seventy books over the course of eighteen years (with at least a three-year break) from at least five languages. Hopefully, the compiled list of translations and the information provided prove that Helena Hellerówna deserves recognition as one of the most prolific Polish translators of the twentieth century.

Acknowledgements

The authors express their gratitude to the Embassy of the Republic of Poland in Paris, the Consulate General of the Republic of Poland in the United States, the Jewish Historical Institute, the Jagiellonian University Archives, the Archives of Gross-Rosen Museum, the New York State Archives, the U.S. Consulate General in Cracow, the Polish National Library, the Library of Congress, Andrzej Mrowiec, Zofia Weiss (Foundation of the Wojciech Weiss Museum), Alla Roylance (Bobst Library, New York University), and Markus Eberharter (University of Warsaw).

Attachment

The complete list of the translations written by Helena Hellerówna is available at http://tiny.cc/ojcpzz.

References

Adamek, Wojciech, Janusz Radwan-Pragłowski (2006) “Ludwik Gumplowicz: A Forgotten Classic of European Sociology.” [In:] Journal of Classical Sociology, 6(3); 381–398.

American Biographical Institute (1975) Community Leaders and Noteworthy Americans. Raleigh: American Biographical Institute.

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Archives

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Webography

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1 The completion of this paper was made possible by several documents provided by Ami Toren, Hellerówna’s relative, preserved in his private archives. These will be referred to as Toren’s archives throughout the paper. The majority of these documents date from 1954 to 1968 and pertain to Hellerówna’s postwar claim for reparations from the German authorities. They include her own curriculum vitae (hereafter referred to as HHCV), as well as statements and testimonies, including Hellerówna’s affidavit from February 27, 1968 (hereafter referred to as HHAF), and those of other individuals who were witnesses in her reparations claim. Most of these documents were signed in the presence of a notary and were written in German. Other relevant information was also provided by the Archives of the Institute of National Remembrance in Warsaw (hereafter referred to as AINR).

2 Compare the research on Marceli Tarnowski: the first (biographical) paper (Golda, Ryszka 2024) presenting the preliminary biographical study is followed by another article that examines elements of Tarnowski’s biography and their influence on his translations (Ryszka, Golda, in press).

3 In this research paper, we use the latter form of her name, the one that includes the suffix.

4 Her case in Jewish Community Centre was registered under the number 20944.

5 Frommer was a cousin of Ludwik Gumplowicz (they were both grandsons of Label Gumplowicz and Reisel née Mincer, according to Minakowski 2024), who was one of the forerunners of scientiﬁc sociology (Adamek, Radwan-Pragłowski 2006: 381). Before Gumplowicz left Poland in the 1870s, because of his father, he helped with the Polish Insurrection in the 1860s (ibid.: 382). Gumplowicz advocacy for Jewish rights could have an impact on Hellerówna’s grandfather, who spent considerable time in Gumplowicz’s reading room – a library dedicated to enlightening Jews in Cracow and promoting atheism and anticlericalism.

6 All translations in the body of the paper are by Ami Toren, and those in the bibliography are by Paweł Golda, unless indicated otherwise.

7 In an orchestra, the first violin section holds a leading role within the string section, often carrying the melody and the most prominent parts of the musical piece. In German, as well as in Polish, the term can also be used metaphorically to describe someone who plays a dominant or leading role in a group or situation, making the dedication a clever wordplay.

8 It is also worth noting that, at that time, diplomas for completing studies, other than doctoral diplomas, did not exist. Students who discontinued their studies had two options: they could request a certificate from the university, either an absolutorium (eng. “certificate of completion”; [translation by Joanna Ryszka]) if they had completed a sufficient number of courses and years, or a świadectwo odejścia (eng. “certificate of departure”; [translation by J. R.]) if they had not completed the required number of courses and years. Alternatively, they could simply leave without any formal confirmation of their studies. Presumably, Hellerówna did not request either type of certificate, as the university has preserved many copies of such certificates, but none were issued to her.

9 This entry was likely based on self-reported information provided by Hellerówna, given that, as the Library of Congress informed us, this publication included details about individuals who contacted the editors and paid a fee for their information to be included.

10 It is uncertain whether Hellerówna translated Orkanen directly from Norwegian or maybe used another language as an intermediary. This doubt arises from the fact that Norwegian is significantly different from any other language Hellerówna knew, and it would have taken her a considerable amount of time to learn it fluently enough to translate books from Norwegian efficiently. Moreover, Haakon Bugge Mahrt wrote Orkanen mostly in riksmål, though some of the fragments were written in dialect, which would have been extremely difficult to render correctly without proper knowledge of the language.

11 Some of her versions were published under two different titles, e.g. Prologue to Love by Marta Ostenso or Der Page vom Dalmasse-Hotel by Maria Peteani, or by two different publishers, e.g. The Wife by Helen Grace Carlisle was published by both Biblioteka Tygodnika Ilustrowanego in 1938 and Powszechna Spółka Wydawnicza “Płomień” in 1939.

12 For instance, Bernard Quesnay by André Maurois or Voici ton Maître by Marcel Prévost.

13 This part of the paper is mainly based on several documents from 1954 to 1968, related to Hellerówna’s postwar claim for reparations from the German authorities, preserved in the Toren’s archives. Another important source of information is Ami Toren’s knowledge, based on familial memory of those events. His insights were particularly valuable in determining whether Hellerówna’s mother and aunt accompanied her during subsequent stages of their ordeal and in clarifying the fate of both women. Moreover, all the information presented in this section of the paper, including the precise dates, was further confirmed with several documents from the Arolsen Archives, copies of which were provided for our examination by the Institute of National Remembrance in March 2025.

14 He participated in the combat against the Ukrainians for Eastern Galicia as an aide to General Henryk Minkiewicz. Following the disbandment of the battalion, he was commissioned as a lieutenant in the 2nd Podhale Rifle Regiment, with which he fought in the Polish-Bolshevik War. In May 1920, near Narajówka, he sustained severe injuries, and after recuperating in a hospital in Kharkiv, he regained his health but was left with lasting disabilities. He was repatriated to Poland as part of a prisoner exchange. He was awarded the Cross of Valor and the Orlęta Honor Badge. Additionally, he served as the vice-president of the Union of Jewish Participants in the Fight for Polish Independence in Sanok (Sztetl).

15 As a columnist for Dziennik Gazeta Handlowa, he won second prize in a competition organised by PKO, the Polish bank, on the topic of the importance and conditions of capitalization in Poland in 1933 (Głos Narodu 1933: 6).

16 He also signed himself as Marcel Atlas (e.g. 1950 Census or his passport applications from March 1920 and March 1924), Marcel A. Atlas (e.g. several contact directories of Detroit available on MyHeritage), Marcel Alfred Atlas (e.g. October 14, 1937 New York Passenger List), or Alfred Marcel (August 15, 1950 New York Passenger List). He was born on June 9, 1892, in Limanau, Austria. He studied in France and later emigrated to the United States, sailing from Hamburg on April 11, 1910. He lived in New York, Ohio, Toledo, and Michigan and was naturalised as a United States citizen in Detroit on September 3, 1917 or September 29, 1916 (cf. his passport applications). In the United States, he became the president of Mechanical Engineer Ing Service Corp based in Detroit. Before 1936, he married Blanche or Beatrice Blanche Atlas, born on February 8, 1907 in Kokomo, Indiana (October 14, 1937 New York Passenger List). They had no children. Marcel Atlas died on January 24, 1979, and Blanche probably passed away in the 1980s (MyHeritage).

17 His name appears on the List or Manifest of Alien Passengers for the United States No. 4, which records passengers sailing from Gdynia on July 23, 1939 and arriving at the Port of New York on August 2, 1939. He paid for the ticket himself and declared having a wife, Roża Atlas, residing in Sanok, and a brother, Marceli Atlas, living at 153 East Elizabeth St., Detroit, Michigan.

18 Dr. Atlas even travelled to Europe, and his name also appears on another passenger list, the List or Manifest of Alien Passengers for the United States No. 5, which records passengers sailing from Southampton on October 14, 1939, and arriving at the Port of New York on October 24, 1939.

19 His wife, Róża Atlas née Ende, was residing at Sapieha 47 in Lwów at the time of her disappearance in August 1942, during the German liquidation actions against the Jewish population (Monitor Polski, April 10, 1948: 11). According to the Institute of National Remembrance, she was executed – most likely shot – in Lviv in 1942. The circumstances surrounding the death of their son remain unknown.

20 It is worth noting an anecdote: Hellerówna’s former sweetheart, from a conservative elite family, whose identity remains unknown, had been reluctant to marry and only sought her hand later on. His letter reached Hellerówna just as she was marrying another man in Paris.

21 The marriage certificate number 043416 issued by the Town Hall of the 1st arrondissement of Paris on August 31, 1948 (AINR).

22 The current records of the Embassy of the Republic of Poland in Paris, including data from the now-closed General Consulates in Lille and Strasbourg, do not contain any documents pertaining to Hellerówna (based on correspondence with the Embassy of the Republic of Poland in Paris on August 5, 2024).

23 They lived at several addresses, including 250 West 82nd Street, New York, NY 10024 (Bandurkowa et al. 1960: 115) and 21 West 95th Street, New York, NY 10025, in 1951 (the latter address appears on her naturalisation petition). Their last known address was 340 West 87th Street, New York, NY 10024.

24 Hellerówna’s last known address was approximately a 25-minute cab ride from Riverside Cemetery.

25 After Helena Hellerówna’s death, the family organised several auctions. Her belongings can be found for instance in the auction catalogue of the sale of Fine Jewelry at Phillips in New York, December 12, 1978.

26 Carola Rowe née Bauer, born on October 10, 1920, in Bielsko-Biała, Poland, was a concentration camp survivor like Hellerówna. After WWII, Carola vowed not to have children. Consequently, when she married Arthur Rowe (originally Rabinowitz, born in Bielsko-Biała, Poland, in 1917 and died in 2017 in New York), they did not have any children. They resided at 18 West 70th Street, New York City. Carola passed away on February 22, 2012, in Hartsdale, New York.

Received:

12.12.2024

Reviewed:

22.02.2025

Accepted:

02.07.2025

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

doi: 10.34616/ajmp.2025.27.9

ISSN 2299–7164

Vol. 27 (2025)

Open Access. Published by Committee for Philology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław Branch and College for Interdisciplinary Studies, University of Wrocław. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.

Jan Gościński

Uniwersytet Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie, Instytut Filologii Angielskiej

jango@post.pl

ORCID: 0000-0003-2081-4266

Język neutralny płciowo w przekładzie

Gender-Neutral Language in Translation

Abstract

Gender-neutral language is currently receiving significant attention. In English-speaking countries, methods for constructing statements ensuring that no one feels disadvantaged are being developed. The Polish language still has a long way to go in this respect, although there are increasing efforts to make it more inclusive by creating constructions that neither discriminate nor exclude anyone. However, the specificity of the Polish language makes translating gender-neutral texts challenging as there are often no straightforward ways to achieve a similar effect in Polish. The aim of this article is to explore the possibility of maintaining gender neutrality when translating from English into Polish.

Keywords: gender-neutral language, legal language, English-Polish translation, legal translation, inclusive language

Słowa kluczowe: język neutralny płciowo, język prawny, przekład angielsko-polski, tłumaczenie prawnicze, język inkluzywny

Język neutralny płciowo w urzędowej polszczyźnie

Język neutralny płciowo – zgodnie z definicją zawartą w wydanej w 2018 roku przez Parlament Europejski broszurze poświęconej uaktualnionym wytycznym w zakresie jego stosowania – to taki język, którego celem jest wybór słów niesugerujących „wyższości jednej płci nad drugą” (2018: 3). Jego stosowanie ma prowadzić do tego, aby żadna płeć nie była uprzywilejowana i żeby nie utrwalał on „uprzedzeń wobec żadnej płci” (2018: 3). Język polski jest językiem, w którym wszystkie rzeczowniki mają rodzaj gramatyczny. Choć istnieją podwójne formy wyrazowe dla dwóch płci, na przykład aktor i aktorka, nie dzieje się tak zawsze. Ze względu na uwarunkowania historyczne występują formy tylko męskie, takie jak prezydent czy murarz, bądź tylko żeńskie, takie jak sekretarka. W efekcie polszczyzna w zakresie języka neutralnego płciowo ma sporo do zrobienia, zwłaszcza jeśli idzie o obecność form żeńskich, które są niedoreprezentowane. Marek Łaziński stwierdza nawet, że polszczyzna mieści się wśród języków najbardziej asymetrycznych w obszarze rodzajowo-płciowym (2006: 211). Małgorzata Guławska-Gawkowska jest zdania, że „polski system językowy ze względu na asymetrie w przekazywaniu informacji o płci nie jest w stanie sprostać współczesnym oczekiwaniom kobiet dotyczącym pełnej reprezentacji żeńskich odpowiedników nazw wykonywanych zawodów, nabytych tytułów, piastowanych stanowisk czy pełnionych funkcji” (2018: 7). Czy rzeczywiście polszczyzna nie jest w stanie sprostać temu zadaniu, czy też jest ono niekiedy trudne do realizacji, gdyż prowadzi do powstawania konstrukcji rozwlekłych i niezgrabnych, pozostaje do ustalenia, ale nawet jeżeli tak jest, warto przyjrzeć się argumentom wysuwanym przeciwko nieobecności form żeńskich. Paweł Knut zauważa, że „język nie jest jedynie narzędziem, które w sposób bierny odzwierciedla sposób myślenia człowieka. Pozwala on również kształtować sposób percepcji świata, wpływając tym samym na przemiany życia społecznego, również w zakresie postrzegania płci” (b.r.: 8). Wobec tego dodanie form żeńskich będzie mieć wartość edukacyjną promującą równouprawnienie i zwiększającą widzialność kobiet. Małgorzata Guławska-Gawkowska każe bowiem zastanowić się na faktem, „czy stosując w języku polskim nazwy męskie w nazywaniu osób nie eliminujemy kobiet jako wykonawczyń wielu zadań z naszej świadomości i tym samym nie doceniamy ich roli społecznej” (2018: 21). W tej optyce formy żeńskie są kwestią społecznie bardzo istotną: zapobiegają wykluczeniu, kształtują niewykrzywiony obraz rzeczywistości oraz wspierają pożądane zmiany socjalne.

Mimo tych ważkich argumentów za obecnością form tandemowych trzeba podzielić pogląd wyrażony przez Łukasz Iluka i Jana Iluka, że „maskulina w funkcji generycznej są mocno utrwalone w języku polskim” (2021: 140). Przyjmuje się bowiem, że forma męska może odnosić się do obu płci i że w związku z tym nie ma potrzeby dodawania formy żeńskiej. Jadwiga Linde-Usiekniewicz pisze o silnej opozycji językowych konserwatystów wobec form żeńskich używanych w kontekście formalnym właśnie przez wzgląd na przekonanie, że formy męskie są generyczne i mogą doskonale odnosić się do każdej osoby, niezależnie od jej płci, a ponadto że nowe formy żeńskie są niezgrabne i stanowią niepotrzebną innowację zaśmiecającą język (2022: 82).

Dowodu na popularność w urzędowej polszczyźnie męskich form generycznych dostarcza rozporządzenie Ministra Rodziny i Polityki Społecznej z dnia 13 listopada 2021 r. zawierające klasyfikację zawodów i specjalności na potrzeby rynku pracy. Stwierdza się w nim, że „zawód nie ma płci” (2021: 80) i że w związku z tym wybór formy męskiej lub żeńskiej dla zawodu wynika z tradycji, co powoduje, że w rozporządzeniu dominują formy męskie, żeńskie zaś pojawiają się „tylko w zawodach wyraźnie zdominowanych przez kobiety” (2021: 80). W rezultacie klasyfikacja zawiera na przykład tylko męską formą architekt, lekarz czy adwokat i tylko żeńską formę położna czy praczka. Jak piszą Łukasz Iluk i Jan Iluk, „analogiczne podejście do stosowania nazw męskoosobowych w określaniu stanowisk pracowniczych cechuje Rozporządzenie Rady Ministrów z (dnia) 1(5) maja 2018 r. w sprawie wynagradzania pracowników samorządowych oraz Rozporządzenie Prezesa Rady Ministrów w sprawie określania stanowisk urzędniczych w służbie cywilnej. (...) We wszystkich wykazach dominują formy męskoosobowe. Nieliczne nazwy żeńskoosobowe określają stanowiska, na które z reguły zatrudnia się kobiety”, takie jak siostra PCK czy asystentka pielęgniarska (2021: 130). Paweł Knut stwierdza, że „w większości aktów normatywnych dotyczących omawianej kwestii, określenia stanowisk urzędniczych oraz nazwy zawodów formułowane są najczęściej jedynie w formie męskiej, natomiast żeńskie określenia oraz nazwy, jeśli w ogóle się pojawiają, odnoszą się do stanowisk i zawodów uchodzących za mało atrakcyjne, o niewysokiej randze społecznej” (b.r.: 2). Zdarza się jednak – jak zauważa Paweł Knut (b.r.: 3) – że w dokumentach prawnych pojawiają się formy tandemowe, na przykład położna/położny lub telefonistka/telefonista. Z przykładów tych wynika, że – jak wyjaśnia Paweł Knut (b.r.: 3) – niekiedy ustawodawca widzi potrzebę „przeciwdziałania ryzyku wykluczenia z języka prawnego i poprzez odpowiednią redakcję przepisu takie zagrożenie eliminuje. Technika ta stosowana jest jednak wybiórczo i dotyczy jedynie przypadków, gdy wykluczeniem zagrożeni są mężczyźni wykonujący zawody tradycyjnie przypisywane kobietom”. W polskim języku prawa formy męskie są traktowane jako formy generyczne, ale formy żeńskie już takiego statusu nie mają, stąd konieczność dodania formy męskiej, aby objąć obie płcie.

Jednak z wielu badań empirycznych prowadzonych w różnych językach o różnych poziomach nacechowania płciowego wynika, że generyczne formy męskie wywołują skojarzenia płciowe preferujące mężczyzn (Rothermund i Strack 2024: 469). Zdaniem badaczy wykazano, że generyczne użycie gramatycznej formy męskiej prowadzi do „konsekwentnego zaburzania reprezentacji płciowej na korzyść mężczyzn w różnych językach i w ramach różnych paradygmatów eksperymentalnych” (2024: 469; tłumaczenie własne). Przeprowadzone przez nich nowe badanie potwierdza powyższą konkluzję, że „generyczny rodzaj męski wywołuje ukierunkowane na mężczyzn reprezentacje płciowe” (2024: 482; tłumaczenie własne). W przypadku niestereotypowych rzeczowników grupowych efekt ten jest eliminowany przez kontekst z elementami zarówno męskimi, jak i żeńskimi. Nie eliminuje go jednak informowanie odbiorców o generycznym charakterze wyrazu i ciągłe przypominane im o tym fakcie. Badacze uważają, że wyniki te są dobrze objaśniane przez dwa psychologiczne zjawiska dotyczące analizowanego obszaru: po pierwsze generyczny rodzaj męski może być źle interpretowany jako niegeneryczny, po drugie zaś może on automatycznie wywoływać skojarzenia męskie (2024: 482).

Reasumując: urzędowa polszczyzna wciąż hołduje przekonaniu, że generyczne formy męskie nie są dyskryminujące i mogą być z powodzeniem używane dla określania obu płci, co eliminuje potrzebę tworzenia i używania form żeńskich. Jednak z badań wynika, że w pewnych sytuacjach mogą one nie zapewniać u odbiorców oczekiwanej skojarzeniowej symetrii płciowej i działać na niekorzyść kobiet. Ponadto generyczne formy męskie nie uwzględniają wrażliwości niektórych kobiet, które mogą sobie nie życzyć bycia nazywanymi przy pomocy rzeczownika rodzaju męskiego.

Język neutralny płciowo w urzędowej angielszczyźnie

W języku angielskim rzeczowniki osobowe są przeważnie neutralne płciowo, nacechowane płciowo są zaś niektóre zaimki osobowe. W rezultacie takie wyrazy, jak na przykład judge, solicitor czy notary public odnoszą się zarówno do wykonujących te funkcje mężczyzn, jak i kobiet. Jak zauważa Diggory Bailey (2020), przedstawiciel brytyjskiej służby cywilnej, w piśmiennictwie z zakresu prawa tradycyjnie stosuje się formy męskie w stosunku do osób niezależnie od ich płci. Używa się na przykład zaimków męskich (he/him) i takich rzeczowników jak chairman. Jednak – jak wyjaśnia – w stosunku do ustawodawstwa praktyka ta zmieniła się w 2007 roku, od którego formułowanie tekstów ustawodawczych w języku neutralnym płciowo stało się polityką brytyjskiego rządu. Przed rokiem 1850 – stwierdza – było rzeczą dość powszechną konstruowanie tekstów ustawodawczych przy użyciu terminów neutralnych płciowo. Sytuację zmieniła jednak przyjęta w 1850 roku ustawa o uproszczeniu języka stosowanego w ustawach. Zgodnie z nią formy męskie w tekstach ustawodawczych należało traktować jako obejmujące również kobiety. Umożliwiło to stosowanie zaimków męskich w roli generycznej (Bailey: 2020). Takie podejście wspomniany autor uważa za niewłaściwe, gdyż „użycie form męskich w celu określania osób niezależnie od ich płci jest niepotrzebne i nieprecyzyjne, a także prowadzi do wzmacniania historycznych stereotypów płciowych. Inaczej rzecz ujmując, zachowanie w tekstach pisanych neutralności płciowej służy klarowności, inkluzywności oraz równości” (2020; tłumaczenie własne). Z tego powodu Parlamentarne Biuro Legislacyjne [Office of the Parliamentary Counsel] i Rządowy Wydział Prawny [Government Legal Department] przygotowały przewodnik poświęcony stosowaniu języka neutralnego płciowo w tekstach z zakresu prawa z nadzieją, że znajdujące się w nim zalecenia przyjmą się w całym środowisku prawniczym.

We wspomnianym przewodniku (2019) teksty neutralne płciowo zdefiniowano w najszerszym sensie jako takie, w których unika się zaimków zdeterminowanych płciowo, takich jak she czy he, jeśli faktycznie nie dotyczą one osoby płci żeńskiej bądź męskiej. Unika się w nich także takich rzeczowników, które mogłyby sugerować, że osoba określonej płci, choć tak nie jest, będzie wykonywać określoną pracę lub zajmować określone stanowisko, na przykład chairman.

W przewodniku opisano szereg technik, którymi dysponują użytkownicy języka angielskiego w celu wyeliminowania zdeterminowanych płciowo zaimków:

1. powtórzenie rzeczownika zamiast zastosowania zaimka, na przykład: earnings, in relation to a person, means sums payable to the person in connection with the person’s employment; w przypadku długich wyrażeń nominalnych zaleca się ich krótkie zdefiniowanie w formie terminu, by następnie go powtarzać, na przykład a child or young person („the offender”), lub w formie symbolu literowego, na przykład „D” means a director or other officer of the company, co pozwala na używanie litery D zamiast długiego wyrażenia nominalnego;

2. zmianę zaimka na niezdeterminowany płciowo zaimek they w odniesieniu do poprzedzającego rzeczownika w liczbie pojedynczej, na przykład It is a defence for a person charged with an offence under this section to prove that they had a reasonable excuse for their action; inną opcją jest zamiana rzeczownika w liczbie pojedynczej na rzeczownik w liczbie mnogiej, co prowadzi do użycia zaimka they, na przykład Participants may only carry on [particular activities] (...) if they hold a permit;

3. przeformułowanie w celu wyeliminowania konieczności użycia rzeczownika lub zaimka; w tym zakresie można skorzystać z kilku technik:

wprowadzić stronę bierną, na przykład explaining why the regulations have not been laid zamiast explaining why he has not laid the regulations;

zastosować zaimek who zamiast konstrukcji if he, na przykład A person who commits an offence zamiast A person commits an offence if he;

użyć konstrukcji bezosobowych, na przykład It is an offence for a person to zamiast A person commits an offence if he;

zastąpić his / her wyrazem the lub that, na przykład the reasonableness or otherwise of that belief zamiast his belief;

ominąć zaimek, na przykład immediately before death zamiast his death;

ominąć wyrażenie z zaimkiem, na przykład the Secretary of State may zamiast the Secretary of State may, if he thinks fit.

Jeśli z kolei idzie o zdeterminowane płciowo rzeczowniki, przewodnik zaleca zastępowanie zarówno form męskich, jak i żeńskich neutralnymi. Na przykład zamiast chairman można posłużyć się nienacechowanym płciowo słowem chair. Co do pochodnych form żeńskich (na przykład manageress, actress, authoress) w przewodniku zauważa się, że w wielu wypadkach albo już wyszły z użycia, albo właśnie wychodzą z użycia na rzecz nabierającej neutralności płciowej pierwotnie męskiej formy bezsufiksowej (manager, actor, author), która w takich sytuacjach jest preferowana.

W broszurze Gender-Neutral Language in the European Parliament zaleca się między innymi następujące neutralne płciowo formy dla zawodów lub stanowisk: firefighter (zamiast fireman), flight attendant lub w liczbie mnogiej flight crew (zamiast air hostess lub stewardess), head teacher (zamiast headmaster / headmistress), layperson lub w liczbie mnogiej lay people (zamiast layman / laymen), mayor (zamiast mayoress), sales representative (zamiast salesman) (2018: 12–13).

Język neutralny płciowo w polszczyźnie – perspektywy

Nim przejdziemy do analizy tłumaczenia na język polski urzędowego języka angielskiego neutralnego płciowo w kontekście zapewnienia przekładowi tej samej neutralności, zastanówmy się, jakie polszczyzna ma możliwości w tym zakresie.

Zgodnie ze stanowiskiem Rady Języka Polskiego w sprawie żeńskich form nazw zawodów i tytułów (2019) „większość argumentów przeciw tworzeniu nazw żeńskich jest pozbawiona podstaw”. Rada nie ma nic przeciwko takim żeńskim formom, jak pilotka, chirurżka, naukowczyni czy gościni. Krytycznie ocenia jedynie budowanie nazw żeńskich za pomocą zmiany końcówek fleksyjnych (na przykład ministra czy doktora), gdyż nie jest to typowe dla polskiego systemu słowotwórczego. Rada zaleca tradycyjny model przyrostkowy: ministerka czy doktorka. W rezultacie, a także przez wzgląd na wyraźne oczekiwania części społeczeństwa polskiego, Rada uważa, że „w polszczyźnie potrzebna jest większa, możliwie pełna symetria nazw osobowych męskich i żeńskich w zasobie słownictwa”.

Aldona Skudrzyk stwierdza jednoznacznie, że „polszczyzna ma i systemowy potencjał, i normatywną praktykę w tworzeniu feminatywów” (2020: 252). Dodaje też, że w słownikach dawnej polszczyzny żeńskie formy nazw zawodów i funkcji były obecne od zawsze. Badaczka podaje takie przykłady ze słownika szesnastowiecznej polszczyzny, jak dobrodziejka, kramarka, mistrzyni, łotryni czy morderka (2020: 252).

Jeśli chodzi o nazwy zawodów prawniczych, Komisja Etyki, Praktyki Adwokackiej i Wykonywania Zawodu Naczelnej Rady Adwokackiej nie ma zastrzeżeń do żeńskiej formy zawodu adwokat w formie adwokatka. Komisja stwierdza (2021), że jest to forma gramatycznie poprawna i nie godzi w etykę zawodową. Akceptacja tej konstrukcji – wyjaśnia Komisja – wynika z inkluzywności środowiskowej, otwartości na kulturotwórcze przemiany oraz szacunku dla tych, które mają potrzebę wyrażenia żeńskości zawodu w postaci takiego feminatywu.

Z kolei Ośrodek Badań, Studiów i Legislacji Krajowej Rady Radców Prawnych w swojej opinii (2023) wyraził pogląd. że w stosunku do zawodu radca prawny nie ma przeszkód prawnych, aby kobiety wykonujące ten zawód posługiwały się feminatywem radczyni prawna, mimo że tytuł zawodowy radca prawny to jedyny oficjalny tytuł osób wykonujących ten zawód. W opinii przypomniano, że zdaniem językoznawców feminatyw radczyni prawna jest jedyną poprawną żeńską formą językową dla zawodu radcy prawnego. Samorząd zawodowy radców prawnych chciałby też, aby w znowelizowanej ustawie o radcach prawnych znalazły się obie formy nazwy zawodu: męska i żeńska.

Jak wspomniano powyżej, formy żeńskie nie zawsze spotykają się z pozytywnym odbiorem. Andrzej Kidyba (2020), profesor prawa na Uniwersytecie Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie, wypowiada się przeciwko „tworzonym na siłę” feminatywom, zwłaszcza w kontekście nazw zawodów prawniczych, gdyż – jego zdaniem – prowadzi to do powstawania form językowo niezgrabnych. W rezultacie zamiast wzbogacać język, formy takie obciążają go nienaturalnie brzmiącymi konstrukcjami, a ponadto czasem są dwuznaczne bądź wręcz niemożliwe do utworzenia. Zaleca poprzedzanie form męskich słowem pani, gdy określenie odnosi się do kobiety, co uważa za „dużo piękniejsze”.

Ponadto z sondażu przeprowadzonego w październiku 2023 roku przez Magdę Leszko i Magdalenę Formanowicz z Centrum Badań nad Relacjami Społecznymi Uniwersytetu SWPS wynika, że kobiety aktywne zawodowo dużo częściej stosują wobec siebie formy męskie dla określenia swojej roli (65,9%) niż formy żeńskie (34,1%). „W kontekście zawodowym – konstatują badaczki – kobiety wolą więc mówić o sobie w rodzaju męskim”, używając sformułowania jestem psychologiem, nauczycielem czy księgowym. Z kolei w przypadku kobiet biernych zawodowo tendencja jest przeciwna: 28,1% użyło form męskich, żeńskich zaś 71,9%, na przykład jestem bezrobotna, jestem emerytką, studentką czy rencistką (2024: 7). Zdaniem autorek sondażu, które powołują się na wyniki innych badań, preferowanie form męskich przez kobiety aktywne zawodowo może wynikać z obaw, że „używanie form żeńskich wpłynie negatywnie na ich postrzeganie w pracy” (2024: 9). Formy żeńskie bowiem w wielu przypadkach wciąż mają tendencję do bycia postrzeganymi tak, jak o tym pisała w 1999 roku Hanna Jadacka w odniesieniu do tych z wykładnikiem -ka, to jest jako „mało oficjalne, lekceważące, nie licujące z powagą, rangą i pozycją społeczną wskazywanych osób” (1999: 1767).

Język neutralny płciowo w urzędowym przekładzie angielsko-polskim w praktyce

Brytyjski rząd od wielu lat przykłada istotną wagę do formułowania tekstów ustawodawczych w języku neutralnym płciowo. Również Parlament Europejski od długiego czasu zaleca, aby w jego dokumentach i komunikatach we wszystkich językach urzędowych stosować „język pozbawiony seksizmu i inkluzywny płciowo”, a także nakłania „do refleksji nad kwestią wrażliwości na płeć w języku pisanym i w tłumaczeniach pisemnych i ustnych” (2018: 4). Skoro tak jest, zastanówmy się, jak tłumacząc z języka angielskiego na język polski napisany neutralnym płciowo językiem tekst urzędowy, możemy osiągnąć ten sam efekt. W tym celu wykorzystamy sugestie zawarte w przywołanym powyżej przewodniku przygotowanym przez Office of the Parliamentary Counsel i Government Legal Department.

W kwestii języka neutralnego płciowo język angielski skupia się na dwóch obszarach: eliminacji zdeterminowanych płciowo zaimków i rzeczowników. Zacznijmy od przyjrzenia się zaproponowanym technikom eliminacji tych pierwszych.

Zdanie earnings, in relation to a person, means sums payable to the person in connection with the person’s employment (powtórzenie rzeczownika zamiast użycia zdeterminowanego płciowo zaimka him i his w wytłuszczonych fragmentach) można bez trudu przełożyć na język polski w neutralny płciowo sposób, gdyż rzeczownik osoba (person) nie jest w polszczyźnie płciowo określony. W przypadku powyższego sformułowania słowo person można w ogóle w tłumaczeniu pominąć, gdyż wskazuje na nie kontekst. W przeciwieństwie do angielszczyzny słowo person nie rodzi w języku polskim problemów w omawianej kwestii jako neutralne płciowo. Stąd young person, czyli młoda osoba, wraz z żeńskim zaimkiem jej odnosi się i do chłopca, i do dziewczyny. Co więcej, wyraz osoba jest używany w celu tworzenia wypowiedzi inkluzywnych w formie osobatywów (osoba plus przymiotnik albo imiesłów przymiotnikowy, na przykład osoba nauczycielska bądź osoba kandydująca). Mimo że wyraz osoba jest gramatycznie żeński nie precyzuje płci i obejmuje również tych, którzy z żadną płcią się nie identyfikują (Wolański: ٢٠٢٣). Osobatywy są stosowane w polskim ustawodawstwie (na przykład osoba niepełnosprawna, osoba bezdomna), ale nie zawsze ich użycie jest możliwe. Wedle podanego wzorca trudno byłoby stworzyć osobatywy dla prokuratora regionalnego czy sędziego-komisarza.

Zdefiniowanie długiego wyrażenia nominalnego w formie terminu nie przyniesie w polszczyźnie oczekiwanego efektu, gdyż termin ten będzie miał rodzajową kategorię gramatyczną. Podany w przewodniku przykład dobrze ilustruje tę kwestię: a child or young person („the offender”). Neutralny płciowo the offender przetłumaczony jako przestępca ma rodzaj męski i dla równowagi płciowej wymagałby dodania formy żeńskiej przestępczyni (można ją znaleźć w internetowym Wielkim słowniku języka polskiego).

Lepszym rozwiązaniem byłoby sugerowane w przewodniku użycie symbolu literowego zamiast długiego wyrażenia nominalnego. W podanym tam przykładzie „D” odnosi się do dyrektora lub innego członka kadry zarządzającej firmy. Definicja terminu w tłumaczeniu mogłaby obejmować formy tandemowe i w ten sposób spełnić wymóg neutralności płciowej, na przykład „D” oznacza dyrektora/dyrektorkę lub innego członka/inną członkinię kadry zarządzającej firmy. Nie jest to jednak rozwiązanie idealne, bo chociaż symbol literowy nie ma płci, to niekiedy otaczające go wyrazy ze względu na wymogi polskiej gramatyki będą musiały być płciowo zdeterminowane i wówczas znów stanie się konieczne użycie form tandemowych dla zachowania równowagi. Jeżeli na przykład po „D” wystąpiłoby wyrażenie whose name and address are known to the registrar, wtedy whose w przekładzie musi przybrać formę męską bądź żeńską, gdyż nie ma formy neutralnej. Dodatkowo analizowane rozwiązanie jest obce urzędowej polszczyźnie.

Bardzo wygodnym anglojęzycznym remedium na zachowanie neutralności płciowej w zakresie zaimków jest zastosowanie niezdeterminowanego płciowo zaimka they w odniesieniu do poprzedzającego rzeczownika w liczbie pojedynczej. Na przykład w zdaniu The defendant falls within this paragraph if (...) he is aged 18 or over zamiast he można użyć neutralnego they. W polszczyźnie rozwiązanie takie jest niemożliwe, a ponadto odpowiednik zaimka they jest płciowo określony. Nie spełni również swojej roli inne proponowane w przewodniku w tym kontekście rozwiązanie, to jest użycie rzeczownika w liczbie mnogiej, aby następujący zaimek they brzmiał bardziej naturalnie: Participants may only carry on [particular activities] (...) if they hold a permit. W polszczyźnie rzeczownik w liczbie mnogiej jest także nacechowany płciowo, a to oznacza, że liczba mnoga nie ułatwia nam zadania.

W celu uzyskania języka neutralnego płciowo przewodnik zaleca również omijanie rzeczownika bądź zaimka poprzez odpowiednie przeformułowanie konstrukcji. W polszczyźnie sprawdzą się w tym zakresie strona bierna oraz ominięcie zaimka lub jego zastąpienie wyrazem płciowo nienacechowanym. Zamiast zdania dlaczego nie ustanowił przepisów, można powiedzieć dlaczego przepisy nie zostały ustanowione, zamiast bezpośrednio przed jego śmiercią można powiedzieć bezpośrednio przed śmiercią, zamiast zaś jego przeświadczenia można powiedzieć tego przeświadczenia. Wszędzie tam, gdzie w języku angielskim występuje słowo person, jak już zauważyliśmy, w języku polskim problemu nie będzie. Pojawi się on wtedy, gdy nazwa osobowa będzie bardziej sprecyzowana, na przykład the Secretary of State. Angielszczyzna nie ma problemu z nazwami osobowymi, gdyż zasadniczo nie są one płciowo zdefiniowane, tam zaś, gdzie są, zaleca się użycie istniejących form neutralnych (na przykład nie chairman, ale chair). Ponadto w przypadku form tandemowych forma męska we współczesnej angielszczyźnie nabiera znaczenia neutralnego (actor odnosi się i do mężczyzny, i do kobiety mimo istnienia formy actress). W polszczyźnie nazwa osobowa zazwyczaj precyzuje płeć poprzez męski lub żeński rodzaj gramatyczny wyrazu i tutaj ukrywa się główne źródło trudności w zapewnieniu neutralności płciowej w przekładzie. Nie chodzi bowiem tylko o to, że sam wyraz jest płciowo zdeterminowany (na przykład rodzaj męski wyrazów przestępca, dyrektor, członek, sekretarz stanu), ale i o to, że towarzyszące mu wyrazy są często analogicznie zdeterminowane, jak na przykład przymiotniki. Z powyższych względów neutralne płciowo zdanie angielskie If the director of a facility to which a defendant is referred (...) determines that the defendant is not making a good faith effort to participate in a program of rehabilitation, the director shall notify the judge that referred the defendant of that fact jest bardzo trudne do równie neutralnego płciowo przekładu na język polski. Po pierwsze wyrazy director, defendant oraz judge wymagają żeńskich odpowiedników dyrektorka, oskarżona i sędzina bądź sędzini. Spośród nich tylko wyraz oskarżona jest w pełni neutralny stylistycznie. Dyrektorka ma nieco lekceważący wydźwięk, sędzina i sędzini zaś są nieustabilizowanymi jeszcze próbami znalezienia określenia na sędziego płci żeńskiej, przy czym sędzina tradycyjnie oznacza żonę sędziego. Osobatyw najlepiej sprawdziłby się w przypadku wyrazu defendant (osoba oskarżona). Z kolei w stosunku do director (osoba dyrektorska, osoba dyrektorująca) i judge (osoba sędziowska, osoba sądząca) osobatyw będzie brzmiał bardzo sztucznie. W każdym przypadku wydłuży on wypowiedź w stosunku do zwięzłej formy męskiej. Warto też dodać, że stosowanie osobatywów może rodzić poważne problemy natury stylistycznej ze względu na powtarzalność wyrazu osoba, jak na przykład w następującym sformułowaniu jeżeli osoba oskarżona jest osobą winną przestępstwa seksualnego, wówczas osoba sprawująca nadzór ma prawo (if the defendant is a sex offender, a supervision officer may). Po drugie użycie formy podwójnej sędzia/sędzini wymusi zastosowanie formy podwójnej dla zaimka that i czasownika referred: sędzia/sędzini, który/która skierował/skierowała (the judge that referred). Eliminację form podwójnych umożliwia użycie rodzaju męskoosobowego którzy skierowali z sędzia/sędzini bądź sędzia lub sędzini, ale objęcie rodzajem męskoosobowym kobiety nie wydaje się w pełni neutralne płciowo. Jak widać, dążenie do zapewnienia neutralności płciowej wiąże się z wydłużeniem translatu i w konsekwencji ograniczeniem jego przejrzystości semantycznej, szczególnie zaś wtedy, gdy chcemy zachować całkowitą neutralność.

Podsumowanie

Nie ulega wątpliwości, że język angielski jest lepiej przystosowany do neutralności płciowej niż język polski. Rzeczowniki nazywające osoby albo nie określają płci albo łatwo dają się przekształcić na takie. Ponadto istnieje szereg prostych do zastosowania technik unikania zdeterminowanych płciowo zaimków z wykorzystaniem they i their na czele.

Polszczyzna nie jest bezbronna w zakresie neutralności płciowej, ale polski system językowy czyni zadanie jej uzyskania znacznie trudniejszym. Nie jest to niemożliwe, niemniej jednak realizacja pełnej symetrii płci w języku urzędowym, którym się tutaj zajmujemy, prowadzi do tak poważnych konsekwencji w obszarze ekonomii i przejrzystości wypowiedzi, że nie wydaje nam się realne jest stosowanie. Na przykład analizowane powyżej zdanie mogłoby brzmieć następująco, gdyby miało być neutralne płciowo w pełnym zakresie: Jeżeli dyrektor/dyrektorka ośrodka, do którego kieruje się osobę oskarżoną (...), ustali, że nie stara się ona rzetelnie uczestniczyć w programie rehabilitacji, powiadamia o tym fakcie sędziego/sędzinię, który/która ją tam skierował/skierowała. Tego rodzaju powtórzenia są trudne do zaakceptowania ze względu na rozwlekłość i zaburzenia prostoty wypowiedzi, zatem pogodzenie się z systemowymi ograniczeniami w tym względzie zdaje się nieuniknione (por. Karwatowska i Szpyra-Kozłowska 2010: 281 oraz Koniuszaniec i Błaszkowska 2003: 282). Uwagę w podobnym tonie znajdujemy w broszurze Parlamentu Europejskiego poświęconej językowi neutralnemu płciowo: „Nie wszystkie możliwe rozwiązania można zastosować w kontekście prawodawstwa, które wymaga jasności, prostoty, precyzji i spójności” (2018: 9). Analogicznie wypowiada się Rada Języka Polskiego, stwierdzając, że „nie ma jednak potrzeby używania konstrukcji typu Polki i Polacy, studenci i studentki w każdym tekście i zdaniu, ponieważ formy męskie mogą odnosić się do obu płci” (2019).

Warto na koniec zasygnalizować, że być może przykładamy zbyt wielką wagę do wpływu języka na rzeczywistość. Ciekawe refleksje w tym względzie znaleźć można w artykule Ignacego Nasalskiego (2020). Zauważa on, że „wprowadzane nieco sztucznie i na siłę na przełomie XIX i XX wieku liczne feminatywy zniknęły z języka polskiego w czasach PRL”, a mimo to był to okres „bezprecedensowej emancypacji i zawodowej aktywizacji Polek” (2020: 291). Tymczasem „język arabski jest niemal idealnie symetryczny, a w języku perskim kategoria rodzaju w ogóle nie istnieje”, a jednak „kraje arabskie (...) oraz Iran to świat, w którym udział kobiet w życiu społeczno-politycznym należy do najniższych w świecie” (2020: 285–286). W tym kontekście zasadne jest pytanie, czy w istocie wpływ języka na rzeczywistość jest tak przemożny, jak wiele osób mniema. Może nie dlatego kobiety są coraz bardziej widoczne w Polsce i coraz bardziej dorównują mężczyznom, a nawet ich prześcigają w wielu dziedzinach, że język staje się bardziej inkluzywny, ale staje się on taki, gdyż rosnące w siłę kobiety coraz bardziej domagają się uznania swojej zwiększającej się roli również przez język. Stąd to nie zmiany w języku istotnie przyczyniałyby się do postępującej emancypacji kobiet, ale warunkowana przemianami społeczno-politycznymi emancypacja wpływałaby na zmiany w języku. Na ten aspekt zwraca uwagę Kwiryna Handke, która wskazuje na fakt, że „emancypowanie się Polek – w sensie usamodzielniania się do życia społecznego, także pozarodzinnego – postępuje od wieków, i równolegle dokonują się stopniowe zmiany językowe” (1994: 358). Nawet jeśli jednak przeceniamy wpływ języka na społeczeństwo, nie jest to żaden argument, aby nie dążyć do uczynienia języka bardziej symetrycznym płciowo, choćby po to, aby uszanować wrażliwość tych osób, którym brak takiej symetrii doskwiera.

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Received:

02.12.2024

Reviewed:

07.04.2025

Accepted:

18.06.2025

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

doi: 10.34616/ajmp.2025.27.10

ISSN 2299–7164

Vol. 27 (2025)

Open Access. Published by Committee for Philology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław Branch and College for Interdisciplinary Studies, University of Wrocław. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.

Eryk Hajndrych

Kazimierz Wielki University in Bydgoszcz, Faculty of Linguistics

ehajndrych@gmail.com

ORCID: 0000-0002-8961-4177

Delving into the Whimsical Charm of Tainan: A Linguistic Landscape Analysis of Humorous Street Signage That Goes Beyond Homophony

Abstract

This study explores the humorous street signage that goes beyond homophony by investigating Tainan, a city in southern Taiwan. Drawing on a linguistic landscape approach, a total of 173 images were analysed to explore the functions of humour in Tainan’s street signage. Findings suggest that while most of the humorous street signage is created based on homophones, there are still other types of humorous street signage created via the use of certain characters, compounding, classifiers, denominalisation, allusion, analogy, speech acts, onomatopoeias, and self-deprecation. It is concluded that humour in Tainan can be conceived of as a challenge to established systems of power, fostering a sense of personal liberty among the populace.

Keywords: humour, linguistic landscape, signage, Tainan, Taiwan

Introduction

Tainan, situated in the southwestern part of Taiwan, is recognised as the oldest city in the country. It is renowned for its temples, architectural heritage and traditional culinary delicacies. The rich historical tapestry and vibrant folk culture of Tainan serve as a bridge, seamlessly integrating tradition and modernity. Based on my two-month fieldwork in Tainan during the summer of 2024, I found that most humorous street signage in the city relies on homophony, which reflects what Bakhtin ([1965] 1984) terms the “linguistic carnivalesque,” serving as a means to resist authority and promote a sense of liberation among urban dwellers (Hajndrych 2025, in press). Beyond homophony, this study examines other types of humorous street signage in Tainan, exploring how they convey sociocultural meanings and contribute to the city’s whimsical charm.

This study draws upon linguistic landscape (LL) approaches, which have been used in examining public signage in various parts of the world, including signage in Tokyo’s gay strict (Baudinette 2017, 2018) and in a homonormative space, i.e. Wilton Drive in Wilton Manors, Florida (Motschenbacher 2020, 2023), multilingualism reflected in the signage in Taiwan (Ho, Khng, and Iûⁿ 2018) and in the London Borough of Ealing (Tusk 2024), etc. The objective of linguistic landscape studies is to “describe and identify systematic patterns of the presence and absence of languages in public spaces” as well as “to understand the motives, pressures, ideologies, reactions and decision making of people regarding the creation of LL in its varied forms” (Shohamy and Ben-Rafael 2015: 1).

In this study, the linguistic landscape framework is employed not merely as a tool for cataloguing signage, but as a lens through which the sociocultural meanings embedded in public signage can be explored. By analysing humorous street signage, the research aims to reveal the distinctive character of Tainan society, emphasising how humour functions as a vehicle for expressing local identity, social norms, and collective creativity. In addition to analysing their sociocultural meanings, the study also considers the systematic patterns in which different types of humorous signage appear across the city, in line with the objectives of linguistic landscape research. In doing so, this study builds upon and extends traditional linguistic landscape research, which often focuses on language presence and multilingualism, by highlighting the dynamic relationship between language, humour, and the city’s sociocultural context.

Database

A total of 173 images of humorous street signage were collected in Tainan during the months of August and September 2024, forming a comprehensive linguistic landscape of the city. The study corpus includes both Mandarin and Taiwanese Hokkien data. Mandarin expressions are presented with Chinese characters and rendered in 漢語拼音 Hànyǔ Pīnyīn with tone marks. Taiwanese Hokkien expressions are presented in Taiwanese Han characters and rendered using the 臺灣臺語羅馬字拼音方案Tâi-uân Tâi-gí Lô-má-jī Phing-im Hong-àn system, commonly known as 臺羅 Tâi-lô, also with tone marks.

Types of Humorous Signage

Based on the database provided, seven types of humorous street signage have been identified: created via the use of specific characters (3.1), compounding (3.2), classifiers (3.3), allusion (3.4), speech acts (3.5), onomatopoeias (3.6), and self-deprecation (3.7). Since the street signage in Tainan is particularly unique, this categorisation is data-driven rather than adopted from existing literature, as classifications based primarily on Western contexts cannot fully capture the distinctiveness of Tainan’s signage.

Specific Characters

It has been observed that there are certain characters which are used with great frequency in reference to similar products or services. An intriguing example of this can be observed in the utilisation of the character 夾 jiá, which is used to denote the act of fastening two objects together.

Fig. 1(a) 熊愛夾 xióng-ài-jiá1

Fig. 1(b) 豪祥夾 háo-xiáng-jiá

Fig. 1(c) 粉愛夾 fěn-ài-jiá

Fig. 1(d) 萬物皆可夾 wàn-wù-jiē-kě-jiá

Fig. 1(e) 夾不丸 jiá-bù-wán

Fig. 1(f) 夾鬼夾怪 jiá-guǐ-jiá-guài

As demonstrated by the above examples, all the signboards contain the character 夾, and they are all names of claw machine shops. Most of the signboard names convey the meanings that there are an abundance of items available in the claw machines, or that they are intended for individuals who are addicted to playing a claw machine. The gameplay of a claw machine involves the utilisation of a joystick or other control mechanism to position the claw over the desired prize, subsequently lowering it to enable the claw to grasp and deposit the prize into the chute. This recreational pursuit holds a certain allure for many individuals.

As illustrated in Fig. 1(a)–1(c), it is evident that all the shop names 熊愛夾, 豪祥夾, and 粉愛夾 contain the character 夾. Of particular interest is the observation that 熊愛 xióng-ài is a homophone with the Taiwanese Hokkien 常愛 siông ài. This expression signifies the concept of profound affection for an activity. The cartoon bears displayed in Fig. 1(a) 熊愛夾 xióng-ài-jiá also echoes the phrase 熊 xióng “bear.” While this signboard can mean “the bear loves to claw,” it also communicates the meaning of “being addicted to playing a claw machine.” In Fig. 1(b) 豪祥夾 háo-xiáng-jiá and 1(c) 粉愛夾 fěn-ài-jiá, on the other hand, the homophonous nature of 豪祥 háo-xiáng and 粉愛 fěn-ài with 好想 hǎo-xiǎng “to want to” and 很愛 hěn-ài “to love to” is also evident, with both signboards conveying a similar meaning. In Fig. 1(c) 粉愛夾 fěn-ài-jiá, moreover, the use of 粉 fěn rather than 很 hěn “very” as a modifier for the verb serves to showcase accented Mandarin, with the intention of eliciting humour and reinforcing ingroup solidarity. This usage originates from the cross-dressing character Dong Yuehua (董月花), portrayed by entertainer Alex Dung (董至成), who appeared in early Taiwanese variety shows. In his performances, the fictional character often spoke with a strong regional accent, using phrases such as: 中壢埔心土雞，又油又香，不會粉膩 “Free-range chicken from Puxin, Chungli is oily, fragrant, and not fěn greasy!” To make the character more authentic and representative of a Hakka woman from Puxin, Chungli, Dung deliberately incorporated this local term. This not only enhanced the character’s regional charm and linguistic identity, but also influenced how Taiwanese audiences perceived and imitated the phrase, turning it into a humorous and widely recognised catchphrase.

Referring to Fig. 1(d) 萬物皆可夾 wàn-wù-jiē-kě-jiá and 1(e) 夾不丸 jiá-bù-wán, it is evident that the designated names of the claw machine stores signify an assortment of items at one’s disposal. In Fig. 1(d), the name 萬物皆可夾 literally means “all items are obtainable (in the claw machines).” Conversely, in Fig. 1(e), the name 夾不丸 jiá-bù-wán is a homophone of 夾不完 jiá-bù-wán, which literally implies that there are so many items available that it is impossible to “claw” all of them. Finally, 夾鬼夾怪 jiá-guǐ-jiá-guài, as in Fig. 1(f), not only contains two instances of 夾, but it is also a homophone with a negative Taiwanese Hokkien formulaic expression 假鬼假怪 ké-kúi-ké-kuài. Literally, this translates to “to dress up as ghosts and spirits to awe people,” yet alternatively, it can be construed as “to deceive people” or “to scam.” While the store name does not convey any implied messages as in previous examples, it communicates a sense of humour inspired by the local language, which may further elicit a knowing smile within those speaking Taiwanese Hokkien.

As Tainan does not currently possess a mass rapid transit system, akin to those operating in other major Taiwanese cities, scooter rental services represent a favoured mode of transportation for tourists from other cities. Consequently, a significant number of scooter rental establishments can be found in close proximity to Tainan Train Station. As demonstrated by the following examples, all the signboards contain the character 騎 qí “to ride.”

Fig. 1(g) 載憶騎 zài-yì-qí

Fig. 1(h) 騎車趣 qí-chē-qù

Fig. 1(i) Fun心騎 fun-xīn-qí

The scooter rental shops in Fig. 1(g)–1(i) are located in close proximity to Tainan Train Station, and all of them utilise the character 騎 “to ride” in their nomenclature, forming names that are designed to appeal to potential customers. In Fig. 1(g), 載憶騎 zài-yì-qí incorporates not only 騎 “to ride,” but also 憶 “memory” and 載 “to carry someone via a vehicle.” The name of the shop is also the homophone of 在一起 zài-yì-qǐ “to be together,” which is a playful implication that the scooter rental shop is a place where couples can rent a scooter and create memories while exploring Tainan. In Fig. 1(h), 騎車趣 qí-chē-qù is a homophone of 騎車去 qí-chē-qù “let’s have a ride.” The character 趣 “fun” further reinforces the notion that scooter riding in Tainan is enjoyable. In Fig. 1(i), Fun心騎 fun-xīn-qí sounds like 放心騎 fàng-xīn-qí “to ride without worry,” suggesting a sense of carefree amusement in scooter riding in Tainan. In general, tourists can immediately comprehend the service offered by shops when they visually encounter the character 騎 “to ride,” which encourages them to opt for scooter riding as a means of exploring Tainan. Furthermore, the creativity exhibited by shop owners in naming their establishments has a profound impact on tourists from other cities.

In the linguistic landscape of Tainan, and by extension other cities in Taiwan, Thai restaurants are designated by the character 泰 tài, meaning “Thai”. While the creation of Thai restaurant names in Taiwan is, to a great extent, predicated on the use of this particular character, the names are not without creativity, with some being presented in Thai script.

Fig. 1(j) 小泰飽 xiǎo-tài-bǎo

Fig. 1(k) 魚泰泰 yú-tài-tài

In Fig. 1(j), 小泰飽 xiǎo-tài-bǎo “lit. small-Thai-full” is a homophone with 小太保 xiǎo-tài-bǎo “little hooligan,” with 泰 “Thai” serving to indicate the restaurant is of Thai origin and 飽 “full” denoting the ample portion of food provided. In Fig. 1(k), 魚泰泰 yú-tài-tài “fish-Thai-Thai” is a homophone with 余太太 yú-tài-tai “Mrs. Yu,” with 泰 “Thai” indicating that the restaurant specialises in Thai cuisine and 魚 “fish” suggesting the type of food available. It is interesting to note that in Figure 1(k), the name of the restaurant is presented in the Latin alphabet, “Pla Thai Thai,” but with a font design that resembles Thai script. The phenomenon of using fonts similar to Thai script on signage to identify Thai establishments is not unique to Tainan; it has also been observed in the historic district of Toruń, a city situated along the Vistula River in north-central Poland. As evidenced in Fig. 1(l), the capital of Thailand, Bangkok, is used as a designation that denotes the restaurant as a Thai restaurant. The name is also presented in a Thai script-like font, similar to the previous example.

Fig. 1(l)2

Not surprisingly, the use of English in Thai script is also found in Thailand (Huebner 2006). Sloboda (2024) has further noted that in many countries, signs are often inscribed in scripts where the languages utilised for the signs deviate from conventional orthographies. A notable example of this phenomenon can be observed in cases such as Chinese in Tibetan script in China (Cabras 2024), German in Urdu script in Germany (Peukert 2015), and Russian in Latin script in Uzbekistan (Pavlenko 2009).

In conclusion, it is evident that the incorporation of specific characters (夾 jiá, 騎 qí or 泰 tài) into the signboards serves to elucidate the functions of the establishments or the services they provide. The distinctive meanings of these characters enable immediate recognition of the services offered without the need for explicit labelling. The creativity of the names also makes a positive impression on guests, diners, or customers in an entertaining and involving manner.

Compounding

The process of compounding involves the combination of two separate words to form a new word. English compounds may be derived from a variety of parts of speech, with the following potential combinations: noun + noun, noun + -ing form, -ing form + noun, verb + noun, adjective + noun, adjective + -ing form, past particle + noun, noun + past particle, noun + adjective, adverb + past particle, and adverb + -ing form (Hewings 2007: 38–40). Nevertheless, given the significant typological divergence between Indo-European languages and Mandarin Chinese (a Sinitic language), it is to be expected that the application of the above classification of compounds may give rise to considerable debate. Packard (2000: 81), for instance, argues that compounding is a minor feature in Chinese, with “bound root words,” meaning complex words containing at least one bound root, constituting the primary product of word formation. This view contrasts with that of many prominent Chinese linguists, such as Chao (2011), who maintains that only words containing at least one bound constituent qualify as compounds. Nevertheless, I have found that a compound consisting of two nouns that have no semantic correlation may result in a humorous effect. This humour would primarily arise from the awkwardness and incongruity of the new compound, as illustrated by the following examples.

Fig. 2(a) 紅茶幫 hóng-chá-bāng

Fig. 2(b) 茶客棧 chá-kè-zhàn

Fig. 2(c) 洗鞋專科 xǐ-xié-zhuān-kē

Fig. 2(d) 燒肉工場 shāo-ròu-gōng-chǎng

Fig. 2(e) 眼鏡俱樂部 yǎn-jìng-jù-lè-bù

All of the names of the establishments depicted in Fig. 2(a)–2(e) are compounds made up of two nouns which are semantically unrelated. In Fig. 2(a), 紅茶幫 hóng-chá-bāng “black tea gang” is the name for a beverage shop. In Fig. 2(b), 茶客棧 chá-kè-zhàn “tea guesthouse” is also the name for a beverage shop. Fig. 2(c) features 洗鞋專科 xǐ-xié-zhuān-kē, which translates to “shoe-washing clinic department.” In this case, the name refers to a shop offering shoe-cleaning and bag-cleaning services. Fig. 2(d) illustrates 燒肉工場 shāo-ròu-gōng-chǎng “roasted meat factory,” which is a barbecue restaurant. Finally, Fig. 2(e) shows 眼鏡俱樂部 yǎn-jìng-jù-lè-bù “glasses club,” which is an optician’s. The nomenclature of these establishments unambiguously delineates the nature of the services they offer. However, a notable aspect of their designation is the incorporation of humour, which arises from the incongruity of two nouns that are semantically disparate. For example, in 紅茶幫 “black tea gang”, the noun 紅茶 “black tea” refers to a beverage, while 幫 “gang” denotes a social group or organisation, creating a humorous clash between a drink and a human collective. In 茶客棧 “tea guesthouse,” 茶 “tea” is a drink, whereas 客棧 “guesthouse” signifies a lodging place, combining unrelated categories of beverage and accommodation. In 洗鞋專科 “shoe-washing clinic department,” 洗鞋 “shoe washing” is a service, and 專科 “clinic department” relates to medical specialities, producing a playful contrast between cleaning shoes and healthcare. 燒肉工場 “roasted meat factory” pairs 燒肉 “roasted meat” with 工場 “factory,” a term typically associated with industrial manufacturing, thus blending food and industry in an amusing way. Lastly, 眼鏡俱樂部 “glasses club” unites 眼鏡 “glasses” as an object with 俱樂部 “club”, a social organisation, resulting in a quirky and unexpected combination. In brief, the conflict within the internal structure of the compounds is communicated as amusement, which is likely to make an impression on potential customers or guests.

Classifiers

In a comparative analysis of Polish and Chinese, Plinta (2015) advances the argument that the utilisation of classifiers (or measure words) is obligatory in Chinese. In Polish, the use of either jedna kostka masła “one cube of butter” or jedno masło “one butter” is equally acceptable. In contrast, in Chinese, the use of classifiers is mandatory, resulting in expressions such as 一盒黃油 yī-hé-huáng-yóu “one cube of butter.” Utilising merely 一黃油 yī-huáng-yóu “one butter” constitutes a grammatical error.

In the linguistic landscape of Tainan, I have also observed that the character 間 jiān, a classifier for a room or an interval, is also applied in the creation of signboards.

Fig. 3(a) 這一間造型剪髮 zhè-yī-jiān-zào-xíng-jiǎn-fǎ

Fig. 3(b) 有間小館 yǒu-jiān-xiǎo-guǎn

Fig. 3(c) 一間冬瓜茶 yī-jiān-dōng-guā-chá

In Fig. 3(a), the hair salon is directly called 這一間造型剪髮 zhè-yī-jiān-zào-xíng-jiǎn-fǎ “lit. this-one-classifier-style-cut-hair,” which literally translates to “this stylist hair salon.” In Fig. 3(b), the local bistro is directly called 有間小館 yǒu-jiān-xiǎo-guǎn “lit. have-classifier-small-bistro”, meaning “there is a small bistro.” Finally, in Fig. 3(c), the stall selling sweetened white gourd drinks is directly called 一間冬瓜茶 yī-jiān-dōng-guā-chá “lit. one-classifier-winter-melon-tea; a shop of sweetened white gourd drink.” The act of refraining from naming a specific establishment, whether it be a hair salon, a local bistro, or a beverage stall, and using instead a generic appellation, may be perceived by potential customers as a modest or notably unconventional choice. This unexpected deviation from normative branding practices can, as a result, evoke a humorous response.

In addition to the classifier 間 jiān, other classifiers such as 個 ge (the generic classifier for many nouns) and 家 jiā (a classifier for gathering of people or establishments) are also used in the naming of the establishments.

Fig. 3(d) 這個甘草芭樂 zhè-ge-gān-cǎo-bā-lè

Fig. 3(e) 就是這家可愛的店 jiù-shì-zhè-jiā-kě-ài-de-diàn

Fig. 3(d) illustrates use of 這個甘草芭樂 zhè-ge-gān-cǎo-bā-lè “lit. this-classifier-liquorice-guava; this liquorice guava (simply liquorice guava)” in the designation of a store specialising in beverages and desserts made with guava. In Fig. 3(e), 就是這家可愛的店 jiù-shì-zhè-jiā-kě-ài-de-diàn “lit. exactly-be-this-classifier-cute-shop; exactly this lovely shop (nothing but this lovely shop/just this lovely shop)” written on the yellow lanterns is used as the name for a shop selling small trinkets. As argued by Jiang (2017), architecture represents a pivotal symbol of Chinese civilisation, with Chinese characters frequently deriving from concepts associated with buildings and structures. It is evident that the incorporation of classifiers into the designations of commercial establishments diminishes their distinctiveness. This is due to the public’s perception of the classifiers, which serves to divert the attention of guests or customers from the unique characteristics of the establishment. As a result, the focus of guests or customers is redirected towards what can be anticipated from the establishment, such as the services or products offered.

Allusion

In analysing the use of humour and irony in internet memes showcasing the leaders of Russia and China, Chen and Chornyi (2024) observe that an image macro employing allusion to the character of Hannibal Lecter, the serial killer from the 1991 film The Silence of the Lambs, is connected to Vladimir Putin. Furthermore, the humour and irony of a panel meme depicting Xi Jinping’s facial expressions of joy and anger upon seeing Pui Pui Molcars and their subsequent depiction as a column of tanks, respectively, are also based on the allusion to the 1989 Tian’anmen Square protests.

In the linguistic landscape of Tainan, the creation of some humorous signboards is also based on allusion. Additionally, some signboards have further reflected the localness of Tainan, thus contributing to the city’s unique linguistic and cultural identity.

Fig. 4(a) 餵公子吃餅 wèi-gōng-zǐ-chī-bǐng

Fig. 4(b) 聞香下馬 wén-xiāng-xià-mǎ

As illustrated in Fig. 4(a), the name of the commercial establishment is 餵公子吃餅 wèi-gōng-zǐ-chī-bǐng, which signifies “to feed this son of nobility big pieces flatbread.” This is a reference to an actor’s well-known lines in a 1994 Hong Kong farce entitled Hail the Judge (film title in Taiwan: 九品芝麻官) by Stephen Chow (周星馳), of whom the style of 無厘頭 wúlítóu “nonsense” has become a preferred humour type among middle-class Taiwanese (Chen 2016, 2017) and gay Taiwanese men (Chen 2022). The familiarity of the Taiwanese populace with the lines from Stephen Chow’s farces ensures the comprehension of the humour embedded within the signboard, which is an establishment selling all kinds of paste pancakes (餅 bǐng “flatbread, pancakes, cookies”), and thus the name of the shop is a humorous echo of the products it sells or functioning as a rhetorical practice of 港台 Gǎng-Tái sociocultural enregisterment3. In Fig. 4(b), the name of the snack bar is 聞香下馬 wén-xiāng-xià-mǎ, which translates as “to dismount from the horse when smelling something nice”. This is an allusion to a dismounting stele at Tainan’s Confucian temple, reading in Chinese (文武官員軍民人等至此下馬 wén-wǔ-guān-yuán-jūn-mín-rén-děng-zhì-cǐ-xià-mǎ) and Manchurian (bithe coohai hafasa cooha irgen i urse ubade jifi morin ci ebu) “civil and military officials, soldiers and citizens, all dismount from their horses here” (Fig. 4[c] and 4[d]).

Fig. 4(c)

Fig. 4(d)

In ancient times, the dismounting stele indicated the nearest point at which riders should dismount horses or exit vehicles in order to show proper respect. While individuals in ancient times were expected to dismount horses or exit vehicles to show respect to the Confucian temple, modern people in Tainan, as the name of the snack bar suggests, are expected to do the same when smelling the cuisines of the snack bar. The signboard humorously alludes to the Confucian temple’s dismounting stele, thereby implying the superior quality of the cuisines served at the snack bar. Those born in Tainan must be acquainted with the dismounting stele and may find immediate entertainment in the creativity of the signboard, the humour of which serves to reinforce ingroup solidarity.

Speech Acts

According to the theories proposed by Austin (1962) and Searle (1975), speech acts can be categorised into different subcategories. Austin introduces three constituent elements in analysing an utterance: the locutionary act, the illocutionary act, and the perlocutionary act. Searle has further categorised the illocutionary acts into five subcategories: representatives, directives, commissives, expressives, and declarations.

In the linguistic landscape of Tainan, a significant number of signboards have been observed to utilise illocutionary speech acts for the purpose of humour, with the intention of making an impression on potential customers or guests.

Fig. 5(a) 廚房有雞 chú-fáng-yǒu-jī

Fig. 5(b) 武灰鍋 wǔ-huī-guō

The signboards depicted in Fig. 5(a) and 5(b) have been created through the utilisation of representatives. As defined by Searle, “The point or purpose of the members of the representative class is to commit the speaker (in varying degrees) to something’s being the case, to the truth of the expressed proposition” (1975: 354). Fig. 5(a) illustrates the name of the restaurant, 廚房有雞 “lit. kitchen-have-chicken,” which is the locative construction formed by the use of the word 有 yǒu “to have.” In Fig. 5(b), we observe that the name of the restaurant is 武灰鍋 wǔ-huī-guō, which is a homophone with the Taiwanese Hokkien phrase 有火鍋 ū hué-ko “lit. have-fire-pot.” Here, the word 有 ū “to have” is used to form the existential construction (see also Fig. 3[b]). The distinction between the two yǒu-constructions can be elucidated as follows: in the former, the subject is a locative, whereas in the latter, yǒu is at the initial position of the sentence (Fang and Lin 2008). As the representatives articulate the speaker’s perspective, they can also, among other functions, express diagnoses, predictions, notifications, confessions or denials, thus meriting the designation of “assertives” (Clark 1996: 134). Correspondingly, the depicted signboards can be regarded as public notifications of the availability of chickens and hotpots in the restaurants.

As representatives (or assertive illocutionary acts) refer to speech acts where the speaker asserts the truth value of a statement, the following four examples can also be viewed as representatives stating an ongoing event associated with cooking to be true.

Fig. 5(c) 男哥煮麵 nán-gē-zhǔ-miàn

Fig. 5(d) 老吳狠炒 lǎo-wǔ-hěn-chǎo

Fig. 5(e) 蚵董烤蚵 kè-dǒng-kǎo-kè

As illustrated in Fig. 5(c)–5(e), all the signboards contain four characters and are in a structure of “subject + predicate.” For example, 男哥煮麵 nán-gē-zhǔ-miàn signifies “Brother Nan is cooking noodles” (Fig. 5[c]), while 老吳狠炒 lǎo-wǔ-hěn-chǎo denotes “Old Wu is stir-frying vigorously” (Fig. 5[d]). Additionally, 蚵董烤蚵 kè-dǒng-kǎo-kè, representing the act of “Director Ke roasting oysters,” is depicted in Fig. 5(e). The signboards all assert that the kitchen staff are currently engaged in culinary activities, thereby signifying that the restaurants are now offering sustenance to their clientele. Using cooking verbs, such as 煮 zhǔ “to poach, to boil,” 炒 chǎo “to fry,” and 烤 kǎo “to roast, to bake,” alludes to the culinary events transpiring in the restaurants at this moment. The signboards are created via short four-character nonformulaic expressions to describe rather complex and long cooking processes. While such expressions are found for the purpose of asserting sexual modernity and creating humour in Taiwanese queer discourse (Chen 2022), they can also be viewed as assertive illocutionary acts that simply engender humour, as those who encounter the signboards may commence imagining what is occurring in the restaurants at the moment.

In addition to the aforementioned, it is notable that some signboards in the linguistic landscape of Tainan utilise representatives to articulate one’s present emotional or psychological states, thereby facilitating humour and the creation of impressions.

Fig. 5(f) 超派 chāo-pài

Fig. 5(g) 皮皮挫pí-pí-cuò

The names of the commercial establishments, 超派 chāo-pài (Fig. 5[f]) and 皮皮挫 pí-pí-cuò (Fig. 5[g]), are inspired by Taiwanese Hokkien, as they sound like 超 chāo “super” (Mandarin) + 歹 pháinn “fierce” (Taiwanese Hokkien) and 咇咇掣 phi̍h phi̍h tshuah “to tremble uncontrollably from fear or cold” (Taiwanese Hokkien), respectively. The appellations of the commercial establishments represent the emotional or psychological states of a person. Given that the representatives are associated with negative emotional or psychological states of a person and are inspired by frequent daily colloquial expressions in Taiwanese Hokkien, customers or guests may feel familiar and a sense of closeness, and thus a knowing smile may be evoked. More precisely, the humour in these signboards seems to arise from the pleasure or relief of recognising one’s own language-culture, as it is enregistered in these shop names, and from the resulting sense of belonging they help to construct.

Directives are also observed, albeit exclusively in the signage of snack bars and restaurants, a phenomenon that is not unexpected. According to Searle, directives are “attempts […] by the speaker to get the hearer to do something” (1975: 355). Accordingly, the use of directives serves to initiate an invitation, with the illocutionary point being that customers or guests will perform a future action – namely, dine in the snack bars or restaurants.

Fig. 5(h) 宸記吃吃看外省麵 chén-jì-chī-chī-kàn-wài-shěng-miàn

Fig. 5(i) 呷島ㄏㄨㄟ xiá-dǎo-huī

In Fig. 5(h) and 5(i), the names of the snack bars are 宸記吃吃看外省麵 chén-jì-chī-chī-kàn-wài-shěng-miàn, which translates to “The Chen “try and see” noodles from outside the province”4 and 呷島ㄏㄨㄟ xiá-dǎo-huī, with the latter being homophonous with the Taiwanese Hokkien 食豆花 tsia̍h tāu-hue “eat soybean pudding”. Both examples can be viewed as directives to invite people to try their noodles or soybean pudding. The utilisation of an extended expression (Fig. 5[h]) on a signboard is not a common practice, and the employment of Taiwanese Hokkien, coupled with the incorporation of Mandarin phonetic symbols ㄏㄨㄟ to transcribe a Taiwanese Hokkien word (Fig. 5[i]), is particularly intriguing. Both features serve to convey a sense of humour and, once again, to express belonging to a very specific sociolinguistic community that claims to embody and constitute the authentic local culture and identity.

It is noteworthy that the character 來 lái “to come” is observable in many directives on snack bar or restaurant signage.

Fig. 5(j) 來碗 lái-wǎn

Fig. 5(k) 來呷飯 lái-xiá-fàn

In Fig. 5(j) and 5(k), the character 來 lái “to come” is used to convey an invitation. In Fig. 5(j), 來碗 lái-wǎn “lit. come-classifier” is the name of the snack bar specialising in noodle soups. The name (in larger fonts) is followed by 豚骨拉麵 tún-gǔ-lā-miàn “pork bone ramen soup” and 紅燒牛肉麵 hóng-shāo-niú-ròu-miàn “braised beef noodle soup” (in smaller fonts). The text on the signboard can therefore mean “come and have a bowl of pork bone ramen soup/braised beef noodle soup.” In Fig. 5(k), 來呷飯 lái-xiá-fàn is homophonous with the Taiwanese Hokkien 來食飯 lâi tsia̍h-pn̄g “come and have meal,” and is also viewed as an invitation. The use of colloquial invitation expressions may sound approachable and familiar, and may further remind many Taiwanese of the common greeting “Have you eaten yet?” used by older generations (see Robbins 2017).

In addition to the use of the verb 來 lái “to come,” the “verb + 起來 qǐ-lái” construction also functions as the name of a café. This is analogous to the use of directive illocutionary acts in the formation of names.

Fig. 5(l) 喝起來 hē-qǐ-lái

In Fig. 5(l), the name of the café is 喝起來 hē-qǐ-lái “lit. drink-rise-come,” which can be interpreted as encouraging people to start drinking. According to Shyu, Wang and Lin (2013), the intransitive verb qǐ-lái in Mandarin is composed of two lexical verbs: qǐ “to rise” and lái “to come,” together meaning “arise.” In addition to being used as a lexical verb, qǐ-lái can be attached to another lexical verb to denote directional, inchoative or completive meanings (Shyu, Wang and Lin 2013). In Fig. 5(l), therefore, the name of the café demonstrates the inchoative meaning, which denotes an aspect of a verb expressing the beginning of an action. The name of the café, 喝起來 hē-qǐ-lái, carries an inchoative connotation, which, as evidenced by its juxtaposition with the English expression “BOTTOMS_UP,” can be interpreted as encouraging individuals to begin consuming alcohol. The utilisation of this name in a café name fosters a sense of familiarity and humour, as it serves as a reminder of the convivial socialising that occurs during the consumption of alcohol.

In the linguistic landscape of Tainan, I have also observed one instance of street signage associated with commissives, which according to Searle, are “those illocutionary acts whose point is to commit the speaker […] to some future course of action” (1975: 356).

Fig. 5(m) 甲哩秀秀 jiǎ-lī-xiù-xiù

Fig. 5(n) 法克 fǎ-kè

As seen in Fig. 5(m), the use of a commissive is illustrated by a signboard which shows 甲哩秀秀 jiǎ-lī-xiù-xiù, inspired by the Taiwanese Hokkien expression 共你惜惜 kā lí sioh-sioh, “We will comfort you”. The name of the bar humorously communicates to guests that it is a place where they can find comfort, perhaps through drinking, as evidenced by the Facebook page of the bar: “There is nothing in the world that a glass of alcohol cannot solve, and if there is, then two! Celebrate with a drink, vent your rage with a drink, drown your sorrows with a drink, and find the courage to face your fears with a drink. Drink up and let us comfort you!” (Show Show Bar). The use of the commissive illocutionary act can be viewed as the bar humorously communicating concerns while simultaneously advertising itself.

The subsequent examples showcase the incorporation of the expressives, which according to Searle, are speech acts whose illocutionary point is “to express the psychological state specified in the sincerity condition about a state of affairs specified in the propositional content” (1975: 356).

In Fig. 5(n), 法克 fǎ-kè is the name of a claw machine shop, derived from the English swear word “fuck,” which is commonly understood as an abusive form of swearing used to convey a speaker’s psychological state (Pinker 2008). The signboard may also be deliberately styled to evoke a sense of urban edginess and to present the shop’s offerings as fashionable or trendy. The use of 法克 fǎ-kè can be viewed as an expressive illocutionary act. When potential customers pronounce the shop name aloud, they are in effect performing an expressive act themselves, as they playfully enact a taboo expression that conveys irreverence or emotional intensity, while doing so in a stylised and socially acceptable form.

Onomatopoeias

Van Hoey (2022) has identified that Mandarin onomatopoeias are an open class, categorised within a larger class of ideophones (擬態詞 nǐ-tài-cí “lit. mimic-appearance-word”) as part of the language. Van Hoey further notes that Mandarin onomatopoeias exhibit a high degree of similarity in terms of phonological properties with prosaic words, apart from a small number of exceptions. With regard to orthography, Van Hoey puts forward the argument that the semantic component “mouth” is a salient indicator of onomatopoeia, despite the fact that this component is also prevalent in the prosaic lexicon.

In the linguistic landscape of Tainan, evidence has been found for the use of onomatopoeias in the creation of signboards. This observation aligns with the findings of Van Hoey (2022), whereby the semantic component denoting “mouth” is deployed as a visual sign indicative of onomatopoeia.

Fig. 6(a) 咕嚕叫吐司 gū-lu-jiào-tǔ-sī

Fig. 6(b) Ka喀嚓佰元剪髮 ka-kā-cā-bǎi-yuán-jiǎn-fǎ

As shown in Fig. 6(a), the name of the establishment is 咕嚕叫吐司 gū-lu-jiào-tǔ-sī. While the phrase 吐司 tǔ-sī “toast” indicates the commodities sold, the expression 咕嚕 gū-lu is an onomatopoeia referring to the sound of the intestines moving in the absence of food. Similarly, the name of the barber shop in Fig. 6(b) is Ka喀嚓佰元剪髮 ka-kā-cā-bǎi-yuán-jiǎn-fǎ. The phrase 佰元剪髮 bǎi-yuán-jiǎn-fǎ “hundred-dollar-cut-hair”, thus, indicates both the price and the service provided. However, the onomatopoeic element 喀嚓 kā-cā is particularly noteworthy, as it refers to the sound of scissors cutting. Interestingly, the English expression “Ka” also functions as an onomatopoeia, sharing the same semantic meaning. In both cases, the semantic component “mouth” is used to indicate the expressions 咕嚕 gū-lu and 喀嚓 kā-cā as onomatopoeias. The utilisation of onomatopoeias in the nomenclature of commercial establishments can be observed in the two cases above. This practice not only reflects customers’ or guests’ needs when they are hungry, but also evokes the auditory dimension of the service. To be more precise, visualising intestinal sounds in the absence of food, or alternatively, the sound of scissors cutting, has the potential to attract the attention of customers or guests in a light-hearted manner.

Self-Deprecation

The term “self-deprecation” is defined as the act of one individual ridiculing or disparaging himself/herself in the presence of others (Chen 2017). This practice can be classified as a humour type and is often referred to as “self-deprecating humour,” “self-denigrating humour,” or “self-directed humour.” In this context, the speaker utilises a self-deprecating act that threatens his/her own face in order to elicit laughter and capture the audience’s attention. As Chen further argues, the inferiority displayed by the speaker in his/her self-deprecating humour may also communicate a sense of superiority, as the revelation of weakness may imply that the speaker possesses only this particular shortcoming. The employment of self-deprecating humour by the speaker also fosters the creation of a favourable image by demonstrating self-mastery in the face of adversity. Simultaneously, the listener is left perplexed, as the speaker’s self-perception remains obscured (Chen 2017: 126–127).

In the linguistic landscape of Tainan, the creation of one street signboard is inspired by self-deprecation. The characteristics of self-deprecating humour previously discussed are also observable in this signboard, which belongs to a dessert shop in Tainan.

Fig. 7 臺南之恥 tái-nán-zhī-chǐ

In Fig. 7, the name of the dessert shop is 臺南之恥 tái-nán-zhī-chǐ “shame of Tainan.” This is a manifestation of self-deprecating humour, indicative of the fact that the desserts and beverages on offer in the establishment contain a reduced quantity of sugar, thus contradicting the prevailing public perception that all culinary offerings in Tainan are sweet. In the relevant literature, Wang (2007) and Lee (2015) both acknowledge the historical prevalence of a predilection for sweet tastes among the populace of Tainan, and indeed, the significance of this inclination is emphasised as a hallmark of the city’s dietary traditions. In a Facebook post, moreover, the mayor of Tainan, Wei-Che Huang, has made a self-deprecating joke about the city’s reputation, noting that tourists from other cities have described Tainan as having a sweet taste, and even the air is said to be sweet (see Huang 2019). The appellation of the dessert shop is notable for its self-deprecating nature, yet it nonetheless conveys in a humorous manner to guests and customers that the desserts and beverages on offer are healthy. It is also a venue for those who prefer less sweet desserts and beverages.

Conclusion

As Pennycook argues, “[shop signboards] are not just semiotic items but also material artefacts of capitalist competition” (2024: 165). A significant proportion of the signboards appear to be designed with the intention of providing entertainment, and it is evident that they are imbued with encoded sociocultural meanings. Pennycook’s assertion is evidenced in the motivations and functions of humorous street signage in Tainan, where such signage is perhaps closely tied to the city’s historical significance and enduring cultural identity, both of which enable the residents to assert a deeply-rooted and legitimised sense of “Taiwaneseness.”

The present study builds on my previous research (Hajndrych 2025, in press), which suggests that the majority of humorous signage is created based on homophony. However, interesting signboards in the streets of Tainan are also created through other linguistic strategies, further illustrating how humour is perceived and potentially “enregistered” by local inhabitants as part of their identity work. The linguistic landscape approach also allows us to understand the motivations and decisions behind the creation of humorous street signage, language ideology constructed via the application of the local language (i.e. Taiwanese Hokkien), and how people might react to the constructed humour.

In doing so, this study extends the traditional linguistic landscape framework by demonstrating how humorous signage not only reflects language presence but also embodies local identity and social norms, highlighting the dynamic interplay between language, humour, and the sociocultural context of Tainan. While the prevalence of homophony-based humour was expected, the diversity of other linguistic strategies and their role in enregistering local identity was a particularly revealing and somewhat unexpected aspect of the findings, providing new insights into how linguistic landscape studies can account for humour and identity work.

In a nutshell, humorous signboards that reflect local distinctiveness and articulate a sense of Taiwanese cultural identity may serve as understated yet potent mechanisms for contesting dominant power structures. In particular, they challenge the prevailing, largely China-centred discourse that reduces Taiwanese culture to a peripheral or subordinate position. They attest to a Taiwanese city and urban community that possesses a deeply rooted, autonomous, and even playfully assertive sense of identity. In this regard, the proliferation of humorous street signage in Tainan, reflective of the playful disposition of Taiwanese people (Chen 2016, 2017, 2022), lends credence to Douglas’s (1968) proposition that humour may operate as a medium through which prevailing sociocultural hierarchies are subverted, thereby fostering a sense of individual liberty and collective agency.

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1 All images included in this study were collected by the author in Tainan in August and September 2024, with the exception of Fig. 1(l), which was taken in Poland. Copyright for all images is held by the author.

2 Fig. 1(l) was photographed by the author in Toruń, Poland, in October 2024.

3 Agha (2007: 81) points out that “enregisterment” is a process whereby performable signs, such as language forms or behaviours, are recognised by a community and categorised into distinct semiotic registers bearing different social values. In other words, certain language forms or signs are identified by particular social groups and ascribed specific social or cultural meanings, as exemplified by Fig. 4(a), which originates from a Hong Kong farce and has become a source of humour in Taiwan.

4 The term 外省 wàishěng, literally meaning “outside the province” and implicitly positioning Taiwan as a Chinese province, can be interpreted as “from the Mainland (China).” In Taiwan, this term was originally a neutral geographical and temporal classification. However, with the rise of democratisation and localisation movements, 外省 wàishěng and 本省 běnshěng “local-born Taiwanese” identities have come under increasing scrutiny and have, at times, become markers of ethnic identity and political orientation. Regardless of the snack bar owner’s political stance, what is clear is the intention to emphasise that the noodles served in this place may resemble authentic Mainland Chinese noodles, distinguishing them from locally typical varieties.

Received:

18.02.2025

Reviewed:

20.06.2025

Accepted:

16.09.2025

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

doi: 10.34616/ajmp.2025.27.11

ISSN 2299–7164

Vol. 27 (2025)

Open Access. Published by Committee for Philology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław Branch and College for Interdisciplinary Studies, University of Wrocław. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.

Michał Hrabia

Uniwersytet Śląski w Katowicach, Wydział Humanistyczny, Instytut Językoznawstwa

michal.hrabia@us.edu.pl

ORCID: 0000-0001-5477-8211

Sztuczna inteligencja w służbie tłumaczenia:
Google Translate i ChatGPT-3.5 wobec regułowego przekładu automatycznego. Analiza porównawcza
na materiale języka francuskiego i polskiego

Artificial Intelligence in the Service of Translation: Google Translate and ChatGPT-3.5 versus Rule-Based Machine Translation.
A Comparative Analysis on French and Polish Language Data

Abstract

The aim of this article is to evaluate the performance of modern translation systems powered by Artificial Intelligence (AI). The opening section outlines the evolution of machine translation technologies, from statistical and rule-based methods to AI-driven models. It provides a detailed overview of two contemporary, freely available systems supported by AI – Google Translate, and ChatGPT-3.5 – as well as a traditional rule-based translation model founded on the object-oriented approach by Wiesław Banyś. Subsequently, the author compares translations produced by AI systems with those that could be generated based on linguistic research conducted within the object-oriented theoretical framework. The analysis focuses on Polish translations of the polysemous French verbs monter, entrer, remettre, and the adjective farouche, with particular attention given to the systems' ability to perform word-sense disambiguation. Drawing on this analysis, the author proposes a typology of translation errors observed in AI-generated outputs, identifying cardinal semantic errors, errors of semantic excess or deficiency, lexical errors, inflectional-syntactic errors and register-related errors.

Keywords: machine translation, word-sense disambiguation, translation errors, Artificial Intelligence (AI), ChatGPT, Google Translate, object-oriented approach

Słowa kluczowe: tłumaczenie automatyczne, odwieloznacznianie słów, błędy tłumaczeniowe, sztuczna inteligencja, ChatGPT, Tłumacz Google, ujęcie zorientowane obiektowo

Sztuczna inteligencja to nie koniec człowieka – to początek zupełnie nowej ery.

Ray Kurzweil

Niniejszy artykuł, pisany u progu „zupełnie nowej ery”, eksploruje zagadnienie tłumaczenia automatycznego wspieranego przez sztuczną inteligencję. W pierwszej części prześledzimy rozwój technologii wykorzystywanych w przekładzie maszynowym, koncentrując się na najnowszych rozwiązaniach opartych na architekturze transformatorów tj. ChacieGPT i Google Translate1. Następnie porównamy tłumaczenia generowane przez systemy AI z efektami, jakie można by uzyskać za pomocą programów opartych na klasycznych metodach regułowych. Jako przykład paradygmatu regułowego posłuży nam ujęcie zorientowane obiektowo, zaproponowane na początku obecnego stulecia przez Wiesława Banysia (2002ab, 2005).

Tłumaczenie automatyczne: od invisible idiot do sztucznej inteligencji

Choć w powszechnej świadomości tłumaczenie automatyczne jest wynalazkiem stosunkowo młodym, badania nad tą technologią trwają już od lat 60. Za symboliczną datę wyznaczającą narodziny lingwistyki komputerowej uznaje się bowiem rok 1962, kiedy to założone zostało The Association for Machine Translation and Computational Linguistics, którego głównym celem miała być praca na rzecz rozwoju metodologii badań językoznawczych wykorzystujących moce obliczeniowe komputera. Przez wiele lat do tłumaczenia automatycznego podchodzono jednak sceptycznie, a nawet anegdotycznie. Znana jest historia pewnego Amerykanina, który przybywszy do Związku Radzieckiego, przodującego wówczas w językoznawstwie komputerowym, poprosił zaprojektowaną przez Rosjan maszynę o przetłumaczenie zdania Out of sign, out of mind (pl. Co z oczu, to z serca). Ponieważ nie znał rosyjskiego, nie mógł ocenić jakości wygenerowanego przekładu. Poprosił więc o jego retranslację na język angielski i ku powszechnej konsternacji maszyna wydrukowała tekst: invisible idiot (pl. niewidzialny idiota) (zob. Lipiński 2004: 98). Od tamtych czasów zmieniło się oczywiście wiele, a rewolucja cyfrowa XXI wieku przyniosła rozwiązania i możliwości, o których 80 lat temu nikt nawet nie mógł pomyśleć. Jak słusznie zauważa Beata Śmigielska (2023: 13), pomimo pewnych niedociągnięć „[…] współczesne translatory automatyczne są już zazwyczaj w stanie zapewnić bardzo dobre tłumaczenia” [tłum. własne]2.

W historii rozwoju tłumaczenia automatycznego zwykło wyróżniać się cztery etapy (por. Bogacki 2023: 9–10): tłumaczenie regułowe (oparte na regułach sformułowanych przez językoznawców i zintegrowanych ze słownikami elektronicznymi), tłumaczenie statystyczne (wykorzystujące modele statystyczne i probabilistyczne), tłumaczenie neuronalne (wykorzystujące algorytmy oparte na sieciach neuronowych) oraz tłumaczenie hybrydowe (integrujące w mniejszym lub większym stopniu wcześniejsze paradygmaty). Ostatni, piąty etap, który należy bez wątpienia dodać do powyższej listy, to tłumaczenie wspierane przez modele sztucznej inteligencji (Artificial Intelligence [AI]), wykorzystujące powstałą w 2017 r. technologię transformatorów. W kolejnych rozdziałach przyjrzymy się bliżej dwóm narzędziom translacyjnym bazującym na AI: Tłumaczowi Google (Google Translate) oraz ChatowiGPT 3.5.

Technologie AI w tłumaczeniu automatycznym.
Google Translate: od statystyki do transformatorów

Google Translate to darmowa, łatwa w obsłudze i bez wątpienia najbardziej znana aplikacja do tłumaczenia automatycznego, używana przez miliony ludzi na całym świecie. Obsługuje aktualnie ponad 130 języków, w tym tak egzotyczne jak krio (język kreolski oparty na angielskim i lokalnych językach Afryki Zachodniej), shona (język z rodziny bantu) czy dogri (język indoirański).

Początki Tłumacza Google sięgają roku 2006. Aplikacja wykorzystywała wówczas metody statystyczne (Statistical Methods SMT), generując przekład w oparciu o analizę dostępnych on-line korpusów paralelnych zbudowanych z teksów uprzednio przetłumaczonych przez człowieka. Proces przekładu rozpoczynał się od fragmentowania tekstu wyjściowego na mniejsze sekwencje, po którym następowało wyszukiwanie sekwencji zbliżonych w korpusie języka docelowego (por. Kozłowski 2004: 71, Hrabia 2018a: 339–340).

Pierwszą rewolucję przyniósł rok 2014, w którym to Tłumacz Google zaczął korzystać z architektury kodera-dekodera (Encoder-Decoder) opartej na rekurencyjnych sieciach neuronowych (Recurrent Neural Networks RNN) (zob. Kalchbrenner, Blunsom 2013; Cho et al. 2014; Sharma et al. 2023: 13–14). Sieci takie używają do przesyłania informacji sprzężenia zwrotnego, co oznacza, że dane wyjściowe i stan komórki z każdego etapu stają się danymi wejściowymi w następnym kroku przetwarzania. Sieć neuronowa przechowuje więc informacje z wcześniejszych faz działania i wykorzystuje je przy analizie kolejnych sekwencji, co stanowi pewną formę sztucznej „pamięci”. Łatwo można porównać taki proces z czytaniem tekstu przez człowieka: gdy czytamy zdanie zachowujemy w pamięci pewną dawkę informacji i używamy jej jako kontekstu niezbędnego do zrozumienia kolejnego zdania w tekście. W modelu Google RNN zastosowano dwie sieci neuronowe: koder, który przekształcał tekst w języku wejściowym na format pośredni, niejęzykowy tj. wektory i matryce, oraz dekoder, który zamieniał wektory na tekst w języku docelowym (rys. 1).

Rys. 1. Architektura kodera-dekodera RNN3

Sama umiejętność „zapamiętywania” informacji przez sieci neuronowe szybko okazała się niewystarczająca. Niedługo później Google wprowadził więc do swojej aplikacji dodatkowy mechanizm – Attention – imitujący ludzką uwagę (zob. Bahdanau et al. 2014, Luong et al. 2015). Mechanizm ten pozwalał maszynie skoncentrować się na informacjach ważnych (np. pewnych fragmentach zdania, kluczowych syntagmach), a zignorować te mniej istotne. W kolejnych latach okazało się, że to właśnie „uwaga” będzie odgrywać zasadniczą rolę w tłumaczeniu automatycznym.

W listopadzie 2016 r. Google zaproponował ulepszoną wersję modelu z 2014 r.: Google Neural Machine Translation GMNT (Wu et al. 2016). Koder i dekoder zostały znacznie rozbudowane (w każdym z nich znalazło się 8 warstw sieci neuronowych), a mechanizm Attention zaczął odgrywać rolę modułu-łącznika między nimi (rys. 2). Umożliwiło to efektywne sprawdzanie danych wychodzących z kodera pod kątem ich istotności dla bieżących obliczeń po stronie dekodera. Wprowadzono również inne udoskonalenia, z których na szczególną uwagę zasługuje Zero-Shot Translation – mechanizm bazujący na maszynowym uczeniu głębokim (ang. deep learning), umożliwiający tłumaczenie automatyczne między parami językowymi, dla których nie są dostępne paralelne korpusy (np. między językiem polskim a dogri) (zob. Johnson et al. 2016).

Rys. 2. Architektura Google Neural Machine Translation GMNT

W roku 2017 ukazał się przełomowy, nie tylko dla tłumaczenia automatycznego, ale dla rozwoju całej sztucznej inteligencji, artykuł „Attention is all you need” (Vaswani et al. 2017), napisany przez naukowców współpracujących z Google. Zaproponowano w nim nową architekturę systemu opartą na modelu transformatora, rezygnując całkowicie z wykorzystywania rekurencyjnych czy konwolucyjnych sieci neuronowych. Architektura ta wykorzystywana jest przez Tłumacza Google do dziś.

Model transformatora zbudowany jest, podobnie jak GMNT, z dwóch modułów: kodera i dekodera. Każda z sześciu warstw kodera składa się z dwóch podwarstw: Self-Attention oraz Feed Forward. W strukturze dekodera znajduje się ponadto podwarstwa Attention (a dokładniej: Multi-Head Attention) umieszczona między Self-Attention a Feed Forward (zob. Sharma 2023 : 17–20, Alammar 2018) (rys. 3 i 4).

Rys. 3. Architektura transformatora

Rys. 4. Budowa warstw kodera i dekodera w architekturze transformatora

Kluczową rolę w tym modelu, zarówno po stronie kodera, jak i dekodera, odgrywa mechanizm uwagi (Attention) oraz autouwagi (Self-Attention). Self-Attention ocenia stopień relacji między wszystkimi słowami w tekście wyjściowym, co umożliwia ich odpowiednie skontekstualizowanie w odniesieniu do całości. Attention ocenia z kolei wagę relacji między każdym słowem w języku wejściowym a każdym słowem w języku docelowym, nakreślając tym samym zależności między danymi wejściowymi a wyjściowymi. W przeciwieństwie do architektury opartej na RNN w modelu transformatora przypisywanie wagi poszczególnym słowom odbywa się w sposób równoczesny, co w zauważalny sposób zwiększa jakość przekładu.

ChatGPT: od czatowania do tłumaczenia

ChatGPT 3.5, stworzony przez naukowców z Open AI – amerykańskiej organizacji badawczej założonej m.in. przez Elona Muska i Sama Altmana, udostępniony został za darmo szerokiemu gronu odbiorców w listopadzie 2022 r., wywołując natychmiast żywe reakcje na całym świecie. Ten chatbot to przykład sztucznej inteligencji opartej na języku naturalnym, która przeszkolona na olbrzymiej bazie korpusowej może generować koherentny i kontekstualnie poprawny tekst w wielu językach. Wykorzystuje architekturę transformatora, podobną w swych ogólnych zarysach do tej zaproponowanej przez Vaswani et al. (2017) dla Tłumacza Google.

Open AI nieustannie rozwija swój projekt. Pierwsza wersja GPT (Generative Pretrained Transformer) powstała w 2018 r., ale już w 2019 r. model został udoskonalony dzięki wykorzystaniu procesu uczenia głębokiego nienadzorowanego (ang. unsupervised deep learning). W 2022 r. udostępniono zmodyfikowaną wersję trzeciej generacji chatu (GPT-3.5), a zaledwie rok później pojawił się GPT-4, który z pewnością nie będzie ostatnim.

W przeciwieństwie do Google Translate ChatGPT nie został pierwotnie pomyślany jako narzędzie do tłumaczenia automatycznego. Jak jednak słusznie zauważa Stéphane Trinh (2019), „sztuczna inteligencja i tłumaczenie ewoluują wspólnie” [tłum. własne]4. Nie sposób zatem nie zauważyć i nie docenić ogromnego potencjału translatorycznego GPT (por. np. Nazir, Wang 2023: 5; Jiao et al. 2023; Kalyan 2024: 15–16, Śmigielska 2023).

Ciągłe rozwijanie umiejętności tłumaczeniowych modelu możliwe jest dzięki zaawansowanemu procesowi „szkolenia”. GPT, jak sama nazwa wskazuje, to model jedynie „wstępnie przeszkolony” (ang. pre-trained), co oznacza, że na podstawie analizy dużych zbiorów danych tekstowych poznał ogólne wzorce danego języka. Proces uczenia się modelu na tym się jednak nie kończy. Kolejnym etapem jest fine-tuning (pol. dostrajanie), czyli dostosowywanie GPT do wypełniania specyficznych zadań (np. tłumaczenia automatycznego) poprzez trenowanie go na bazie mniejszego, odpowiednio dobranego zbioru danych (por. Nazir, Wang 2023: 2–3, Ray 2023: 126). Można np. dostarczać listy przykładów tych samych zdań lub tekstów w różnych językach, dzięki czemu model nauczy się lepiej przewidywać w przyszłości najbardziej odpowiednie tłumaczenia (zob. Jungha, Boyoung 2023: 15–16; Rybnikova 2024)5.

ChatGPT jest też bez wątpienia przydatnym narzędziem dla tłumacza-człowieka. Według Sai Cheng Siu (2023: 4–19) pomaga on m.in. w kontekstowym lub kulturowym wyjaśnianiu wyrażeń, objaśnianiu terminów specjalistycznych, wyszukiwaniu błędów gramatycznych lub redakcyjnych itp. Wśród mocnych stron chatu Siu (2023: 19–22) wymienia przede wszystkim: szybkość działania i cenę, wszechstronność i elastyczność, kreatywność i zdolność adaptacji tłumaczenia oraz możliwość dostosowywania przekładu do kontekstu tłumaczeniowego. Warto jednak pamiętać o istotnych ograniczeniach modelu, do których należą m.in. (por. Siu 2023: 22–28):

jakość przekładu – czat generuje zasadniczo poprawny przekład tekstów ogólnych, ale zdecydowanie gorsze są efekty tłumaczenia specjalistycznego np. z zakresu nauk biomedycznych (zob. Jiao et al. 2023);

halucynacje ChatuGPT – czyli generowanie tłumaczenia, które nie ma oparcia w tekście źródłowym; oznacza to, że model wprowadza do przekładu dodatkowe informacje lub pomija ważne szczegóły;

ograniczone wsparcie dla niektórych języków – najlepsze rezultaty daje tłumaczenie z i na angielski, gdyż to na tekstach w tym języku model był wstępnie szkolony;

zmienność wyjściowa – GPT ma tendencję do generowania różnych tłumaczeń dla tego samego zdania/tekstu w różnych odstępach czasu;

obawy dotyczące bezpieczeństwa – tekst w języku wyjściowym wprowadzany jest do zewnętrznych serwerów, co wiąże się z ryzykiem naruszenia poufności danych.

ChatGPT zapytany, czy jest lepszym translatorem od Google Translate, odpowiada, że „ogromny rozmiar pozwala [mu] na bardziej złożone przetwarzanie języka, co często przekłada się na lepszą dokładność tłumaczeń”. W dalszej części artykułu spróbujemy skonfrontować to stwierdzenie z rzeczywistością.

Klasy obiektowe: od programowania do regułowego tłumaczenia automatycznego

Jak już wspominaliśmy, związki lingwistyki i translatoryki z naukami obliczeniowymi były dostrzegalne na długo przed powstaniem sztucznej inteligencji. Przenikanie się w tych dyscyplinach pewnych koncepcji i terminów jest zjawiskiem nierzadkim w zasadzie już od czasów Noama Chomskiego i jego słynnych prac nad gramatykami formalnymi (zob. Chomsky 1956). Za jeden z przykładów stosunkowo niedawnego „transferu wiedzy” między informatyką a językoznawstwem uznać można koncept „klasy obiektowej”. Jest to termin zaczerpnięty z teorii programowania obiektowego, jednego z głównych paradygmatów programistycznych, rozpowszechnionych dzięki językom takim jak C++ czy późniejszy C#. Na gruncie francuskiego językoznawstwa pojęcie to zaszczepił Gaston Gross (1994, 2008, 2012), a w Polsce – Wiesław Banyś (2002ab).

W ujęciu zorientowanym obiektowo Banysia (fr. approche orientée objets AOO) klasa obiektowa to zespół obiektów językowych (prototypowo rzeczowników), charakteryzujących się tym samym zestawem operatorów tj. operacji (czynności, które obiekt może wykonać lub które można wykonać na obiekcie) i atrybutów (cech obiektu) (zob. Banyś 2002a: 22). W rezultacie możliwe jest wyróżnienie np. klasy obiektowej <kot>, dlatego że wszystkie obiekty, które do niej przynależą (tj. instancje takie jak: kot, pers, mruczek, kocur itp.), współdzielą pewien, im tylko właściwy, zbiór operatorów (np. mruczy, miauczy, liże się itd.)6.

Możliwość wykorzystania klas obiektowych w przekładzie maszynowym zauważył już Gross (1994: 29), ale szczególnie wybrzmiała ona w metodologii dezambiguizacji (odwieloznaczniania) słów polisemicznych opracowanej w ramach AOO przez Banysia (2005). Banyś zaproponował mianowicie w pełni sformalizowany, zorientowany obiektowo opis znaczeń leksemów za pomocą schematów składniowo-semantycznych, które mogą zostać łatwo zaimplementowane w systemach tłumaczenia automatycznego. Jako przykład niech posłuży nam wycinek deskrypcji francuskiego czasownika fermer (Hrabia 2018b: 141):

fr. X – [ANM hum] – fermer – Y – [CONC inanimé ; <partie du corps>]     pl. zamykać

fr. X – [ANM hum] – fermer – Y – [CONC <rideaux>]                                       pl. zasłaniać

W schemacie 1 na pozycji podmiotu (X) znajduje się klasa obiektowa [obiekt ożywiony - człowiek], a na pozycji dopełnienia (Y) – klasy [obiekt nieożywiony] lub <część ciała>. Jeżeli zdanie francuskie realizuje opisywany schemat, czasownik fermer będzie tłumaczony na język polski za pomocą ekwiwalentu zamykać (np. fr. Jean a fermé la porte, pl. Jan zamknął drzwi). Schemat 2 formalizuje z kolei sytuację, w której pozycja dopełnienia (Y) wypełniona jest przez klasę <zasłona>. W takim przypadku właściwym ekwiwalentem fermer, który powinien zostać wygenerowany przez system, jest czasownik zasłaniać (np. fr. Jean a fermé les rideaux dans le salon, pl. Jan zasłonił zasłony w salonie).

W kierowanym przez Wiesława Banysia nieistniejącym już Zakładzie Językoznawstwa Stosowanego i Translatoryki Uniwersytetu Śląskiego powstało wiele opracowań dezambiguizacyjnych (zob. np. Drzazga, Żłobińska-Nowak 2014; Gabrysiak 2009; Hrabia 2011, 2018c; Żłobińska-Nowak 2008, 2014). Wpisują się one w nurt rzadko już prowadzonych badań nad regułowym tłumaczeniem automatycznym. Pomimo wad, takich jak czasochłonność analiz korpusowych czy konieczność „ręcznego” wyliczania elementów tworzących klasy obiektowe (tzw. listing), badania te mają jedną niepowtarzalną zaletę: są wyjątkowo dokładne, a ich wyniki zapewniają dużą adekwatność przekładu.

W kolejnym rozdziale porównamy efekty dezambiguizacji zorientowanej obiektowo, wykonanej siłą myśli ludzkiej, z aktualnymi możliwościami tłumaczeniowymy AI.

Człowiek versus sztuczna inteligencja: analiza porównawcza przekładu. Korpus badawczy i metodologia badań

Za wyjściowy materiał korpusowy posłużyły nam opracowania dezambiguizacyjne dotyczące trzech francuskich predykatów czasownikowych: monter (Żłobińska-Nowak 2008), entrer (Żłobińska-Nowak 2014), remettre (Hrabia 2018c) oraz przymiotnika farouche (Hrabia 2011). We wskazanych pracach wyłonione i sformalizowane z użyciem klas obiektowych zostały następujące znaczenia/ekwiwalenty analizowanych jednostek7:

dla czasownika monter: wejść/wchodzić , wjechać/wjeżdżać, wspinać się , płynąć w górę, wznieść się/wznosić się, iść/pójść, jechać/jeździć (na zwierzęciu), wsiąść/wsiadać, dosiąść/dosiadać, pokryć/pokrywać, pojechać (do), awansować, dojść/dochodzić, napłynąć/napływać, wezbrać/wzbierać, wzejść/wschodzić, piąć się w górę, prowadzić (do, w kierunku), róść/rosnąć, podnieść/podnosić (się), sięgnąć/sięgać, wzróść/wzrastać, iść w górę, drożeć/podrożeć, wynieść/wynosić, stroić, założyć/zakładać, wystawić/wystawiać, ustawić/ustawiać, (z)montować, wprawić/wprawiać (do), zaopatrzyć/zaopatrywać, unieść/unosić się, po którym (ławo, trudno) się wchodzi;

dla czasownika entrer: wejść/wchodzić (do, przez, na), wpływać/wpływać (do), nadejść/nadchodzić (od), wstąpić/wstępować (do), wjechać/wjeżdżać;

dla czasownika remettre: włożyć/wkładać z powrotem (ponownie), założyć/zakładać z powrotem (ponownie), położyć z powrotem (ponownie), zanurzyć/zanurzać ponownie (z powrotem), wsadzić/wsadzać z powrotem (ponownie), dolać/dolewać, dosypać/dosypywać, dołożyć/dokładać, odłożyć/odkładać, odprowadzić/odprowadzać, włączyć/włączać z powrotem (ponownie), nastawić/nastawiać, zamknąć/zamykać, dostarczyć/dostarczać, oddać/oddawać, powierzyć/powierzać, przyznać/przyznawać, darować/darowywać, przywrócić/przywracać, pogodzić/godzić, poznać/poznawać;

dla przymiotnika farouche: płochliwy, dziki, zagorzały, okrutny, wrogi, przeraźliwy, groźny, niepohamowany, niewzruszony, zaciekły, burzliwy, pierwotny, nieprzystępny, nietowarzyski, nieokrzesany, nieprzyjazny.

Z każdego opracowania wybraliśmy reprezentatywne przykłady użyć (zdania lub rzadziej zwroty) egzemplifikujące wszystkie wyżej wymienione znaczenia (74 przykłady dla monter, 11 dla entrer, 50 dla remettre i 45 dla farouche). Następnie wygenerowaliśmy ich tłumaczenie na język polski, używając aplikacji Google Translate (https://translate.google.pl/ [data dostępu: 05.07.2024]) i ChatuGPT-3.5 (https://chatgpt.com/ [data dostępu: 05.07.2024]). ChatGPT otrzymał prostą komendę: „Przetłumacz poniższe zdania lub zwroty z języka francuskiego na język polski”.

W zdecydowanej większości efekty pracy wykonanej przez AI można uznać za zadowalające, jeżeli jako kryterium sukcesu przyjmiemy ogólną zrozumiałość komunikatu. Mniejsze lub większe błędy lub niezręczności tłumaczeniowe były jednak dość liczne. Po dokonaniu ich analizy pogrupowaliśmy je w 4 kategorie:

błędy semantyczne: kardynalne, nieadekwatności semantycznej, ubytku i naddatku semantycznego;

błędy leksykalne;

błędy fleksyjne i składniowe;

błędy stylistyczne.

Typologia i ocena błędów AI

O błędach w komunikacji interlingwalnej napisano już wiele (zob. np. Dzierżanowska 1990; Pisarska, Tomaszkiewicz 1996; Kozłowska 2002; Hejwowski 2004, 2009; Paprocka 2005; Delisle et al. 2006; Matulewska 2014). Wszystkie typologie stworzone na gruncie tak rodzimego, jak i zagranicznego przekładoznawstwa dotyczyły – rzecz jasna – błędów popełnianych przez tłumaczy-ludzi. Niektóre z wyróżnionych kategorii, jak np. błędy metodologiczne (metatranslacyjne), a więc takie, które wynikają z niezastosowania właściwych zasad, reguł czy technik tłumaczeniowych (por. Delisle et al. 2006: 29, Hejwowski 2004: 158), nie mogą znaleźć zastosowania przy ocenie przekładu wykonanego przez AI, gdyż sztuczna inteligencja żadnych zasad czy reguł translatorskich nie stosuje „świadomie”. Absurdalne też byłoby stwierdzenie, że wadliwość przekładu wykonanego przez programy bazujące na AI wynika np. z ich niedostatecznej znajomości języka wyjściowego lub docelowego.

Przy tworzeniu typologii błędów na potrzeby niniejszego opracowania najbardziej pomocny okazał się ogólny podział nieprawidłowości przekładowych na błędy językowe (fr. erreurs de langue) tj. takie, które są widoczne bez porównywania z tekstem źródłowym oraz błędy tłumaczeniowe sensu stricto (błędy transferu, fr. erreurs de transfert), które można wykryć dopiero przy komparacji przekładu z oryginałem (por. np. Kozłowska 2002: 198, Paprocka 2005: 55, Delisle et al. 2006: 29–30)8. Do kategorii błędów językowych zaliczają się wydzielone przez nas błędy nieadekwatności semantycznej, błędy fleksyjno-składniowe, leksykalne oraz błędy rejestru. Błędy tłumaczeniowe zaś to błędy semantyczne kardynalne oraz błędy zubożenia lub naddatku semantycznego.

Błędy semantyczne kardynalne

Pierwsza wydzielona kategoria obejmuje błędy kardynalne, które w istotnym stopniu wypaczają sens oryginału lub uniemożliwiają zrozumienie przekładu. Choć odnaleźliśmy je w niewielkiej liczbie analizowanych przykładów, zaskakujący wydaje się sam fakt ich występowania w tłumaczeniach wykonanych przez AI.

Przyjrzyjmy się kilkorgu z nich:

Słowo odwieloznaczniane w AOO

Ekwiwalent wyznaczony w AOO

Przykład frazy/zdania w języku źródłowym

Adekwatne tłumaczenie w języku docelowym

Tłumaczenie wygenerowane przez AI

1

monter

sięgnąć / sięgać

Une robe qui monte jusqu’au cou.

Sukienka, która sięga (aż) po szyję.

Google:

Sukienka zapinana pod szyję.

2

monter

iść w górę

Si les fruits montent, tu manges par exemple plus de yaourts et moins de fruits.

Jeśli owoce idą w górę, jesz na przykład więcej jogurtów, a mniej owoców.

Google:

Jeśli na przykład jest dużo owoców, jesz więcej jogurtu, a mniej owoców.

3

monter

stroić

monter une guitare, une harpe

stroić gitarę, harfę

GPT: składać gitarę, harfę.

Google: zbuduj gitarę, harfę

4

se monter

zaopatrzyć / zaopatrywać

se monter en matériel de jardin

Zaopatrzyć się w sprzęt ogrodniczy.

Google: korzystać ze sprzętu ogrodniczego

5

entrer

wstąpić do

Un pasteur protestant entre chez un coiffeur italien et se fait couper les cheveux.

Protestancki pastor wstępuje do włoskiego fryzjera i obcina włosy (każe sobie obciąć włosy).

Google: Protestancki pastor przychodzi do włoskiego fryzjera i obcina mu włosy.

6

monter

wznieść się/wznosić się

Une hirondelle monte dans l’air.

Jaskółka wznosi się w powietrze.

GPT: Jeden jaskółka nie czyni wiosny.

7

remettre

odprowadzić / odprowadzać

On a réussi à remettre les vaches et les moutons au clos.

Udało się nam odprowadzić krowy i owce do zagrody.

GPT: Udało nam się ponownie wyprowadzić krowy lub owce na pastwisko.

8

remettre

darować / darowywać

remettre une partie de sa peine à un condamné

darować część kary skazanemu

GPT: odroczyć część kary skazanemu

9

remettre

poznać / poznawać

Je le remets maintenant, c’est Durand.

Teraz go rozpoznaję, to Durand.

Google: Odłożę to teraz z powrotem, to Durand.

10

farouche

niewzruszony

Il prononça ces derniers mots avec une gravité farouche. (Bernanos)

Wypowiedział te ostatnie słowa z niewzruszoną powagą.

GPT: Wypowiedział te ostatnie słowa z dziką powagą.

Sukienka, która sięga po szyję, niekoniecznie musi być zapinana. Między sensem oryginału i przekładu istnieje więc znaczna rozbieżność, która skutkować będzie błędnym zrozumieniem komunikatu przez odbiorcę posługującego się językiem docelowym.

Fakt, że owoce idą w górę jednoznacznie wskazuje na wzrost ich ceny, a nie liczby. Przekład zmienia zatem całkowicie treść komunikatu.

Oba narzędzia – Google Translate i ChatGPT – podały błędną wersję tłumaczenia. Być może było to jednak spowodowane brakiem szerszego kontekstu.

Korzystanie ze sprzętu a zaopatrywanie się w niego denotują dwie różne sytuacje pozajęzykowe. Tłumaczenie zaproponowane przez AI jest zatem całkowicie niewłaściwe.

Ekwiwalent czasownika entrer – przychodzić (do) – uznać można za względnie akceptowalny. Przekład całego zdania jest jednak jednoznacznie niepoprawny, gdyż zostają w nim odwrócone role semantyczne pacjensa i agensa. System błędnie zinterpretował strukturę gramatyczną se faire faire, która wskazuje, że akcja jest wykonywana na podmiocie.

Tłumaczenie wydaje się przykładem halucynacji ChatuGPT. Po rozpoznaniu w pozycji inicjalnej zdania syntagmy une hirondelle system prawdopodobnie „przewidział” najbardziej typowe i frekwencyjnie najczęstsze zakończenie: ne fait pas le printemps i w rezultacie wygenerował przekład znanego powiedzenia.

Zaproponowane tłumaczenie jest semantycznie antonimiczne względem oryginału.

Istnieje znaczna różnica między darowaniem a odroczeniem kary. Zaproponowany przekład uznać należy więc jednoznacznie za błędny.

Tłumaczenie jest całkowicie niezrozumiałe. Google Translate nie rozpoznał mniej typowego znaczenia czasownika remettre.

Syntagma dzika powaga wypacza znacząco sens oryginału, gdyż w żaden sposób nie wskazuje na niewzruszoność denotowanego stanu.

Błędy semantyczne: nieadekwatność semantyczna

Do tej kategorii proponujemy zaliczyć takie przykłady, w których zaproponowane przez AI tłumaczenie zmienia nieznacznie sens oryginału, ale umożliwia, po chwili zastanowienia, zasadniczo poprawne zrozumienie komunikatu jako całości. Wybrane dla francuskich polisemów polskie ekwiwalenty są jednak ewidentnie niewłaściwe z uwagi na ich semantyczną niekompatybilność z pozostałymi elementami zdania i brzmią w podanych kontekstach całkowicie nienaturalnie dla rodzimego użytkownika polszczyzny. Błędy tego typu, których uniknięcie okazuje się dużym wyzwaniem dla systemów tłumaczeniowych opartych na AI, są stosunkowo proste do wyeliminowania w sformalizowanych „ręcznie” dezambiguizacyjnych opisach języka np. poprzez wskazanie odpowiednich klas obiektowych w pozycji podmiotu i dopełnienia.

Oto kilka przykładów zaczerpniętych z korpusu:

Słowo odwieloznaczniane w AOO

Ekwiwalent wyznaczony w AOO

Przykład frazy/zdania w języku źródłowym

Adekwatne tłumaczenie w języku docelowym

Tłumaczenie wygenerowane przez AI

1

entrer

wpływać (do) (od)

Le fleuve la Seine passe au nord-est du territoire, elle entre par l’est au Coudray Montceaux et parcourt vingt-quatre kilomètres jusqu’à Vigneux-sur-Seine.

Sekwana płynie na północny wschód od (tego) terytorium, wpływa od wschodu do Coudray Montceaux i płynie dwadzieścia cztery kilometry do Vigneux-sur-Seine.

GPT: Rzeka Sekwana przepływa na północny wschód od terytorium, wchodzi od wschodu w Coudray Montceaux i przepływa dwadzieścia cztery kilometry do Vigneux-sur-Seine.

2

entrer

nadejść (do) od

Vendredi une perturbation océanique entre par l’ouest.

W piątek od zachodu nadchodzą zakłócenia oceaniczne.

GPT: W piątek zakłócenie oceaniczne wchodzi od zachodu.

3

entrer

wjechać

(do) (od/czym)

On ne peut entrer dans ce pays sans visa.

Nie można wjechać do tego kraju bez wizy.

GPT: Nie można wejść do tego kraju bez wizy.

4

remettre

położyć z powrotem (ponownie)

remettre un livre sur son rayon

położyć z powrotem/odłożyć książkę na półce

GPT : włożyć książkę z powrotem na półkę

5

remettre

położyć z powrotem (ponownie)

remettre un enfant au lit

położyć dziecko z powrotem do łóżka

GPT: włożyć dziecko z powrotem do łóżka

6

remettre

odprowadzić / odprowadzać

remettre un cheval à l’écurie

odprowadzić konia do stajni

GPT: włożyć konia do stajni

7

farouche

okrutny

C’est qu’en effet ce roi farouche règne surtout par la terreur.

Ten okrutny król rzeczywiście rządzi głównie poprzez strach.

GPT: Faktycznie ten dziki król panuje głównie poprzez strach.

8

farouche

nieprzystępny

Rosetta n’est pas une femme farouche et elle devient très rapidement la maîtresse du narrateur.

Rosetta nie jest nieprzystępną kobietą i bardzo szybko staje się kochanką narratora.

GPT: Rosetta nie jest dziką kobietą i bardzo szybko staje się kochanką narratora.

1-3. We wszystkich tych przypadkach ChatGPT wybiera najbardziej neutralny znaczeniowo ekwiwalent entrer – wchodzić. Choć przekaz komunikatu jest zrozumiały, tłumaczeń zaproponowanych przez AI nie można uznać za właściwe. Wszak obiekt językowy należący do klasy <ciek wodny> (np. rzeka, strumień), wykonujący akcję predykowaną przez francuskie entrer, nie wchodzi, a wpływa, <zjawiska meteorologiczne> nadchodzą, napływają, a do obiektu z klasy <kraj> się wjeżdża, a nie wchodzi.

4-5. Tłumaczenie czasownika remettre jako włożyć z powrotem samo w sobie jest poprawne. W przykładzie 4 okolicznik miejsca sur le rayon (pl. na półkę) wyklucza jednak możliwość wyboru takiego ekwiwalentu, gdyż włożyć można tylko coś w coś/do czegoś. Z kolei w zdaniu 5 wybór ten jest blokowany przez obecność określonych klas obiektowych na pozycjach dopełnienia i okolicznika (odpowiednio: <dziecko> i <obiekt, na którym się śpi>).

6. Fraza włożyć konia do stajni może wywołać uśmiech. Ponadto w tłumaczeniu zatraca się wartość semantyczna powrotu do stanu uprzedniego (w tym przypadku: ‘wcześniejszego przebywania konia w stajni’) wprowadzana przez francuski prefiks re-.

7-8. Podobnie jak w przykładach 1-3 ChatGPT wybrał frekwencyjnie najczęstszy ekwiwalent. W obu zdaniach odbiorca jest w stanie odtworzyć sens oryginalnego komunikatu, niemniej syntagmy dziki król i dzika kobieta uznać trzeba za nienaturalne w podanym kontekście i/lub nieprecyzyjne z uwagi chociażby na dużą polisemiczność przymiotnika dziki. Obiekt językowy z klasy <władca> określany jako farouche jest tak naprawdę władcą okrutnym, z kolei femme farouche to kobieta nieprzystępna.

Błędy semantyczne: zubożenie i naddatek semantyczny

Do błędów zubożenia lub naddatku semantycznego zaliczymy takie nieprawidłowości w przekładzie, które powodują nieznaczną zmianę sensu oryginału, ale – w przeciwieństwie do błędów nieadekwatności semantycznej – są możliwe do zaobserwowania dopiero przy porównaniu tekstu źródłowego i docelowego. Niewłaściwie dobrany ekwiwalent jest bowiem w tym przypadku semantycznie kompatybilny z pozostałymi elementami zdania w tekście docelowym, a modyfikacja znaczenia polega wyłącznie na nieuzasadnionym użyciu hiponimu lub hiperonimu w tłumaczeniu, tj. zawężeniu (przykłady 1-4) lub rozszerzeniu intensji (przykład 5) słowa wyjściowego.

Słowo odwieloznaczniane w AOO

Ekwiwalent wyznaczony w AOO

Przykład frazy/zdania w języku źródłowym

Adekwatne tłumaczenie w języku docelowym

Tłumaczenie wygenerowane przez AI

1

monter

piąć się w górę

Le chemin monte jusqu’aux alpages.

Ścieżka pnie się w górę aż do hal.

Google:

Ścieżka prowadzi na górskie pastwiska.

2

monter

wznieść się/wznosić się

Les flammes montent de la maison en feu.

Z płonącego domu wznoszą się płomienie.

GPT: Płomienie wydobywają się z płonącego domu.

3

entrer

wejść (do, przez, na)

Demain j’entrerai à la cuisine, sous un prétexte quelconque.

Jutro pod jakimś pretekstem wejdę do kuchni.

Google: Jutro pójdę do kuchni, pod jakimś pretekstem.

4

remettre

dosypać / dosypywać

Aujourd’hui, ma mère me demande de remettre du sucre dans la boîte bientôt vide.

Dzisiaj moja mama prosi mnie, żebym dosypała cukru do pudełka, które wkrótce będzie puste.

Google: Dzisiaj moja mama prosi mnie, żebym wsypała trochę cukru do pudełka, które wkrótce będzie puste.

W przekładzie dokonanym przez Tłumacza Google sens oryginału jest w dużej mierze zachowany, jednak pominięta została ważna dla czasownika monter cecha semantyczna ‘podążania w górę’.

Podobnie jak w przykładzie poprzednim tłumaczenie nie uwzględnia wartości semantycznej wykonywania akcji ‘w górę’.

Różnica między pójściem gdzieś a wejściem jest wyraźna i choć przekład brzmi w pełni naturalnie, nie akcentuje istotnej semantycznie opozycji ‘być na zewnątrz’ (przed akcją predykowaną przez entrer) vs ‘być wewnątrz’ (po akcji).

Wartość perlokucyjna przetłumaczonego komunikatu nie ulega zmianie, gdyż odbiorczyni słów zapewne wykona prawidłową akcję. Iteracyjny charakter prefiksu re-, którego ekwiwalentem w tym kontekście jest przedrostek do- (por. Śmiech 1986: 92), zanika jednak w przekładzie całkowicie.

Słowo odwieloznaczniane w AOO

Ekwiwalent wyznaczony w AOO

Przykład frazy/zdania w języku źródłowym

Adekwatne tłumaczenie w języku docelowym

Tłumaczenie wygenerowane przez AI

5

monter

wspinać się

On monte une côte assez raide pour arriver à ce village.

Wspinamy się po stromym wzniesieniu, aby dotrzeć do tej wioski.

GPT: Wchodzimy stromym wzniesieniem, aby dotrzeć do tej wioski.

Z tłumaczenie zaproponowanego przez ChatGPT wprost wynika, że wykonawcą czynności musi być żywa istota. Tymczasem oryginał na to nie wskazuje – akcję wyrażoną czasownikiem monter (poprawnie tłumaczonym w tym kontekście jako wspinać się) może wykonywać zarówno istota żywa, jak i np. środek transportu.

Błędy leksykalne

Ta niewielka kategoria obejmuje ekwiwalenty, które nie istnieją w języku polskim. Błędy tego typu były popełniane jedynie przez ChatGPT. Warto zaznaczyć, że nie są to barbaryzmy, gdyż bez wątpienia nie powstały pod wpływem leksyki języka wyjściowego.

Słowo odwieloznaczniane w AOO

Ekwiwalent wyznaczony w AOO

Przykład frazy/zdania w języku źródłowym

Adekwatne tłumaczenie w języku docelowym

Tłumaczenie wygenerowane przez AI

1

farouche

zaciekły

L’Église romaine menait en parallèle un combat farouche contre les théories politiques modernes (libéralisme et socialisme).

Kościół rzymski prowadził jednocześnie zaciekłą walkę ze nowożytnymi teoriami politycznymi (liberalizmem i socjalizmem).

GPT:

Kościół rzymski toczył równoległą zmagę przeciwko nowoczesnym teoriom politycznym (liberalizmowi i socjalizmowi).

2

monter

dosiąść/dosiadać

monter un beau destrier

dosiadać pięknego rumaka

GPT:

Wsiedzieć na pięknego rumaka.

Błędy fleksyjne i składniowe

Błędy te często współistnieją z błędami semantycznymi, ale ze względu na ich wyrazisty charakter postanowiliśmy umieścić je w osobnej kategorii. O ile pewne niezręczności natury syntaktycznej nie są szczególnie zaskakujące (przykład 4), o tyle problemy z polską deklinacją (przykłady 1-2) budzą zdziwienie, gdyż, jak mogłoby się wydawać, wyekstrahowanie reguł fleksji – licznych, ale jednak skończonych – nie powinno nastręczać trudności sztucznej inteligencji przeszkolonej na ogromnej liczbie tekstów.

Słowo odwieloznaczniane w AOO

Ekwiwalent wyznaczony w AOO

Przykład frazy/zdania w języku źródłowym

Adekwatne tłumaczenie w języku docelowym

Tłumaczenie wygenerowane przez AI

1

farouche

dziki

Nous faisons la connaissance d’une tribu farouche.

Poznajemy dzikie plemię.

GPT: Poznajemy dziką plemię.

2

monter

wejść / wchodzić

Montez la rampe à droite et prenez le passage de droite.

Wejdź na rampę po prawej stronie i skręć w prawo.

GPT:

Wejdź na rampę po prawej stronie i weź prawą przejście.

3

monter

wjechać / wjeżdżać

monter avec l’ascenseur

wjechać windą

Google:

jedź windą na górę

4

monter

prowadzić (do, w kierunku)

Sous les voûtes, les mêmes escaliers babyloniens montaient vers les temples qu’avaient abandonnés les nuages.

Pod sklepieniami te same babilońskie schody prowadziły do opuszczonych/porzuconych przez chmury świątyń

Google: Pod sklepieniami te same babilońskie schody prowadziły do świątyń, które porzuciły chmury.

5

entrer

wejść (do, przez, na)

Entrer en chaire, à l’autel.

Wejść na ambonę, na ołtarz

GPT/Google:

Wejść na ambonę, do ołtarza.

ChatGPT potraktował plemię jak rzeczownik rodzaju żeńskiego.

Tłumaczenie weź prawą przejście jest oczywiście całkowicie niepoprawne pod względem semantycznym, ale nawet abstrahując od semantyki, uderzająca jest tutaj błędna odmiana przymiotnika prawe. GPT ponownie uzgodnił przymiotnik do rodzaju żeńskiego zamiast nijakiego.

Z niewyjaśnionych powodów Google zaproponował tłumaczenie w formie trybu rozkazującego, podczas gdy komunikat oryginalny podany jest w bezokoliczniku.

W przykładzie francuskim w zdaniu podrzędnym względnym użyto inwersji stylistycznej (qu’avaient abandonnés les nuages zamiast que les nuages avaient abandonnés). Google zaproponował tłumaczenie słowo w słowo, co doprowadziło do wieloznaczności składniowej w polskiej wersji.

Łatwo dostrzec w tłumaczeniu błędny wybór przyimka. Wchodzimy oczywiście na ołtarz, a nie do ołtarza.

Błędy stylistyczne: błędy rejestru

W analizowanym korpusie odnaleźliśmy jeden przykład, który zaliczyć można do kategorii błędów rejestru.

Słowo odwieloznaczniane w AOO

Ekwiwalent wyznaczony w AOO

Przykład frazy/zdania w języku źródłowym

Adekwatne tłumaczenie w języku docelowym

Tłumaczenie wygenerowane przez AI

1

monter

kryć / pokryć

L’étalon monte la jument.

Ogier kryje klacz.

GPT:

Ogier kopuluje z klaczą.

Sens zdania źródłowego jest w przekładzie zaproponowanym przez ChatGPT w pełni zachowany. Wydaje się jednak, że właściwszym stylistycznie ekwiwalentem dla monter byłby należący do technolektu weterynaryjno-hodowlanego termin kryć, a nie czasownik kopulować (fr. copuler), charakterystyczny raczej dla standardowego języka naukowego9.

Wnioski i perspektywy

Jak wykazała przeprowadzona analiza, błędy popełniane przez systemy tłumaczeniowe oparte na sztucznej inteligencji odnoszą się zasadniczo do wszystkich poziomów organizacji języka – od fleksji, przez składnię, semantykę, aż po stylistykę. W badanym korpusie odnaleźliśmy sporo uchybień, choć trzeba raz jeszcze podkreślić, że błędy kardynalne, uniemożliwiające zrozumienie komunikatu źródłowego bądź znacznie wypaczające jego sens, stanowiły wyraźną mniejszość. Wynikały one być może z ograniczonego kontekstu, który był przetwarzany przez AI. Ocenianie umiejętności przekładowych na poziomie pojedynczych zdań nie jest jednak bezzasadne, gdyż użytkownicy korzystający z programów do tłumaczenia automatycznego nie zawsze przecież oczekują przekładu całości koherentnego i kohezyjnego tekstu; często powierzają sztucznej inteligencji zadania tłumaczeniowe, które ograniczają się do jednej frazy lub krótkiej syntagmy.

Oba systemy popełniały błędy w zasadzie z równą częstotliwością. Wbrew swoim zapewnieniom ChatGPT 3.5 nie jest więc na pewno lepszym translatorem od Google Translate. Wykazywał się zresztą mniejszą umiejętnością odwieloznaczniania słów, co częściej niż w przypadku Tłumacza Google prowadziło do błędów nieadekwatności semantycznej w wykonanym przekładzie.

Na podstawie naszego badania trudno kwantytatywnie ocenić efektywność i poprawność tłumaczenia AI w ujęciu globalnym. Korpus, na którym pracowaliśmy, nie był bowiem korpusem zrównoważonym, co oznacza, że jednakowo traktowaliśmy użycia o różnej frekwencyjności. Bez większych wątpliwości przyjąć można, że liczba błędów byłaby relatywnie mniejsza, gdyby korpus uwzględniał rzeczywistą częstość występowania poszczególnych znaczeń danego słowa w języku źródłowym. Użycia statystycznie dominujące, bardziej „typowe” stanowią bowiem mniejsze wyzwanie w tłumaczeniu automatycznym.

Warto oczywiście pamiętać, że sztuczna inteligencja, choć nie jest już melodią przyszłości, wciąż ku tej przyszłości dąży, rozwijając się nieustannie i zwiększając swoje możliwości niemalże z dnia na dzień. Badania, których wyniki zostały przedstawione w niniejszym artykule weryfikowały umiejętności przekładowe ChatuGPT 3.5, gdyż podczas ich przeprowadzania tylko wersja 3.5 była powszechnie i darmowo dostępna dla wszystkich użytkowników. Nowe odsłony GPT istnieją już teraz, a w momencie ukazania się tekstu drukiem, istnieć będą z pewnością kolejne, jeszcze bardziej efektywne translacyjnie. Wskazane wydaje się nam obserwowanie zmian tej efektywności w dłuższej perspektywie i przeprowadzenie za jakiś czas podobnej analizy na tym samym materiale korpusowym.

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1 Zgodnie z wiedzą autora tego rodzaju opracowanie podejmowane jest w polskojęzycznym językoznawstwie po raz pierwszy.

2 „ […] les traducteurs automatiques actuels sont déjà capables de donner généralement de très bonnes traductions”.

3 Wszystkie rysunki i schematy zostały sporządzone przez autora.

4 „ [l]’intelligence artificielle et la traduction évoluent ensemble »

5 Zdaniem autora na etapie fine-tuningu możliwa i wskazana wydaje się współpraca między programistami a językoznawcami.

6 W ujęciu zorientowanym obiektowo bardzo ważną rolę odgrywa hierarchia klas, zgodnie z którą podklasy (klasy hiponimiczne, np. <kot>) dziedziczą operatory z nadklas (klas hiperonimicznych, np. <zwierzę>) (zob. Śmigielska 2004, Hrabia 2018b). Szczegółowe omówienie tego zagadnienia wykracza jednak poza ramy niniejszego artykułu.

7 W metodologii dezambiguizacji zaproponowanej przez Banysia znaczenie w języku A i ekwiwalent w języku B są pojęciami niejako tożsamymi, gdyż z punktu widzenia operacyjnego „dane słowo ma tyle znaczeń w języku źródłowym, ile ekwiwalentów tłumaczeniowych w języku docelowym” [tłum. własne] [« il y a autant de sens différents d’un mot dans la langue source que de traductions différentes dans la langue d’arrivée »] (Banyś 2005: 59).

8 Jak zauważa Paprocka (2005: 55-57), przyporządkowanie niektórych błędów tłumaczeniowych do jednej z tych dwóch ogólnych kategorii może być problematyczne. Postuluje ona odejście od sztywnych podziałów i wyróżnienie kategorii pośredniej, obejmującej błędy dostrzegalne bez porównania z tekstem źródłowym (co jest charakterystyczne dla erreurs de langue), które jednocześnie – podobnie jak erreurs de transfert – prowadzą do zniekształcenia sensu oryginału (Paprocka 2005: 93). To przenikanie się różnych typów błędów uwidacznia się w pewnym stopniu także w naszej typologii.

9 Pomijamy tutaj dyskusję na temat zależności między językiem fachowym (technolektem) a językiem naukowym (zob. np. Jarosz 2018).

Received:

07.12.2024

Reviewed:

13.03.2025

Accepted:

24.03.2025

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

doi: 10.34616/ajmp.2025.27.12

ISSN 2299–7164

Vol. 27 (2025)

Open Access. Published by Committee for Philology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław Branch and College for Interdisciplinary Studies, University of Wrocław. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.

Radosław Kaleta

University of Warsaw, Faculty of Applied Linguistics, Department of Belarusian Studies

rkaleta@uw.edu.pl

ORCID: 0000-0001-6892-9332

Inflectional Intricacies of Belarusian and Polish Surnames

Abstract

Inflection of Belarusian surnames is a topic of nationwide importance in Belarus. To this day, there is a great diversity in reference literature, and the standardization of surname inflection has not been established. The article describes the declension variations of Belarusian surnames in the Belarusian language, influenced by Russian patterns that are incompatible with standard practices of Belarusian speakers. Discussion includes the formation of the Belarusian linguistic norm, which has experienced historical and continuing influence by extra-linguistic factors. Complex instances of declension of Belarusian surnames in both Belarusian and Polish as well as of Polish surnames in both Polish and Belarusian are thoroughly discussed. On the one hand, comparative analysis shows the subtle similarities and differences between the two Slavic languages, from which interference errors can result. On the other hand, there are noticeable tendencies for 1) Belarusian surnames to decline according to the Russian models, as well as 2) Belarusians living in Poland to express preferences to decline Belarusian surnames used in the Polish language, according to the rules of Belarusian language.

Keywords: Belarusian language, Polish language, surname, inflection, interference, language norm

Introductory Remarks

The Belarusian language is usually described in comparison with Russian, often leading to the perception that it is not an independent language and cannot exist without this juxtaposition. This article breaks away from that tradition and contributes to Polish-Belarusian contrastive studies, which are not as extensively explored as Russian-Belarusian ones. The comparison between Polish and Belarusian stems from a desire to challenge linguistic stereotypes and to demonstrate that users of both languages engage in discussions about the inflection of surnames. Furthermore, there is a large Belarusian diaspora in Poland that encounters Polish surnames (e.g. journalists) and has to navigate inflections of both Polish and Belarusian surnames in both languages – a task that is often problematic. Therefore, comparing these languages is not only justified but also highly practical. In this article emphasis will be placed on the contemporary state of affairs from the perspective of language norm and usage.

Belarusian examples in this article are presented first in the original Cyrillic script and then analyzed in their forms written in the international standards for English transliteration: BGN – Board on Geographic Names (USA), PCGN – Permanent Committee on Geographical Names (UK). BGN/PCGN transliteration aims to provide a clear and consistent representation of the letters of the original alphabet in the Latin alphabet. This type of transliteration is also used in Belarusian passports and for Belarusian names and surnames in official Polish documents for Belarusian immigrants.

In Poland, however, there is also a Polish variant of transcription which facilitates the correct reading of Belarusian surnames for Polish readers using typical Polish letters: ch, cz, sz, w, ż, ł (see Transliteracja i transkrypcja…). This method of transcription was formerly used in Polish documents issued to Belarusian immigrants. Today, this can and should still be applied in some practical texts for Poles (not in official documents) (cf. Wolański 2024). Despite this, these forms are often met with objections from Belarusians themselves who believe that the official forms – i.e., those from their passports (based on English transliteration) – should be used in all contexts and types of texts. However, the English transliteration is difficult to interpret in Polish texts. For comparison: original Cyrillic Шчэкачыхін, Polish transcription Szczekaczychin, and English transliteration Shchekachykhin. We use Polish transcriptions in the portion of this article that analyses Belarusian surnames used in Polish language. In Polish practical texts, based on BGN/PCGN transliteration of surnames in Belarusian passports appears unnatural, especially paired with typical Polish letters (e.g. Spotkałem Yuliyę Slutskayą instead of Spotkałem Julię Słucką “I met Yuliya Slutskaya”). This usage is not recommended and may lead to a tendency either to not decline such surnames or decline them incorrectly as that they do not resemble typical Polish inflection patterns. In contrast, writing them with the Polish transcription encourages declension and, in some cases, can make usage and interpretation. In order to satisfy the expectations of both the Polish reader and the Belarusian bearer of the surname, in informal or semi-official Polish texts one may add the original spelling of the surname or its passport transliteration in the nominative case at its first mention, e.g. W czwartek otworzymy wystawę Julii Słuckiej (Юлія Слуцкая) or (Yuliya Slutskaya) “On Thursday we will open an exhibition by Yuliya Slutskaya”. In Belarusian texts, however, such a practice in which the surname is given in the Cyrillic alphabet with the original form written in the Latin alphabet in parentheses – is rare.

Inflection vs. Non-Inflection of Polish Surnames

The declension of surnames, even those that are of native origin, is often problematic both in Polish (where these issues are regulated, e.g. in the Wielki słownik poprawnej polszczyzny, Markowski [ed. 2023]) and in Belarusian (where these issues are commented on differently in various editions, as discussed below). To avoid making mistakes, many Polish speakers avoid declension. This is especially seen in official documents such as theses, employment contracts, or sales agreements. In the text of a contract, it is standard to state that the agreement is made between person X and person Y, which would require using the instrumental case for the names (the contract between whom and whom). However, the nominative form is often used to “avoid any doubts.” Belarusian linguists note similar situations describing cases when a student has a surname like Муха/Mukha or Звяруга/Zvyaruha, which should be declined, but it causes a negative reaction in the student and their close ones (Bushlyakow 2004; Kachan 2012: 3).

In such and similar specific cases, surnames are deliberately written in the nominative form out of concern that the person reading them might make a mistake. In a church, for example, one might hear that the mass is being celebrated for zmarłych z rodziny *Mackiewicz/Nowak (“deceased members of the Mackiewicz/Nowak family”), instead of z rodziny Mackiewiczów/Nowaków. Exceptions are adjectival surnames ending in -ski, -cki, -dzki (e.g. Dąbrowski, Małecki, Zawadzki), which are always declined, e.g. msza za zmarłych z rodziny Dąbrowskich (“mass for the deceased Dąbrowski family members”).

The tendency to avoid declining Polish surnames has been commented by Hanna Jadacka, who explains it with the following factors (Jadacka 2005: 37):

Declension is seen as disrespectful – a deformation of the base form of the surname (a view held by, among others, officials and older people);

Problems with recreating the base form;

Fear of incorrect declension (making a mistake).

This list could also be expanded to include the tendency to avoid declining Polish surnames modeled after foreign surnames. In Western languages, names usually take only one form, whereas in Polish, even those are mostly declined (Jadacka 2005: 48–56).

If even native speakers sometimes struggle with declension, then speakers of Polish or Belarusian as foreign languages may face even greater difficulties. Let us therefore examine in which situations specific surnames are (or may be) indeclinable.

Polish surnames should almost always be declined, unless there are morphological obstacles, such as endings in -u (Jadacka 2005: 38). Feminine surnames are indeclinable when ending in the vowel -o (e.g. Duszeńko) and nominal surnames ending in a consonant (either hard or soft), which have the same form in all cases, e.g. Nowak (Jadacka 2005: 38). Analogous male surnames should always be declined according to the normative standard, e.g. bracia Nowakowie “brothers Nowak” (not bracia *Nowak). Surnames ending in -e can be left without declension (but it is not mandatory), e.g. bracia Handke/Handkowie, as well as foreign surnames, e.g. bracia Lumière (correctly also: bracia Lumière’owie) (Jadacka 2005: 45).

In a very specific case, the declension of Polish surnames is not applied when the nominative form is not obvious to reconstruct. This concerns, among others, male surnames ending in the vowels -o or -a. The declined form can cause problems with reconstructing the nominative, e.g. Nie ma Mirosława Bańki (“There is no Mirosław Bańko”) vs Nie ma Aleksandra Bańki (“There is no Aleksander Bańka”) – the nominative of the surname could be either Bańko (Mirosław Bańko – professor at the Faculty of Polish Studies at the University of Warsaw) or Bańka (Aleksander Bańka – professor at the Institute of Philosophy at the University of Silesia). It is most like for this reason that some of M. Bańko’s dictionaries include the phrase pod redakcją Mirosława Bańko (“edited by Mirosław Bańko”), as opposed to the declension of his surname as Bańki to avoid associations with the common noun bańka – bańki (meaning “a jar” or “a bubble”). However, other linguists decline this surname, following the normative rule of declension in Polish insisting that everything can and must be declined (Karpowicz 2009: 108).

In common Polish, the indeclinable form of the surname, accompanied by a first name or other word indicating the grammatical case (e.g. Mirosława Bańko, pana Bańko, profesora Bańko), is accepted (Bańko 2003a; Bańko (ed.) 2006: 134). Supporters of common Polish and those of standard Polish engage in long debates, rarely coming to agreement. Thus, some editions of dictionaries edited by Mirosław Bańko can be found with the inflected form: pod redakcją Mirosława Bańki, not Bańko (Bańko 2003b). These are the rules of the normative standard, which does not provide for exceptions in this case (as pointed out several decades ago) (Obrębska-Jabłońska 1958: 379–380).

Well-known male surnames ending in the vowel -o (preceded by a hard consonant) are always declined (like feminine nouns, e.g. matka “mother”), e.g. N. Kościuszko, Matejko, Mleczko, Sidło, G. Kościuszki, Matejki, Mleczki, Sidły, D./L. Kościuszce, Matejce, Mleczce, Sidle, A. Kościuszkę, Matejkę, Mleczkę, Sidłę, I. Kościuszką, Matejką, Mleczką, Sidłą.1 On the other hand, nouns ending in -o (preceded by a soft consonant) are always declined (like masculine nouns, e.g. wujcio “uncle”), for example: N. Puzio, G. Puzia, D. Puziowi, A. Puzia, I. Puziem, L. Puziu.

The mentioned tendency to leave surnames indeclinable is accompanied by a tendency to decline indeclinable surnames. It also happens that feminine surnames are declined like masculine ones, e.g., Nie ma pana Kononenki ani pani *Kononenki (“There is no Mr. Kononenko nor Mrs. Kononenko”). This is an overgeneralization of the rule to decline everything that can be declined in Polish.

Inflection vs. Non-Inflection of Belarusian Surnames

The Belarusian equivalents of Polish Slavic surnames ending in -o are presented as -a (a phenomenon known as akanye, or akanne /aˈkanːʲɛ/ (ah-KAH-nyeh) in Belarusian), e.g. Касцюшка/Kastsyushka (Polish: Kościuszko), Манюшка/Manyushka (Polish: Moniuszko), and others like Адамейка/Adamyeyka, Бандарэнка/Bandarenka, Ігнаценка/Ihnatsyenka, Латушка/Latushka, Лукашэнка/Lukashenka, Саўчанка/Sawchanka, and Васючэнка/Vasyuchenka.

Surnames of this type (especially those ending in -энка/-enka, -енка/-yenka, -анка/-anka, -онка/-onka, -ёнка/-yonka, -інка/-inka) are often mistakenly left indeclinable in Belarusian (following the Russian pattern), even though these masculine surnames should be declined, e.g. N. Асіпенка/Asipyenka, G. Асіпенкі/Asipyenki, D./A./L. Асіпенку/Asipyenku, I. Асіпенкам/Asipyenkam (Hryhor’yeva 1994: 151; cf. Zrazikava and Hubkina 2016: 88). Therefore, it should also be заява Лукашэнкі/zayava Lukashenki “Lukashenka’s declaration” (and not заява *Лукашэнкa/zayava Lukashenka – considered incorrect (the form influenced by the Russian language, in which such surnames are not declined, cf. Stsyatsko 2002: 57; Bandarovich 2013: 20), з Лукашэнкам/z Lukashenkam “with Lukashenka.”

It is often the case that the discussed surnames, including feminine surnames, remain indeclinable, although scholars are not entirely in agreement on this matter (Zhawnyarovich 2014: 125). Therefore, in different editions, one can encounter both indeclinable and declinable forms, e.g. з Дар’яй Бандарэнкай / z Dar’yay Bandarenkay vs з Дар’яй Бандарэнка / z Dar’yay Bandarenka (cf. Zrazikava and Hubkina 2016: 89). The 2021 Belarusian correctness standards edition asserts that only masculine surnames of this type are declined, also noting that scholars have differing opinions on the declension of feminine surnames, which is becoming increasingly common in texts (Zhawnyarovich 2021: 278–279). Therefore, the reader must make their own decision in this matter, which may seem strange and unclear to non-native speakers of Belarusian. By comparison, feminine surnames of this type are not declined in Polish, in contrast to masculine surnames, as mentioned above. In Russian, neither feminine nor masculine surnames are declined. Thus, the declension of such feminine surnames would characterize Belarusian as distinct from both Polish and Russian, while non-declension would indicate an artificial tendency to align it with more “prestigious” languages.

The Belarusian linguist Pavyel Stsyatsko advocated for the declension of surnames ending in -a or -я/-ya. In his monograph on language culture, he pointed out that such surnames are extensively discussed in different sources, and normative editions often provide contradictory information (Stsyatsko 2002: 57–63).

Deliberate and political action from the 1970s was assessed by the researcher as an artificial restriction on the inflection of such surnames, aimed at aligning Belarusian more closely with the norms of standard Russian (Stsyatsko 2002: 57). However, the researcher points to a Russian source from the Institute of the Russian Language of the USSR Academy of Sciences from 1976, which permits the inflection of such surnames only in colloquial language (Stsyatsko 1992: 31). Spoken Belarusian, belles-lettres, and Belarusian dialects demonstrate that the inflection of such surnames is natural and characteristic of living Belarusian (the tendency to decline is noted by various researchers, e.g. Bushlyakow, Yankowski, Kachan, Stsyatsko, Zhawnyarovich).

P. Zhawnyarovich recommends declining surnames ending in -a or -я/-ya (i.e. considers their declension not a mistake), as it greatly helps in identifying the person, especially in situations where initials are frequently used, e.g., дапамагчы В.К. Ігнацeнка, Т.М. Бядуля / dapamahchy V.K. Ihnatsyenka, T.M. Byadulya “to help V.K. Ihnatsyenka, T.M. Byadulya” (surnames officially considered indeclinable when referring to women, Plotnikaw and Traykowskaya 2004: 529) vs. дапамагчы В.К. Ігнацeнцы, Т.М. Бядулі / dapamahchy V.K. Ihnatsyentsy, T.M. Byaduli – the declension helps identify the person as a woman (Zhawnyarovich 2014: 125; cf. Stsyatsko 2002: 60) – variants for men: дапамагчы В.К. Ігнаценку, Т.М. Бядулю / dapamahchy V.K. Ihnatsyenku, T.M. Byadulyu. Therefore, contemporary recommendations lean towards solutions rooted in the natural essence of colloquial Belarusian. However, in linguistic discussions, some argue that avoiding the declension of female surnames in the style of Кацюшэнка/Katsyushenka is more appropriate for formal or official situations. For instance, when issuing diplomas, as well as in situations where consonant alternations might occur and the surname could resemble a potentially negative common noun. In such cases, avoiding inflection could help prevent unwanted associations (see Kawrus 2019: 26).

Consonant alternations in surnames ending in -га, -ка, -ха / -ha, -ka, -kha alter the phonetic shape of surnames and may lead to difficulties in reconstructing the base form, hence the proposal not to decline them, e.g., Дука & Дуца – Дуцы / Duka & Dutsa – Dutsy, Духа & Дуса – Дусе / Dukha & Dusa – Dusye, Лапега & Лапеза – Лапезе / Lapyeha & Lapyeza – Lapyezye (Haponyenka 2006: 32–33). While one could agree that surnames should not be declined in legal documents, this should not apply to general language, as these alternations are a characteristic feature of Belarusian, much like its inflectional nature. Expanding the practice of not inflecting such surnames would lead to the creation of artificially “immobilized” forms that would look odd in texts or sound awkward in speech. Additionally, bearers of surnames derived from common nouns often attempt to distinguish them by deliberately avoiding inflection of their surnames (Ustsinovich 1995: 40).

Belarusian masculine and feminine surnames ending in -o are another special case, in which the ultimate syllable is stressed (e.g. Глушко/Hlushko, Дурнаво/Durnavo, Яско/Yasko, Крамко/Kramko, Лапо/Lapo, Ралько/Ral′ko, Сцяцко/Stsyatsko, Сусло/Suslo, Жудро/Zhudro). According to most official sources and influenced by Russian standards, such surnames do not decline (e.g., без Алега Сусло / byez Alyeha Suslo, з Кацярынай Яско / z Katsyarynay Yasko) (Burak 1974: 136; Plotnikaw and Antanyuk 2003: 216; Kachan 2012: 1; Zhawnyarovich 2021: 276).

However, in some sources, it is mentioned that there is an exception for masculine surnames derived from neuter common nouns denoting common nouns or adjectives (e.g. Сцябло – Сцябла – Сцяблом / Stsyablo – Stsyabla – Stsyablom, Талакно – Талакна – Талакном / Talakno – Talakna – Talaknom) (Zrazikava and Hubkina 2016: 89; Zhawnyarovich 2021: 276). Z. Sawka noted that such surnames often come from characteristics describing a person, e.g., Глушко/Hlushko (from глушко/hlushko ← глухі/hlukhi “deaf”), Гняўко/Hnyawko (from гняўко/hnyawko ← гняўлівы/hnyawlivy “angry”), Нямко/Nyamko (from нямко/nyamko ← нямы/nyamy, “mute”) and then only masculine surnames decline according to the pattern of neuter nouns, e.g., гумно/humno “manure” (Sawka 2008: 42–43) (additionally, feminine surnames ending in -a/-o, derived from neuter nouns, do not decline).

This raises the question of how well non-native or native Belarusian speakers alike will be able to assign a given surname to the categories of common noun or a characteristic and apply declension. Identifying whether a given surname ending in -a comes from a common noun and determining the appropriate declension pattern is not always obvious. This is especially true for Russian-speaking Belarusians or foreigners who might also struggle with identifying the stress or distinguishing between feminine and neuter nouns ending in -a. It is important to emphasize that, surnames with a stem ending in г, к, х / h, k, kh are considered in different groups, as they can come from both common (e.g. Кніга/Kniha, Саладуха/Saladukha, Сарока/Saroka) and uncommon nouns (e.g. Расолька/Rasol′ka, Салоха/Salokha, Таўпыга/Tawpyha). P. Stsyatsko considers the rule of relating a surname to a common noun to be artificial, as a surname is already a different word – a common gender noun that can denote both a man and a woman. Therefore, it does not matter whether it comes from a common noun (Stsyatsko 1992: 30; Haponyenka 2006: 31).

It is worth summarizing this declension based on linguistic practice and Zhawnyarovich’s considerations (and earlier works by Stsyatsko) as follows: all surnames ending in an unstressed -a (whether derived from a common noun or not) should be declined like general gender nouns – with different endings in the dative/locative and instrumental cases, depending on the person’s gender. However, surnames with a stressed -a ending should have the same forms for both genders. These rules would better reflect the specificity of the Belarusian language and would also be easier for both Belarusians and foreigners using Belarusian.

Summary of Declensions in Polish and Belarusian

Similarities

In both languages, female surnames ending in a consonant, such as Monice Nowak (PL), Зосьцы Верас / Zos′cy Vyeras (BE), and those ending in the vowel -o, such as z panią Duszeńko (PL), з Кацярынай Яско / z Katsyarynay Yasko (BE), are indeclinable. In Belarusian, surnames ending in -a that are not derived from common nouns do not officially decline. In Polish, surnames ending in -o do not undergo declension according to the normative standard, e.g. z Darią Bandarenko. However, in both languages, forms with declension can be found outside the official norm, such as з Дар’яй Бандарэнкай / z Dar’yay Bandarenkay (BE) and z Darią *Bandarenką (PL).

Surnames ending in -o in Polish have an -a ending in Belarusian, e.g. Манюшка/Manyushka (BE) in comparison to Moniuszko (PL) – these surnames are declined in both languages, if they concern men.

Belarusian surnames derived from common nouns with a stressed ending as well as those with an unstressed ending (according to the academic norm), such as Вярба/Vyarba and Вянсна/Vyasna, are declined the same way regardless of the gender of their owner – similarly to how they are declined in Polish, e.g. G. Вясны/Vyasny, Крапівы/Krapivy (BE), Wiasny, Krapiwy (PL), D./L. Вясне/Vyasnye, Крапіве/Krapivye (BE), Wiaśnie, Krapiwie (PL), A. Вясну/Vyasnu, Крапіву/Krapivu (BE), Wiasnę, Krapiwę (PL), I. Вясною/Vyasnoyu, Крапівой/Krapivoy (BE), Wiasną, Krapiwą (PL).

Differences

Belarusian masculine surnames ending in -o, such as Сцяцко/Stsyatsko, Сусло/Suslo, Яско/Yasko, do not officially undergo declension (except for the aforementioned separate opinion of some linguists), e.g. без Алега Сусло / byez Alyeha Suslo, whereas in standard Polish they should be declined, e.g. bez Aleha Susły (in common Polish, it is possible to omit the declension if a word indicating the case is used: bez Aleha Susło).

In Belarusian, feminine surnames ending in -a that refer to neuter nouns, such as Варыва/Varyva, Вярбіла/Vyarbila, Долата/Dolata, Дула/Dula, Калена/Kalyena, Пыліла/Pylila, Тармола/Tarmola, are not declined. This rule in Belarusian is not known to Polish speakers. In Polish, similar surnames are treated as feminine surnames ending in -a and follow the same declension pattern, regardless of whether they refer to women or men. e.g. N. Kalena, Warywa, G. Kaleny, Warywy, D./L. Kalenie, Warywie, A. Kalenę, Warywę, I. Kaleną, Warywą.

In such cases where Belarusian surnames ending in an unstressed -a may have different endings depending on gender, their Polish declension will not reflect this distinction, e.g. D. Алёне Кнізе / Alyonye Knizye – Івану Кнігу / Ivanu Knihu (BE), Alonie Knisze / Kniże – Iwanowi Knisze / Kniże (PL), I. з Марыяй Папругай / z Maryyay Papruhay – з Іванам Папругам / z Ivanam Papruham (BE), z Marią Papruhą – z Iwanem Papruhą (PL).

In Belarusian, such surnames ending in an unstressed -a that do not derive from common feminine nouns only decline when they refer to men (a contested topic among some linguists), e.g. Лукша/Luksha, Карызна/Karyzna, Сапега/Sapyeha, Нлебка/Hlyebka. In contrast, these surnames will decline the same way in Polish regardless of the gender of the person carrying them, e.g. N. Łuksza, Sapieha, G. Łukszy, Sapiehy, D./L. Łukszy, Sapiesze / Sapieże, A. Łukszę, Sapiehę, I. Łukszą, Sapiehą.

The analysis carried out in this article shows that in Belarusian – unlike Polish and Russian – there is no unambiguously standardised issue of name variety, which is also reflected in the language of the Belarusian media. Some sources point to a variety of patterns unique to Belarusian, influenced by usage and dialects, while others suggest a standard based on Russian language patterns. To date, these issues have not been clearly resolved, as they do not involve more than simply purely linguistic factors. This has negative consequences for the use of Belarusian, as it is seen as an overly non-standardised language with too many variants. Thus, it is suggested that a language user may want to use Russian as a “more standardised” language. This is also not conducive to the learning of Belarusian by Russian-speaking Belarusians and foreigners, who get lost in the maze of different interpretations and variety patterns and are afraid of exposing themselves to ridicule by making mistakes. The comparative analysis presented in this article leads the author to formulate recommendations for the codifiers of the Belarusian language when unifying the principles of name variety:

Do not rely on the traditions of other languages, including Polish and Russian;

Rely on the living language of Belarusian speakers (past and present) and on the principles of inflection of the Belarusian language.

A significant codification task rests with the Institute of Linguistics of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus, and the official publications of this institution (e.g. the academic grammar) should consistently promote the applied inflection patterns. However, the 2007 academic grammar (Lukashanyec [ed. 2007]) did not account for the recommendations of P. Stsyatsko – professor and head of the Department of Linguistics at the Faculty of Belarusian Philology and Culture at Yanka Kupala State University of Grodno, who received the honorary award выдатнік народнай асветы / vydatnik narodnay asvyety (“Distinguished Public Education Worker”), nor the guidelines from 2001, based in part on his articles (Sklanyennye nyekatorykh prozvishchaw) nor the 2006 edition of the journal Rodnaye slova (Ad redaktsyi).

Belarusian Surnames in Polish

Even the nominative form can depend on various factors. Belarusian female surnames ending in -цкая/-tskaya, -ская/-skaya in Polish have the endings -cka, -ska and decline similarly to Polish surnames with the same endings, e.g., Уліцкая/Ulitskaya (BE) – Ulicka, Ulickiej, Ulicką (PL); Ціханоўская/Cikhanowskaya (BE) – Cichanouska, Cichanouskiej, Cichanouską (PL) (Nazwiska żeńskie…). If the Polish transcription was used (Transliteracja i transkrypcja…), the nominative would look as follows: Ulickaja, Cichanouskaja, which would be closer to the original and would be preferred by Belarusians. However, this could cause difficulties for Poles in forming the oblique cases, which is why the shortened version of the surname is used (Wolański 2020).

Belarusian surnames such as Гушчава/Hushchava, Калеснікава/Kalyesnikava decline in Polish like adjectival possessive surnames, such as Nowakowa – Nowakowej, i.e., Huszczawa – Huszczawej, Kalesnikawa2 – Kalesnikawej.

In Polish, there is no distinction, unlike as found in Belarusian, regarding whether a surname originates from a common noun or whether it has an (un)accented ending. Therefore, Belarusian surnames will decline the same way for both genders – Nina, Arciom Kniha, Iryna, Wadzim Łuksza, Nina, Mikoła Wiasna: N. Kniha, Łuksza, Wiasna, G. Knihy, Łukszy, Wiasny, D./L. Knisze/Kniże, Łukszy, Wiaśnie, A. Knihę, Łukszę, Wiasnę, I. Knihą, Łukszą, Wiasną.

Belarusian masculine surnames ending in -ka in Polish are rendered in two ways: either according to transcription (i.e. following the pronunciation), e.g. Лукашэнка/Lukashenka – Łukaszenka or in accordance with a certain tradition that renders such surnames with the ending -ko, e.g. Манюшка/Manyushka – Moniuszko, Касцюшка/Kastsyushka – Kościuszko, hence Лукашэнка/Lukashenka – Łukaszenko. Therefore, both forms of the surname are correct. The Polonized form Łukaszenko is used in both speech and writing. However, in scientific publications and library practice, transcription should be applied, hence – Łukaszenka. The issue concerns only the nominative form; in other grammatical cases, the forms are identical (Grzenia 2002). For a male surname, a woman named Łukaszenko does not inflect the surname (G. Łukaszenko), but a woman named Łukaszenka does, using the same endings as for a male surname (G. Łukaszenki).

The surname Васіль Быкаў/Vasil’ Bykaw continues to raise questions, as its Polish transcription appears as Wasil Bykau (сf. Kaleta 2013: 133; Kaleta 2014: 128; Kaleta 2015: 73; Kaleta 2017: 27). The transcribed nominative form (unlike forms, e.g. genitive or instrumental) undergoes further inflection according to Polish patterns: N. Быкаў/Bykaw (BE) – Bykau (PL), G./A. Быкава/Bykava (BE) – Bykaua (like Turnau – Turnaua, Landau – Landaua) (PL), D. Быкавy/Bykavu (BE) – Bykauowi (PL), I. Быкавым/Bykavym (BE) – Bykauem (PL), L. аб Быкаве / ab Bykavye (BE) – o Wasilu Bykau (PL) (the locative of surnames ending with the sound (u̯) takes the nominative form) (сf. Grzenia 2008). These Polish forms often provoke strong reactions from Belarusians or specialists in Belarusian studies (see Smułkowa 2017: 57), who are well aware of the different declension in the original language. However, an average Pole unfamiliar with Belarusian would never deduce the genitive *Bykawa or instrumental *Bykawym from the nominative Bykau, and could only transcribe them in the nominative form, followed by application of the declension pattern, if presented with the entire Belarusian paradigm. This would correspond to Belarusian pronunciation but clash with Polish inflection. For individuals who know both languages, there may naturally be an overlap of these differing rules. Belarusians lobbying for the Polish genitive form (Bykau – Bykawa) to mirror the Belarusian must understand that, consequently, the instrumental form should also match Belarusian: *Bykawym instead of Bykauem, which, in both cases, is clearly inconsistent with Polish linguistic norms and difficult to justify. The ending -ym (Быкавым/Bykavym), as in a Belarusian adjective, does not exist in Polish in this case; another example: Пятроў/Pyatrow – Пятровым/Pyatrovym (for a female surname, the instrumental form is Пятровай/Pyatrovay, see Barshchewskaya 2020).

On the other hand, a Pole does not expect that a surname in Belarusian will decline according to Polish paradigms, hence natural differences such as: N. Смольскі/Smol′ski (BE) – Smolski (PL), G./A. Смольскага/Smol′skaha (BE) (rather than *Смольскeгo/Smol’skyeho as under the the Polish pattern influence) – Smolskiego (PL), Смольскай/Smol’skay (BE) – Smolskiej (PL). Therefore, it should come as no surprise that the Polish adaptation of Belarusian surnames is adjusted to Polish patterns, which do not account for the alternation of -аў:-ава/-aw:-ava (the alternation -ёў:-ёва/-yow:-yova in case of surnames like Салаўёў/Salawyow – Салаўёва/Salawyova) in the genitive or -аў:-авым/-aw:-avym (the alternation -ёў:-ёвым/-yow:-yovym in case of surnames like Салаўёў/Salawyow – Салаўёвым/Salawyovym) in the instrumental, nor do they follow Belarusian rules for declining surnames like Bykau. The same applies to surnames ending in -ін/-in, e.g., N. Вялюгін/Vyalyuhin (BE) – Wialuhin (PL), I. з Вялюгіным / z Vyalyuhinym (BE) – z Wialuhinem (PL) (a Pole unfamiliar with Belarusian will not assume that the instrumental should have the Belarusian-like ending -ym, so he/she uses the Polish noun ending -em).

A compromise variant can be proposed, assuming a gradation of Polish norms:

A general norm for popular science texts (Polish declension: Bykau – Bykaua – z Bykauem);

A specialized norm for Belarusian studies texts (Belarusian-like declension: Bykau – Bykawa – z Bykawym/Bykawem) (cf. Kaleta 2017: 27).

However, the question arises whether this clarifies the issue or introduces more confusion when a casual reader encounters a specialized text. It also seems that the second variant would face opposition from Polish linguists. A genitive form Bykawa is possible in Polish if the nominative is Bykaw (instead of Bykau); in that case, the instrumental form would be Bykawem. But for some Belarusians the form Bykaw is unacceptable, because it does not reflect Belarusian linguistic features, and even resembles the Russian equivalent of the name – Быков/Bykov (in Polish Bykow).

Belarusian indeclinable male surnames ending in -o should be declined in standard Polish usage when they appear in Polish texts/speech, e.g. прафесара Сцяцко / prafyesara Stsyatsko (BE) – profesora Sciacki (PL). In common Polish, they do not have to be declined if preceded by a first name or another noun indicating the case, e.g. profesora Sciacko.

Polish Surnames in Belarusian

Polish feminine surnames ending in -cka, -ska are rendered in Belarusian with a shortened ending -цка/-tska, -ска/-ska, for example, Jasińska-Socha (PL) – Ясіньска-Соха/Yasin′ska-Sokha (BE), Suchocka (PL) – Сухоцка/Sukhotska (BE), (PL) Szymborska – Шымборска/Shymborska (BE). When declined, these surnames take endings similar to those of full adjectives, such as G. Сухоцкай/Sukhotskay, Шымборскай/Shymborskay (Zhawnyarovich 2021: 277). Forms like Баршчэўская/Barschewskaya instead of Баршчэўска/Barschewska may indicate a stronger sense of Belarusian identity (e.g. among Poles of Belarusian origin) or a desire to emphasize alignment with Belarusian linguistic traditions. On the other hand, using the first mentioned forms may also aim to highlight that these are foreign proper names. In the example above, a Pole with the surname Barszczewska might use the Belarusian form Баршчэўская/Barschewskaya to show respect for the Belarusian language or an emotional connection to it, while a Belarusian (e.g. a journalist) writing a text in Belarusian with the surname Barszczewska would use the form Баршчэўска/Barschewska to emphasize its Polish (foreign) nature.

The declension of Polish surnames ending in -a may not be straightforward. For example, the surname Kaleta (in Old Russian, kalita “a type of money bag” comes from the Tatar kalta “pocket or leather pouch,” see Wielki słownik…) can be classified in different ways:

It can be pronounced with a Polish paroxytone accent (declined like a common noun with an unaccented ending), or

With an oxytone accent, like Kalita.

In the first case, the declension might be the same for both genders, like Belarusian surnames derived from common nouns with either an accented or unaccented -a ending (Zhawnyarovich 2021: 278, 280) (N. Калета/Kalyeta, G. Калеты/Kalyety, D./L. Калеце/Kalyetsye, A. Калету/Kalyetu, I. Калетай/Kalyetay) or differentiated in the dative/locative and instrumental depending on gender (N. Калета/Kalyeta, G. Калеты/Kalyety, D./L. Калеце/Kalyetsye or Калету/Kalyetu, A. Калету/Kalyetu, I. Калетай/Kalyetay or Калетам/Kalyetam).

In the second case (with an accented ending), the declension follows the pattern of common surnames with an accented ending, e.g. N. Вябра/Vyarba, Калята/Kalyata, D./L. Вябре/Vyarbye, Каляце/Kalyatsye, I. з Вяброй / z Vyarboy, з Калятой / z Kalyatoy.

The selection of the appropriate paradigm in the Belarusian language is a challenge for both native speakers and foreigners who use Belarusian, as it requires determining the issue of stress and whether the surname derives from a common noun. In practice, different forms of declension are seen depending on the user’s interpretation of the language. Therefore, for such surnames, it is easier to apply the rules regarding the indeclinability of foreign surnames ending in a vowel (e.g. Дзюма/Dzyuma, Бруна/Bruna, Сукарна/Sukarna, Халіла/Khalila, Ціта/Tsita) (Lukashanyec [ed. 2007: 171]). Hence, an example could be an authentic dedication in the form of Радаславу Калета з шанаваннем / Radaslavu Kalyeta z shanavannyem. However, recent Belarusian publication clarifies this issue and states that most foreign surnames ending in a vowel are not declined, including those ending in an unstressed -я/-ya preceded by -i (e.g., N. Гарсія/Harsiya – I. з Гарсія / z Harsiya), but foreign surnames ending in unstressed -a, -я/-ya decline like common gendered nouns (Zhawnyarovich 2021: 276).3 This means they have different endings in the dative/locative and instrumental cases, depending on the person’s gender (e.g. N. Калета/Kalyeta, G. Калеты/Kalyety, D./L. Калеце/Kalyetsye or Калету/Kalyetu, A. Калету/Kalyetu, I. Калетай/Kalyetay or Калетам/Kalyetam).

In Polish, foreign surnames generally undergo declension, e.g., Kennedy – Kennedy’ego, Huzinga – Huzingi, Petrarka – Petrarki, Casanova – Casanovy (Jadacka 2005: 53). If Polish surnames ending in -a are to be treated as foreign in Belarusian, and thus indeclinable,4 then there is no need to consider using the Belarusian paradigm to adjust other surnames, including those ending in -a and -o. In Belarusian, these are declined only for males, while in Polish they are declined for both genders following the feminine paradigm, e.g., Wojtyła (PL) – Вайтыла/Vaytyla (BE), Lasota (PL) – Лясота/Lyasota (BE), Hołownia (PL) – Галоўня/Halownya (BE), Ziobro (dialectal name for a rib) (PL) – Зёбра/Zyobra (BE). However, one can find declined surnames of this type on the internet, e.g., У паэтычным даробку Караля Вайтылы / U paetychnym darobku Karalya Vaytyly (“In the poetic oeuvre of Karol Wojtyła”); выстава прадстаўляе Караля Вайтылу / vystava pradstawlyaye Karalya Vaytylu (“The exhibition features Karol Wojtyła”); Тшаскоўскі пачаў бой за галасы Шымона Галоўні / Tshaskowski pachaw boy za halasy Shymona Halowni (“Trzaskowski began the fight for Hołownia’s voters”).

Thus, it is no surprise that also the Polish adaptation of Belarusian surnames follows Polish patterns. It is clear that Belarusian rules are analogous to Polish ones: first through transcription into the Belarusian language, and then by inflection according to the Belarusian paradigm (сf. the previously mentioned discussion of the surname Быкаў/Bykaw in Polish).

Summary

Based on the analyzed material, it can be stated that both the Polish and Belarusian languages adapt foreign surname inflection patterns to their specific linguistic characteristics. Therefore, neither Polish speakers should have objections to the Belarusian side, nor should Belarusian speakers have complaints about the Polish side.

In both languages, similar surnames often occur (e.g. Каліта/Kalita (BE) – Kaleta [PL]), which in Belarusian can lead to different inflection patterns depending on the accent, and whether the surname is treated as foreign or derived from a (non)common noun. In the Belarusian language, there is a noticeable variation in inflection, which is confirmed by the cited Belarusian linguistic works. Based on these works, it is also evident that linguistic practice, dialectal traditions, and official rules can differ. There is also an attempt to distinguish the Belarusian inflection from the Russian tradition (especially in non-governmental publications, but also in the state sponsored journal Роднае слова/Rodnaye slova). The presence of different opinions regarding inflection patterns in Belarusian expert publications hinders a clear standardization of the Belarusian language, which is still enmeshed in a historical-ideological-propagandistic context.

On the other hand, the presence of Belarusian surnames in Polish also presents challenges for Polish speakers, as evidenced by questions posed in linguistic advisory services and the answers given by experts in Polish studies. The Belarusian and Polish languages are close yet distant enough that the differences between them regarding surnames are often very subtle and interesting, revealing distinct linguistic practices, evolution of norms, linguistic influences, and the typical peculiarities of both languages.

Appendix

Comparison in tables of Belarusian and Polish Surnames

In Belarusian, feminine names with the unaccented ending -а, -я/-ya with the stem ending in г, к, х / h, k, kh, which are derived from common nouns, decline based on the subject’s gender. Feminine surnames decline like general gender nouns, and masculine surnames decline like common nouns of the masculine gender ending in -а (e.g. бацька/bats′ka “father”). Academic grammar simplifies declension and makes no distinction between genders. In Polish, this distinction does not exist either.

Women’s names

Men’s names

N.

Ірына Кніга, Шышка

Iryna Kniha, Shyshka

Міхась Кніга, Шышка

Mikhas′ Kniha, Shyshka

G.

Ірыны Кнігі, Шышкі

Iryny Knihi, Shyshki

Міхася Кнігі, Шышкі

Mikhasya Knihi, Shyshki

D.

Ірыне Кнізе, Шышцы

Irynye Knizye, Shyshcy

Міхасю Кнігу, Шышку

Mikhasyu Knihu, Shyshku

A.

Ірыну Кнігу, Шышку

Irynu Knihu, Shyshku

Міхася Кнігу, Шышку

Mikhasya Knihu, Shyshku

I.

Ірынай Кнігай, Шышкай

Irynay Knihay, Shyshkay

Міхасём Кнігам, Шышкам

Mikhasyom Kniham, Shyshkam

L.

Ірыне Кнізе, Шышцы

Irynye Knizye, Shyshcy

Міхасю Кнігу, Шышку

Mikhasyu Knihu, Shyshku

Names of both sexes according

to academic grammar

Belarusian names in Polish

N.

Ніна, Іван Кніга, Саладуха, Сарока

Nina, Ivan Kniha, Saladukha, Saroka

Nina, Iwan Kniha, Saroka

G.

Ніны, Івана Кнігі, Саладухі, Сарокі

Niny, Ivana Knihi, Saladukhi, Saroki

Niny, Iwana Knihi, Saroki

D.

Ніне, Івану Кнізе, Саладусе, Сароцы

Ninye, Ivanu Knizye, Saladusye, Sarocy

Ninie, Iwanowi Knisze/Kniże, Saroce

A.

Ніну, Івана Кнігу, Саладуху, Сароку

Ninu, Ivana Knihu, Saladukhu, Saroku

Ninę, Iwana Knihę, Sarokę

I.

Нінай, Іванам Кнігай, Саладухай, Сарокай

Ninay, Ivanam Knihay, Saladukhay, Sarokay

Niną, Iwanem Knihą, Saroką

L.

Ніне, Іване Кнізе, Сароцы, Саладусе

Ninye, Ivanye Knizye, Sarocy, Saladusye

Ninie, Iwanie Knisze/Kniże, Saroce

In Belarusian, feminine names derived from common nouns with the unaccented ending -а, -я/-ya (excluding those previously mentioned with a stem ending in г, к, х / h, k, kh) have the same endings regardless of the person gender and are declined like feminine nouns (e.g. вада/vada, зямля/zyamlya, бульба/bul′ba, доля/dolya). The same rule applies to names derived from common names with an accented ending, e.g. Вясна/Vyasna, Вярба/Vyarba, Крапіва/Krapiva. However, in the texts, surnames with an unaccented ending are often declined like general gender nouns.

Names of both sexes

Names declined in texts as general gender nouns

N.

Ніна, Іван Вярба, Кропля, Пушча

Nina, Ivan Vyarba, Kroplya, Pushcha

Ніна, Іван Пушча

Nina, Ivan Pushcha

G.

Ніны, Івана Вярбы, Кроплі, Пушчы

Niny, Ivana Vyarby, Kropli, Pushchy

Ніны, Івана Пушчы

Niny, Ivana Pushchy

D.

Ніне, Івану Вярбе, Кроплі, Пушчы

Ninye, Ivanu Vyarbye, Kropli, Pushchy

Ніне Пушчы, Івану Пушчу

Ninye Pushchy, Ivanu Pushchu

A.

Ніну, Івана Вярбу, Кроплю, Пушчу

Ninu, Ivana Vyarbu, Kroplyu, Pushchu

Ніну, Івана Пушчу

Ninu, Ivana Pushchu

I.

Нінай, Іванам Вярбой, Кропляй, Пушчай

Ninay, Ivanam Vyarboy, Kroplyay, Pushchay

Нінай Пушчай, Іванам Пушчам

Ninay Pushchay, Ivanam Pushcham

L.

Ніне, Іване Вярбе, Кроплі, Пушчы

Ninye, Ivanye Vyarbye, Kropli, Pushchy

Ніне, Іване Пушчы

Ninye, Ivanye Pushchy

Belarusian names in Polish

N.

Nina, Iwan Puszcza, Kropla, Wiarba

G.

Niny, Iwana Puszczy, Kropli, Wiarby

D.

Ninie, Iwanowi Puszczy, Kropli, Wiarbie

A.

Ninę, Iwana Puszczę, Kroplę, Wiarbę

I.

Niną, Iwanem Puszczą, Kroplą, Wiarbą

L.

Ninie, Iwanie Puszczy, Kropli, Wiarbie

Names that are not derived from common feminine nouns (including those on г, к, х / h, k, kh) are only declined when they refer to men (officially), although older and more recent sources recommended their declension for women as well.

Male and female surnames

(according to new official sources)

Male and female surnames

according to older and some newer sources as a manifestation of the separation of Belarusian from Russian

N.

Іван Лукша, Карызна, Сапега, Глебка

Ванда Лукша, Карызна, Сапега, Глебка

Ivan Luksha, Karyzna, Sapyeha, Hlyebka

Vanda Luksha, Karyzna, Sapyeha, Hlyebka

Іван, Ванда Барута, Таўпыга, Расолька, Саўчанка

Ivan, Vanda Baruta, Tawpyha, Rasol′ka, Sawchanka

G.

Івана Лукшы, Карызны, Сапегі, Глебкі

Ванды Лукша, Карызна, Сапега, Глебка

Ivana Lukshy, Karyzny, Sapyehi, Hlyebki

Vandy Luksha, Karyzna, Sapyeha, Hlyebka

Івана, Ванды Баруты, Таўпыгі, Расолькі, Саўчанкі

Ivana, Vandy Baruty, Tawpyhi, Rasol′ki, Sawchanki

D.

Івану Лукшу, Карызне, Сапегу, Глебку

Вандзе Лукша, Карызна, Сапега, Глебка

Ivanu Lukshu, Karyzny, Sapyehu, Hlyebku

Vandzye Luksha, Karyzna, Sapyeha, Hlyebka

Івану Баруту, Таўпыгу, Расольку, Саўчанку

Вандзе Баруце, Таўпызе, Расольцы, Саўчанцы

Ivanu Barutu, Tawpyhu, Rasol′ku, Sawchanku

Vandzye Barutsye, Tawpyzye, Rasol′cy, Sawchancy

A.

Івана Лукшу, Карызну, Сапегу, Глебку

Ванду Лукша, Карызна, Сапега, Глебка

Ivana Lukshu, Karyznu, Sapyehu, Hlyebku

Vandu Luksha, Karyzna, Sapyeha, Hlyebka

Івана, Ванду Баруту, Таўпыгу, Расольку, Саўчанку

Ivana, Vandu Barutu, Tawpyhu, Rasol′ku, Sawchanku

I.

Іванам Лукшам, Карызнам, Сапегам, Глебкам

Вандай Лукша, Карызна, Сапега, Глебка

Ivanam Luksham, Karyznam, Sapyeham, Hlyebkam

Vanday Luksha, Karyzna, Sapyeha, Hlyebka

Іванам Барутам, Таўпыгам, Расолькам, Саўчанкам

Вандай Барутай, Таўпыгай, Расолькай, Саўчанкай

Ivanam Barutam, Tawpyham, Rasol′kam, Sawchankam

Vanday Barutay, Tawpyhay, Rasol′kay, Sawchankay

L.

Іване Лукшу, Карызне, Сапегу, Глебку

Вандзе Лукша, Карызна, Сапега, Глебка

Ivanye Lukshu, Karyznye, Sapyehu, Hlyebku

Vandzye Luksha, Karyzna, Sapyeha, Hlyebka

Іване Баруту, Таўпыгу, Расольку, Саўчанку

Вандзе Баруце, Таўпызе, Расольцы, Саўчанцы

Ivanye Barutu, Tawpyhu, Rasol′ku, Sawchanku

Vandzye Barutsye, Tawpyzye, Rasol′cy, Sawchancy

Belarusian names in Polish

N.

Iwan, Wanda Baruta, Taupyha, Rasolka, Sauczanka

G.

Iwana, Wandy Baruty, Taupyhi, Rasolki, Sauczanki

D.

Iwanowi, Wandzie Barucie, Taupysze/Taupyże, Rasolce, Sauczance

A.

Iwana, Wandę Barutę, Taupyhę, Rasolkę, Sauczankę

I.

Iwanem, Wandą Barutą, Taupyhą, Rasolką, Sauczanką

L.

Iwanie, Wandzie Barucie, Taupysze/Taupyże, Rasolce, Sauczance

Names ending in -a/-o, which by their form refer to neuter nouns, are only declined if they refer to males.

Men’s names

Belarusian names in Polish

N.

Іван Шыла, Вясло

Ivan Shyla, Vyaslo

Iwan Szyła, Wiasło

G.

Івана Шыла, Вясла

Ivana Shyla, Vyasla

Iwana Szyły, Wiasła

D.

Івану Шылу, Вяслу

Ivanu Shylu, Vyaslu

Iwanowi Szyle, Wiaśle5

A.

Івана Шыла, Вясло

Ivana Shyla, Vyaslo

Iwana Szyłę, Wiasłę

I.

Iванам Шылам, Вяслом

Ivanam Shylam, Vyaslom

Iwanem Szyłą, Wiasłą

L.

Іване Шыле, Вясле

Ivanye Shylye, Vyaslye

Iwanie Szyle, Wiaśle

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“Nazwiska żeńskie na -цкая, -ская” [at:] https://sjp.pwn.pl/zasady/328-79-C-2-Nazwiska-zenskie-na-%D1%86%D0%BA%D0%B0%D1%8F-%D1%81%D0%BA%D0%B0%D1%8F;629724.html (date of access: 4 Nov. 2024).

“Transliteracja i transkrypcja współczesnego alfabetu białoruskiego” [at:] https://sjp.pwn.pl/zasady/325-79-A-Transliteracja-i-transkrypcja-wspolczesnego-alfabetu-bialoruskiego;629720.html (date of access: 4 Nov. 2024).

Wolański, Adam (2020) “Cichanouska” [at:] https://sjp.pwn.pl/poradnia/haslo/Cichanouska;20580.html (date of access: 6 Nov. 2024).

Wolański, Adam (2024) “Imiona i nazwiska białoruskich i ukraińskich artystów w polskim folderze.” [At:] https://sjp.pwn.pl/poradnia/haslo/imiona-i-nazwiska-bialoruskich-i-ukrainskich-artystow-w-polskim-folderze;23651.html (date of access: 6 Nov. 2025).

1 Despite the same ending, the declension of the above surnames should not be confused with non-Slavic surnames ending in -o, which follow a different declension pattern – the noun (masculine) declension, for example: N. Canaletto, Tasso, G. Canaletta, Tassa D. Canalettowi, Tassowi, A. Canaletta, Tassa, I. Canalettem, Tassem L. Canaletcie (pron. /kanalɛˈt͡ɕɛ/, ka-na-LEH-tcheh), Tassie (pron. /ˈtæsie/, TASS-ee), cf. Bańko (ed.) 2006: 126.

2 This is the Polish transcription form of the original Калеснікава/Kalyesnikava, but in Polish, the consonant cluster sn before i becomes soft (the “softening” rule), e.g., wiosna – wiośnie, so theoretically, instead of the hard form of the surname Kalesnikawa, there should be the soft form Kaleśnikawa. However, transcription rules do not allow for this. For Belarusian pronunciation, this softness is also characteristic, but it is not reflected in the official spelling due to the policy of aligning Belarusian rules with Russian ones. Classical Belarusian orthography conveys this softness in writing through the soft sign: Калесьнікава/Kalyes′nikava.

3 Foreign surnames ending in an unstressed -a or -я/-ya decline like common gender nouns, meaning they have different endings depending on the gender in the dative/locative and instrumental cases, e.g. D./L. Гамалею/Hamalyeyu, Лумумбу/Lumumbu (for males), Гамалеі/Hamalyei, Лумумбе/Lumumbye (for females), I. Гамалеем/Hamalyeyem, Лумумбам/Lumumbam (for males), Гамалеяй/Hamalyeyay, Лумумбай/Lumumbay (for females) (Zhawnyarovich 2021: 276).

4 This would cause even more confusion in the surnames declension because the language user doesn’t always know if he/she is dealing with a Polish or Belarusian surname, especially since some surnames appear in both Polish and Belarusian, e.g. Polish Sapieha and Belarusian Сапега/Sapyeha.

5 The surname Wiasło is declined like the common noun masło – maśle “butter.” Acknowledgement to Magadelena Wanot-Miśtura for her opinions on these surnames.

Received:

27.06.2025

Reviewed:

28.09.2025

Accepted:

12.11.2025

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

doi: 10.34616/ajmp.2025.27.13

ISSN 2299–7164

Vol. 27 (2025)

Open Access. Published by Committee for Philology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław Branch and College for Interdisciplinary Studies, University of Wrocław. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.

Katarzyna Klimkowska

Maria Curie-Skłodowska University, Lublin

katarzyna.klimkowska@mail.umcs.pl

ORCID: 0000-0001-6388-274X

Using the Portfolio Method for Training Entrepreneurial
Attitudes in Future Professional Translators

Abstract

Students’ transition to graduate careers has for long been defined in terms of an educational challenge. This holds good for translation service provision careers: students need facilitation of business management competences, but perhaps even more so educational initiatives to empower their mindsets towards effective and successful market functioning. The article argues that the portfolio method can be instrumental in developing entrepreneurial attitudes of would-be translators. Apart from being a learning tool, the portfolio can make class assessment meaningful and transformative for both stakeholders. Students can better understand where they are on their learning trajectory and plan next steps. Teachers can improve class concepts and implementation. The case study in the article concerns a class devoted to translation service provision held at the MA level for students of Applied Linguistics. More precisely, student-provided content on one task out of five in the class portfolio is discussed to give insight into their attitudinal entrepreneurial competences (Lackéus 2015).

Keywords: translation service provision competence, entrepreneurial attitudes, portfolio, learning as transformation, communicative learning

Introduction

This article discusses how the portfolio method can empower benefits for both stakeholders of the educational process when applied in a class devoted to facilitating translation service provision competence. The main argument is that the portfolio offers students an opportunity to make the class more significant since it engages them in co-developing class content that is personally-oriented and concerns individual career planning. The student-provided portfolio content informs both the student about what they know, are able and ready to do. This latter point coincides with the benefits for the teacher. They can help students dialogically self-diagnose their competences, but even more importantly, they can use portfolios to suggest developmental trajectories and empower students’ attitudinal potential. One more vital advantage for both students and teachers is that the portfolio can enhance class evaluation. The student-provided content (summative assessment) and the oral examination procedure applied (formative assessment, dialogical approach) make the examination an integral part of the learning process. Finally, the portfolio can serve the teacher in evaluating and enhancing the class for content, classroom interaction and (summative and formative assessment).

In the pedagogical perspective adopted in this study, the attitudinal aspects of the class in translation service provision and the portfolio are seen as equally educationally valued as the formal, curricular academic focus on students’ learning outcomes. This stance is rooted in two working assumptions. Firstly, even though the majority of students in Applied Linguistics (and related courses) had at least some experience with professional translation or language service provision, the perspective of turning it into a regular career trajectory (career transition) causes student anxiety (Klimkowska 2014; Klimkowska and Klimkowski 2015, 2020). Secondly, we follow Lackéus (2015) in his efforts to integrate the content (cognitive) and the attitudinal (non-cognitive) dimensions of entrepreneurship competence (see details below). One of his integrative proposals consists in adopting the Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB) (Lackéus 2015: 16), with the aim of building linkages between attitudes, intentions and behaviour:

If people’s attitudes towards entrepreneurship are positively influenced by entrepreneurial education, their entrepreneurial intentions will also change, and it will subsequently lead to the so desired entrepreneurial behavior. (Lackéus 2015: 16)

Under this view, student attitudinal potential becomes a regular resource in a goal-oriented educational framework. The goal is not only to make students master knowledge and skills (and to measure advancement), but to make them act (and self-reflect on the action).

In what follows, we discuss a selection of concepts that underlie our study. Then we outline the concept of the class in translation service provision, with the role of class portfolio and a brief description of the examination procedure. In the empirical part, an analysis of the student-provided content for one out of five portfolio tasks is discussed. The content is then used as a source for potential improvements in the class content, the portfolio and the examination procedure.

Literature Review on Main Concepts. Translation Service Provision Competence (TSPC)

Debates on what it takes to be an effective translator started in late 1970 to have their peak at the turn of the 20th century. Until 2009, the debate had tended to approach the translator’s skills with no direct reference to the professional, business-related reality of the career. This changes with a concept of translation competence proposed in EMT (2009). Unlike other models of the time (e.g. Göpferich, 2009 or PACTE 2003 and later), service provision is postulated to be a central, controlling element of the whole process of applying translator competence in actual, professional practice. The centrality of the translation service provision competence is neither discussed, nor justified by the authors of EMT (2009), but it certainly coincides with the rise of a new strand within Translation Studies, called by one of its proponents (Chesterman 2009) Translator Studies. The main argument for this new approach was a need to expand the scope of explorations in Translation Studies to cover the human (agentive and cognitive) and the social (networks, power, collaboration) aspects of what translation is becoming in the 21st century. Among a vast number of publications in this relatively recent research field, there are those particularly oriented on translation as a service and translation service provision as a process (Brax 2013; Gouadec 2007; Koskinen 2020; Kujamäki 2021; Svahn 2020). More often than not, these contributions also include suggestions for educational practice (e.g. Aarikka-Stenroos 2010; Galán-Mañas et al. 2020; Klimkowska and Klimkowski 2020; Koskinen 2020; Kujamäki 2020).

Entrepreneurial Attitudes

As already mentioned, Lackéus (2015: 9) argues that entrepreneurial attitudes are as important in entrepreneurial training as entrepreneurial knowledge and skills. He observes that all three aspects form an indivisible continuum since knowledge and skills remain declarative rather than behavioural unless the attitudinal dimension is kept in view. Knowledge and skills are more easily handled by education systems, while attitude training hardly goes well with contemporary formal, neo-positivist curricula. This is why attitudinal training is often neglected, which is a problem since there is a growing body of research (see Lackéus 2015: 9 and references) proving that attitudinal factors affect student academic performance and career transition. The entrepreneurial attitudes listed in (Lackéus 2015: 10) are as follows:

Passion (“I want,” “I need to achieve this”);

Self-efficacy (“I can”);

Identity (“I am,” “It matters to me”);

Proactiveness (“I do,” “I am ready”);

Handling ambiguity/uncertainly (“I can handle the risks”);

Innovativeness (“Let’s do it in a different way”);

Perseverance (“Whatever it takes, I will make it”).

The meaning of these qualities is perhaps evident enough, though each of the items listed by (Lackéus 2015) is a concept with its research background (see references in Lackéus 2015). The role that Lackéus (2015) foresees for the entrepreneurial attitudes is rather complex. The knowledge-skills-attitudes continuum requires a dynamic linkage between the three. The linkage is provided by the theory of planned behaviour (TBP), which (Lackéus 2015: 10) relates directly to (Ajzen 1991). Under this theory, behaviours result from intentions, while intentions emerge when catalysed by at least one or all of three determinants: attitudes, subjective norms (“this needs to be done”) and behaviour control (“I can do it”) (Ajzen 1991: 188). Hence, attitudes are seen by Lackéus (2015) as a point of departure for an entrepreneurial action since they influence entrepreneurial intentions and condition entrepreneurial behaviours. Through feedback and reflection, behaviours amplify, weaken or modify attitudes. In this way, new or reiterated entrepreneurial cycles take place. Educational intervention can lead to changes in intentions and actions (Lackéus 2015: 19). Notwithstanding the above, entrepreneurial attitudes are rather difficult to embrace in a predominantly positivistic pedagogy, with its emphasis on measurable, comparable learning outcomes. As argued by Lackéus (2015):

The current educational policy climate emphasizing high-stakes standardized testing, international large-scale assessments and institutional ranking has led to a focus on cognitive competencies, neglecting non-cognitive competencies. This has led to a narrowing of the curriculum, teaching to the tests and a  de-professionalisation of teachers. (Lackéus 2015: 9)

To make matters worse, Lackéus (2015) observes that it is rather problematic to determine what kind of educational intervention is conducive to attitude forming or to decide whether a given activity triggered positive or negative attitudes, intentions or actions (Lackéus 2015: 20). Lackéus points out that qualitative assessment methods can be a more promising method of evaluating attitudinal change (Lackéus 2015: 20–22).

Transformative Learning

An effective shift to qualitative assessment requires a more substantive change – that of the pedagogical approach. The first step to mark the change in this study is to approach learning as transformation. Education has always formulated its objectives in terms of change, yet it constantly finds it problematic to define its objectives (why change and what for?), scale (how much change?) and roots (who/what evokes change?). Learning as transformation (or transformative learning) is an approach assuming that, under certain conditions, learning can lead to significant changes in a learner’s worldview and personality. This is a pivotal idea behind the educational concept originally forwarded by Mezirow. The concept took many forms and formulations, yet for the purposes of this study, the following makes the optimal match:

Transformative learning is understood as a  uniquely adult form of metacognitive reasoning. Reasoning is the process of advancing and assessing reasons, especially those that provide arguments supporting beliefs resulting in decisions to act. Beliefs are justified when they are based on good reasons. The process of reasoning may involve such tacit knowledge as aptitudes, skills, and competencies. (Mezirow 2003: 58)

For Mezirow, learning means that a person who learns is cognitively, affectively and motivationally equipped with tools for adaptation to the changing environmental conditions. Thus learning content becomes knowledge if the learning process unveils to the learner opportunities to act on the content (include, discriminate, reflect) (Mezirow 2003: 58–59). It seems worthwhile to postulate that attitude formation can be seen as a transformative process taking place in the educational environment.

There is yet another idea in Mezirow (2003) that we would like to make use of here: the dialectic relationship between instrumental and communicative learning:

Instrumental learning is about controlling and manipulating the environment, with emphasis on improving prediction and performance. Instrumental learning centrally involves assessing truth claims – that something is as it is purported to be. Communicative learning refers to understanding what someone means when they communicate with you. This understanding includes becoming aware of the assumptions, intentions and qualifications of the person communicating. (Mezirow 2003: 59 – the original text formatting modified – K.K.)

Mezirow (2003) defines transformative learning in terms of discursive action. The learning process is a dialogue “involving assessment of beliefs, feelings, and values […] referred to from the point of view of a particular frame of reference” (Mezirow 2003: 60). In the discursive perspective, all classroom participants are learners taking the perspective of others. A conclusion from Mezirow’s conceptualisations is that unpredictability of learning and assessment is its regular quality – at least when learning is to change not only what we know, but how we behave. The ideas presented above give theoretical justification for the solutions described below.

A Class in Translation Service Provision

The approach adopted in designing a class in translation service provision seeks to build a dialectical relationship between the formal, curricular aspects and the transformative, discursive approach. This is practically implemented by a division into the content class component and the discursive class dynamics.

The case in point is a class in translation service provision delivered to MA students in Applied Linguistics at the Department of Applied Linguistics at the Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin, Poland. The class features four main content components:

Service portfolio component is to help students assess: (a) which areas of specialization match their interests; (b) which of these areas offer profitability vistas; (c) which areas offer client base opportunities.

Business model component is about designing an ecosystem in which services are to be offered.

Basics of business management is a component devoted to concepts of income, costs, taxation etc.

Marketing and CRM discusses optimal means for finding and retaining clients.

Out of 15 meetings (90 minutes each), 10 are devoted to workshops, discussions, tasks and activities. The remaining 5 meetings invite industry experts: translators, interpreters as well as other language industry entrepreneurs and organisations. The class ends with an hybrid (oral-written) examination consisting of two components:

Knowledge examination: students make a random pick out of 15 topics from the list provided when the semester starts.

Portfolio: at the first meeting, students are presented with 5 obligatory tasks to discharge in the form of class portfolio. The tasks correspond to the four main content components. Each portfolio task is discussed in-class when concluding each content component. At the examination, the portfolios are presented by students and discussed. The examination focuses on content and facts (portfolio is assessed as a written task), and on how students present, discuss, question or are ready to rethink their choices (discursive and transformative task).

The status of portfolio method in translator education is unquestionable. The method has long been recognized as an educational instrument in holistic and situated approaches to translator training (e.g. Calvo 2015; Eskelinen and Pakkala-Weckström 2016 or Galán-Mañas 2016, 2019). Most contributions highlight the benefits of portfolios for training professional skills as they offer a “constructive alignment in the process of both teaching and learning of translators’ professional competences” (Eskelinen and Pakkala-Weckström 2016: 314). Portfolios are also seen instrumental for integrating summative and formative assessment, with focus on “assessing the progressive development of competence” since they “mobilise all the competences required to successfully develop translation competence” (Galán-Mañas 2016: 161). In this study, it is argued that the portfolio can also serve well as a tool for class evaluation. The way students interact with portfolios shows if they understand the tasks and find them meaningful and relevant to their learning trajectories. The way students discuss portfolios in the exam shows their attitudinal engagement: lower – if they find the class to be just another ‘subject’; higher – if they recognise opportunities to learn and grow. These behavioural patterns can be used by teachers to experiment with class content and dynamics and enhance the learning experience of students and teachers.

Portfolio Task 1: Data and Discussion

After the first class edition in 2023, 33 portfolios were collected. Students were informed about an option to refuse to have their portfolios used for research purposes, and they were asked to express their consent in writing. The consent covers data presentation for research and educational purposes.

The collected student portfolios provide a lot of material for analysis, including screening the student-provided content for the seven attitudinal competences postulated by (Lackéus 2015). Discussing results for all tasks requires a series of publications, rather than one. Hence, owing to the space limits of this article, the main argument line outlined here is illustrated with results for only one task. The task reported here opens the portfolio and contains the following instruction:

Task 1: Make a list of translation types and specialization areas that could go to your service portfolio as related to the parameters of profitability and client base opportunities

The task corresponds to a related classroom activity, in which alignment was sought between students’ interests in particular domains of specialization, profitability vistas they foresee for these domains and the perceived customer base opportunities. The table below presents the students’ responses to the task, with frequency data for the particular responses recorded. The responses are distributed into six categories, corresponding to the list of entrepreneurial attitudes in (Lackéus 2015).

Table 1. Results for Task 1 (source: own research)

Entrepreneurial passion (I want)

1

This domain is interesting

6

2

This domain is my favourite

5

3

I am passionate about this domain

1

4

It is a pleasure translating in this domain

1

Self-efficacy (I can)

1

I can benefit from a wide customer base

24

2

I can recognize and use market opportunities

10

3

I can both translate and interpret

9

4

I can benefit from distant work

7

5

I can benefit from the hybrid business model

4

6

I can benefit from state regulation in the domain

3

7

I can build strategic relations with clients

3

8

I can benefit from limited competition

2

9

I can start relatively early after graduation/now

1

10

I can use the contacts I have

1

11

I can use my knowledge in other domains

1

12

I can build a premium brand

1

Entrepreneurial identity (I value, it is important to me, I see myself as)

1

Being a sworn translator is prestigious

2

2

My work is important

2

3

My work is recognised

2

Proactivity (I am ready)

1

I am ready to expand my customer base

11

2

I am ready to develop my skills

7

3

I am ready to engage in international cooperation

3

4

I am ready to service clients in Spanish

2

Managing ambiguity and uncertainty (I can manage despite risks)

1

I am ready to manage competition

2

2

This domain offers reduced risk of AI exposure

1

3

I am ready to face the difficulties of entering into the market

1

4

I am ready to address the quality-price factor behind customer preferences

1

5

I am ready to handle the emotional load of texts in this domain

1

6

I am ready to take difficult qualification tests

1

Innovativeness (I can do it this way)

1

This domain allows defining market niches

5

2

I consider offering a service mix

4

3

I can see options for a new service branch

1

Student responses are analysed to find opinions and statements that match each category description. Hence, responses for Entrepreneurial Passion are classified as based on students’ verbally acknowledged interest in a given domain. Self-efficacy contains statements explicitly reporting students’ abilities or planned options. Entrepreneurial Identity features statements relating to the perceived status, value or importance of the planned activities. Proactivity and Managing Ambiguity/Uncertainty include statements expressed in terms of students’ readiness to act. The last reported category is Innovativeness, which lists responses showing readiness to expand a basic service paradigm. As can be observed, the table does not contain results for category Perseverance as no response in Task 1 could legitimately classify. Responses in the particular categories do not add to 33 (participants total) since in many cases, students’ responses classified to more than one category. For this reason, no percentage data can be attributed to the responses, either.

The distribution of data for Task 1 allows a number of insights into students’ attitudinal competences, providing hints and indications for the subsequent editions of the class. As regards Entrepreneurial Passion, even though expecting authentically passionate statements about domains of students’ professional interests is perhaps unrealistic, it cannot be ignored that 20 out of 33 portfolios report no overt statement of such interests. The most frequent response concerns a reported interest in a domain - attracting 6 responses - with 5 other responses indicating that a domain is the respondents’ favourite. One response did overtly mention passion, and another one pleasure in translating in a particular domain of specialization.

There are two working conclusions that these data offer. Firstly, that the instructions to fill in Task 1 can be improved so as to elicit overt statements from students concerning their interests in a given domain. It seems that the respondents focus more on the ‘objective’ observations about the domains, their market status and profitability vistas, but ignore how these can be aligned with their personal interests. To some extent, the fact that the participants list this or that domain of translation specialization can be read as interest marker, but eliciting its overt, verbal formulation can help students make better-informed choices. It can also enable transformative learning, where students’ choices depend less on what others think, and more on what they informedly define as their career opportunities. Secondly, the interest-related information needs to be discussed at the examination meeting, with the communicative learning approach as an optimal tool.

Far more responses classify under Self-efficacy. The largest number (24) confirm the students’ recognition of a wide customer base for a domain of their choice. Another 10 statements confirm that the students recognize and exploit market opportunities in relation to a particular domain. In 9 portfolios, the students express their readiness to translate and interpret in a service mix. 7 respondents point out to the expected benefits of distant work, while 4 students report their readiness for a hybrid business model (part-time in-housing and part-time solopreneurship plus a diversified service portfolio with translation and language teaching). 3 students notice that state regulations can be advantageous when working in a domain of their choice, and another 3 express an opportunity that a given domain presents for building strategic business links. 2 students see their advantage in limited competition in a domain they discussed in Task 1. 1 student observes that they are ready for professional action right now as regards a domain of their choice. Another person points to their readiness to employ the contacts they have. One more person added a plan to build a premium brand for their activity in a particular domain, with quality and strong partnership being overtly mentioned as key factors defining the premium brand status.

The discrepancy between the two first responses reported for Self-efficacy needs to be elaborated upon. While the former response – I can benefit from a wide customer base – can be interpreted in terms of the students’ general perception of the market demand, the latter one – I can recognize and use market opportunities – overtly proves that the respondents did something to confirm the demand, and are able to use this information as their business opportunity.

Two working conclusion come to mind in this context. Firstly, the Task instructions need a review to confirm that students’ responses are more than ‘what they think the market is like.’ They will be expected to provide only confirmed data about the demand. Secondly, the oral examination procedure needs to confirm the evidence-based nature of students’ statements.

Three statements – with 2 responses each – are classified as markers of Entrepreneurial Identity. 2 students express their belief that being a sworn translator is prestigious, 2 students pinpointed that their engagement in a given domain renders their work important, while 2 other responses add that the work is recognized. An obvious working conclusion from this part of the research is that Entrepreneurial Identity needs a stronger empowerment in the class. The examination meeting needs to accent this area more, as well.

23 responses classify as verbal markers of Proactivity. 11 students admit being ready to expand their customer base thanks to their engagement in a given domain. 7 respondents observe that engaging in a given domain offers them developmental opportunities. 3 students express readiness to engage into international cooperation, while 2 mention overtly their plans to engage a particular target group: specific clients in need of language services in Spanish.

The extent to which these statements are merely declarative is impossible to assess. Yet, the collected responses for Proactivity are a good marker of the presence of this attitude in the respondents. Less optimistic is the fact that only 23 out 33 portfolios contain such overt statements, which - again - gives grounds for improvement both as regards class content and dynamics and the examination framework. The task is not only to inspire students to express readiness for action, but more so to make these actions likely by discussing concrete working parameters.

There are 6 discrete statements classified as representative of Managing Ambiguity/Uncertainty, and they correspond to only 7 responses. 2 participants expressed readiness to manage the risk of market competition, while all the other statements were expressed by single students. Generally speaking, risk management is not of concern to the majority of respondents, and the topic certainly requires more emphasis educationally; both in-class and in the examination context.

The data collected for Innovativeness show that 5 out of 33 students recognize a niche potential in the domain they discuss in their portfolio. 4 students see opportunities behind a service mix, and one plans a new service branch. On the one hand, expectations that would-be service providers be innovative before they even embark on their career are as if excessive. On the other, the sooner they learn to seek innovation, the more likely they are to be trend setters rather than trend followers. From the educational point of view, innovativeness certainly deserves a greater emphasis in the class and the examination dialogue.

Finally, no responses are classifiable as verbal markers of Perseverance. This is at least partly explained by the fact that perseverance is rather hard to observe as long as no real activity is involved. Even if attested, any verbal statements in this respect could only have a declarative value. One can think about educational activities to enhance students’ readiness to persevere, but - unlike most other skills discussed above – authentic perseverance is born through real-life engagement in business operations. The scope of the class does not cover this kind of project. In the formal educational context of the class, we need to confine ourselves with the skills for Managing Ambiguity/Uncertainty, which relate to Perseverance in a long-term optics.

Conclusions

This article aims to prove that the portfolio method is a “tool of choice” (Galán-Mañas 2016) in training translation service provision competence, with particular emphasis on entrepreneurial attitudes (Lackéus 2015). The presented design of a class in translation service provision includes student portfolios as tasks related to class content and as a component of the semester examination. In its evaluation function, the portfolio provides a dialectical relationship of summative, formal assessment of student-provided content and of the formative, discursive, transformative evaluation of the students’ present learning stage while pinpointing developmental trajectories. Its transformative nature is realized through examination dialogue: trying to define the learning status quo in attitudinal competences, working out what can be done next, formulating plans how to achieve new or modified objectives. Finally, as for class evaluation, the data extracted from 33 student portfolios give an insight into a map of students’ entrepreneurial attitudes, which allows a reflection on class effectiveness and offers vistas for enhancements (content, interaction, examination). Some examples of potential enhancements are discussed when portfolio data are presented.

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Klimkowska, Katarzyna, Konrad Klimkowski (2015) Kształtowanie kompetencji świadczenia usług tłumaczeniowych z perspektywy przyszłych tłumaczy. Lublin: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej.

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Received:

27.08.2024

Reviewed:

16.09.2024

Accepted:

16.12.2025

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

doi: 10.34616/ajmp.2025.27.14

ISSN 2299–7164

Vol. 27 (2025)

Open Access. Published by Committee for Philology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław Branch and College for Interdisciplinary Studies, University of Wrocław. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.

Michalina Lehman

Uniwersytet Wrocławski, Wydział Filologiczny

michalina.lehman@uwr.edu.pl

ORCID: 0000-0003-3802-1045

Czasowniki kulinarne dotyczące obróbki termicznej w Compendium ferculorum Stanisława Czernieckiego
i ich zmiany znaczeniowe w dziejach polszczyzny (ociągać/ociągnąć, sadzić, tretować)1

Culinary Verbs Concerning Thermal Processing in Compendium Ferculorum by Stanisław Czerniecki and Their Semantic Changes
in Polish Language (ociągać/ociągnąć, sadzić, tretować)

Abstract

The article presents the results of semantic analysis of culinary verbs concerning thermal processing taken from Compendium ferculorum, the oldest Polish recipe book. The verbs’ definitions from chosen dictionaries of old and contemporary Polish language have been compared with the use of particular verbs used in Compendium ferculorum in order to confirm or eliminate the consistency between the two meanings. The article provides a detailed analysis of only three verbs as a result of its limited length: ociągać/ociągnąć, sadzić and tretować. The aspectual pair of ociągać and ociągnąć could mean both kind of cooking or frying meat in the 17th century (when Compendium ferculorum was written). The next verb, sadzić, nowadays is an archaism, remaining only in jajko sadzone (fried egg) expression, it meant a way of cooking in the 17th century, though. The third analysed verb, tretować, had several meanings, e.g. frying or rinsing butter, but contemporary it is not used. Further research is needed.

Keywords: verbs, culinary vocabulary, semantics, Compendium ferculorum, changes in meaning, thematic field

Słowa kluczowe: czasowniki, leksyka kulinarna, semantyka, Compendium ferculorum, zmiany znaczeniowe, pole tematyczne

Compendium ferculorum (dalej CF) Stanisława Czernieckiego jako jedna z najstarszych polskich książek kucharskich2, ciesząca się ogromną popularnością od momentu pierwszego wydania aż do pierwszej połowy XIX w. (Dumanowski 2021: 55), stanowi nieoceniony zabytek polskiej sztuki kulinarnej. Wydane po raz pierwszy w 1682 r., CF cieszyło się popularnością jeszcze przez długie lata. Gdyby jednak współcześnie ktoś zechciał przygotować jakąś potrawę według receptury z tej książki, napotkałby wiele przeszkód – problem stanowiłoby nie tylko zdobycie niektórych składników (np. bobrowych ogonów) czy samo przyrządzenie nieraz wymyślnych potraw (np. ryby częściowo smażonej, częściowo pieczonej i częściowo gotowanej), ale także samo zrozumienie tekstu – język ewoluuje i niektóre wyrazy zmieniają znaczenie lub wychodzą z użycia. Z tego powodu do współczesnych wydań dawnych tekstów często dodaje się słowniczki. W taki słowniczek zaopatrzono również współczesne wydanie CF, jednak objaśniono w nim tylko 16 czasowników, podczas gdy w tekście właściwym występuje ich znacznie więcej. Ponadto słowniczek ten nie powstał na podstawie pogłębionej analizy językoznawczej przepisów, lecz został opracowany przez historyka w celu ułatwienia zrozumienia tekstu przeciętnemu odbiorcy, potrzebne więc są badania lingwistyczne nad słownictwem CF, szczególnie nad czasownikami, notorycznie pomijanymi w analizach słownictwa kulinarnego. Niniejszy artykuł stanowi próbę ustalenia znaczenia trzech wybranych czasowników kulinarnych (ociągać/ociągnąć, sadzić oraz tretować) w CF. Prześledzę także zmiany semantyczne, jakie zaszły w tych czasownikach od doby średniopolskiej do współczesności, posługując się w tym celu słownikami etymologicznymi, historycznymi oraz języka polskiego, a także książkami kucharskimi wydanymi w okresie od XVI–XVIII w.

Stan badań3

Polska leksyka kulinarna doczekała się dość licznych, ale w większości fragmentarycznych opracowań. Najobszerniejsze opracowanie słownictwa kulinarnego z perspektywy synchronicznej stanowią Studia nad słownictwem kulinarnym we współczesnej polszczyźnie Małgorzaty Witaszek-Samborskiej (Witaszek-Samborska 2005). Autorka zawęziła badany materiał do nazw potraw, napojów i produktów spożywczych. W pracy koncentruje się głównie na ich strukturze. Kilka artykułów poświęcono też nazwom własnym potraw, zaczerpniętym z menu lokali gastronomicznych, czasopism kobiecych lub książek kucharskich, m.in.: O nazwach napojów i potraw w poznańskich lokalach gastronomicznych Marii Borejszo (1994), O językowym zachowaniu się przy stole. Dlaczego upiększamy nazwy potraw Anny Dąbrowskiej (1998), Słownictwo kulinarne we współczesnej polszczyźnie Marii Lesz-Duk (2002), Nazwy potraw a marketing. Perswazyjne środki językowe we współczesnym nazewnictwie gastronomicznym Małgorzaty Dawidziak-Kładocznej (2013), a także „Rozkosz dla zmysłów”, czyli język kart dań Lidii Przymuszały (2021). Powstało również tekstologiczne opracowanie książki kucharskiej jako gatunku (Żarski ٢٠٠٨) oraz popularnonaukowy szkic typologii współczesnych nazw produktów kulinarnych ze względu na ich semantykę i pochodzenie (Markowski 1994).

Leksyka kulinarna bywała również przedmiotem opisu badań diachronicznych. Jedyna dłuższa rozprawa, czyli Terminy kulinarne romańskiego pochodzenia w języku polskim do końca XVIII wieku Anny Bochnakowej (1984), zgodnie z tytułem skoncentrowana jest na wyrazach obcego pochodzenia. Autorka napisała również kilka artykułów dotyczących lingwistyki kulinarnej: O tytułach i przypisach w tłumaczonych na polski książkach kucharskich (na przykładach z XVIII, XX i XXI wieku) (Bochnakowa 2011), O pewnym terminie kulinarnym z XVIII wieku: historia „zie” (Bochnakowa 2016), Przenośne znaczenia terminów kulinarnych w języku polskim i francuskim (Bochnakowa 2023). Inne fragmentaryczne opracowania słownictwa kulinarnego w perspektywie diachronicznej to m.in.: Co jadano w Polsce w czasach saskich? Krystyny Siekierskiej (1993), Staro- i średniopolskie nazwy ciast Zuzanny Krótki (2016), Staropolskie słownictwo związane z pieczywem Sylwii Przęczek-Kisielak i Renaty Przybylskiej (2021) oraz O landrynkach (czyli o etymologii landrynek) Haliny Safarewiczowej (1966). Warto wspomnieć także o artykule Nadawca w poradnikach dotyczących prowadzenia domu z drugiej połowy XIX wieku Anny Tomeckiej-Mirek (2012) oraz o opracowaniu kulturoznawczym Anny Matras „Pieprzno i szafranno, moja mościa panno”. Staropolskie książki kucharskie i obrazy staropolskiego ucztowania (2016), dostarczającym cennych informacji o obyczajach kulinarnych w badanym okresie.

Oczywiście wyżej wymienione tytuły to jedynie przykłady dość bogatej i różnorodnej literatury dotyczącej leksyki kulinarnej, jednak dobrze obrazują one pewien problem badań nad polskim słownictwem kulinarnym: pomijanie czasowników. Zwróciła na nie uwagę jedynie Anna Bochnakowa w Terminach kulinarnych romańskiego pochodzenia w języku polskim do końca XVIII wieku (1984). Na ogromną liczbę rzeczowników (i mniejszą przymiotników) czasowników przypada tam tylko sześć: garnirować, glaserować, grylować, kandyzować, marynować (Bochnakowa 1984: 126). Wyraźnie dostrzegalna jest więc luka – brak badań nad czasownikami kulinarnymi. Artykuł ten ma się przyczynić do jej zapełnienia.

Cele i metodologia

Badania dotyczą leksyki kulinarnej, stanowiącej jednocześnie pole tematyczne, wyrazowe i semantyczne. Aktualnie brak spójnej teorii pól językowych (Grzegorczykowa 2001: 60–61; Tokarski 2013: 250–252).

Tokarski (2013: 257–258) wylicza różne typy pól wyrazowych, wśród nich pola semantyczne, czyli zbiory wyrazów o podobnym znaczeniu. Wśród pól semantycznych można wyróżnić pole słownictwa kulinarnego, a w nim podpole czasowników kulinarnych. W niniejszym artykule zostaną poddane analizie trzy wybrane czasowniki kulinarne: sadzić, ociągać/ociągnąć, tretować. Termin czasowniki kulinarne rozumiem jako „nazwy czynności związanych z przygotowywaniem, przechowywaniem i podawaniem jedzenia”. W artykule używam również terminu czasowniki gotowania, nie jest on jednak tożsamy z czasownikami kulinarnymi. Czasowniki gotowania stanowią podpole pola semantycznego czasowników kulinarnych. W terminie tym gotowanie należy rozumieć jako „poddawanie działaniu wrzącego płynu lub doprowadzanie płynu do wrzenia”, a nie jako „przygotowywanie gorących posiłków” (por. WSJP PAN, w którym wyróżniono aż sześć znaczeń czasownika gotować ([na:] https://wsjp.pl/haslo/podglad/7180/gotowac [data dostępu: 19 listopada 2025)]. Zależności te obrazuje poniższy schemat:

Badania przedstawione w artykule stanowią ustalenia wstępne, przyczynek do planowanych szerszych badań w ramach mojej rozprawy doktorskiej4. W rozprawie doktorskiej zamierzam: 1) sklasyfikować pole językowe, jakim są czasowniki kulinarne doby średniopolskiej (na materiale z przygotowywanego przeze mnie korpusu książek kucharskich z okresu XVI–XVIII w.); 2) ustalić znaczenia oraz zmiany znaczeniowe mieszczących się w polu czasowników za pomocą zmodyfikowanej analizy kompozycjonalnej (semowej)5 bazującej na kontekstach użycia badanych jednostek leksykalnych w źródłach, uzupełnionej ustaleniami leksykograficznymi i wiedzą historyczno-kulturową.

Niniejszy artykuł zakłada o wiele skromniejsze cele: określenie znaczenia wybranych czasowników kulinarnych w CF oraz zmian semantycznych, jakie w nich zaszły od doby średniopolskiej do współczesności. Termin znaczenie rozumiem za Grzegorczykową jako relacje między klasami ciągów fonicznych a klasami zjawisk, wyróżnionymi poznawczo w świadomości językowej określonej społeczności (Grzegorczykowa 2001: 27).

Analiza będzie przebiegać następująco:

próba ustalenia etymologii czasownika na podstawie słowników etymologicznych: SEBr, SEBa, SEBo;

prześledzenie zmian znaczeniowych czasownika w następujących słownikach: SStp, SPXVI, ESJP XVII, SL, SW, SJPD, WSJP PAN (lub USJP, jeśli w WSJP brak odpowiedniego hasła), SP, SGP Kar, SGP PAN, MSGP oraz w słowniczku załączonym do CF we współczesnym wydaniu (SCF), opracowanym przez historyka kulinariów Jarosława Dumanowskiego, jeśli dany czasownik w nim występuje;

podsumowanie analizy leksykograficznej: wskazanie wyodrębnionych przez słowniki znaczeń;

wstępne ustalenie okresu, w jakim funkcjonował dany czasownik, na podstawie jego notowań w słownikach oraz frekwencji w książkach kucharskich;

skonfrontowanie znaczeń słownikowych z kontekstami użycia danego czasownika w CF (dane ilościowe) w celu ustalenia jego znaczenia.

W analizę wplotę również pomocniczo elementy analizy kompozycjonalnej, wstępnie przypisując czasownikom semy, przy czym zdaję sobie sprawę, że analiza kompozycjonalna jest narzędziem przeznaczonym do badania semantyki jednostek leksykalnych na tle całego pola językowego. Zaproponuję hipotetyczny zestaw semów, odwołując się do klasyfikacji semantycznej Magdaleny Bator [2014] oraz modelu semantycznego czasowników gotowania Adrienne Lehrer [1972].

Adrienne Lehrer (1972) w swoich badaniach sprawdza adekwatność modelu semantycznego gotowania zwanego trójkątem Levi-Straussa do badania kilku wybranych języków. Model ten z założenia miał mieć uniwersalny charakter i przedstawiać pole semantyczne gotowania w każdym języku. Po zastosowaniu trójkąta Levi-Straussa do analizy języków francuskiego, chińskiego, Nawaho, Jakaltek, Joruba, amharskiego, angielskiego, niemieckiego i japońskiego, Lehrer udowodniła wadliwość tego modelu i zaproponowała skorygowaną jego wersję.

Rysunek 1. Model semantyczny gotowania (tzw. trójkąt) Levi-Straussa. Źródło: Lehrer, Adrienne (1972) „Cooking Vocabularies and the Culinary Triangle of Lévi-Strauss”. [W:] Anthropological Linguistics. Nr 5 (14); 168

Rysunek 2. Model semantyczny czasowników gotowania Adrienne Lehrer. Źródło: Lehrer, Adrienne (1972) „Cooking Vocabularies and the Culinary Triangle of Lévi-Strauss”. [W:] Anthropological Linguistics. Nr 5 (14); 169

Model ten podaje minimalny zestaw komponentów, za pomocą których można opisać czasowniki gotowania prawdopodobnie w każdym języku. Lehrer zaznacza jednak, że komponenty w tym przypadku nie mogą być binarne. Niemożliwe jest również utworzenie uniwersalnej dla wszystkich języków struktury konceptów gotowania (neutral structure of cooking concepts). Tylko część komponentów jest leksykalizowana, w każdym języku jest to inny ich zestaw, co skutkuje różnymi strukturami semantycznymi.

W Semantic Cuisine (Lehrer 1969: 47) Lehrer podaje następujące komponenty dla czasowników gotowania w języku angielskim6:

zastosowanie wody (wina, mleka itp.)

[Ciecz (Liquid) +/-]

zastosowanie tłuszczu

[Tłuszcz (Fat) +/-]

bezpośrednie/niebezpośrednie źródło ciepła

[Bezpośrednie (Direct) +/-]

energiczny/nieenergiczny proces gotowania

[Energiczne (Vigorous) +/-]

długi/krótki czas gotowania

[Długi czas (Long time) +/-]

duża/mała ilość substancji (tłuszczu, wody itp.) używanej do gotowania

[Duża (Large) +/-]

Ponadto Lehrer podaje jeszcze trzy komponenty unikalne dla pojedynczych czasowników. Proponuje nie zapisywać ich w taki sposób, jak pozostałe, lecz zaznaczyć ich istotność przy poszczególnych czasownikach w następujący sposób (Lehrer 1969: 47):

rodzaj naczynia

[Istotny (Relevant) +]

dodany kluczowy składnik (sos)

[Istotny (Relevant) +]

szczególny cel (np. zachowanie kształtu)

[Istotny (Relevant) +]

Przykładem zastosowania modelu Levi-Straussa zmodyfikowanego przez Lehrer mogą być badania Magdaleny Bator nad czasownikami kulinarnymi w języku średnioangielskim (Culinary Verbs in Middle English; Bator 2014). Badaczka podzieliła je na czasowniki krojenia (verbs of cutting), gotowania (verbs of cooking) oraz przygotowywania (verbs of preparing). Ponieważ czasowniki analizowane w tym artykule są czasownikami gotowania, przytoczę dalszy podział jedynie tej grupy: czasowniki gotowania przy użyciu cieczy (verbs of cooking in liquid), czasowniki gotowania na tłuszczu (verbs of cooking with fat) oraz czasowniki gotowania za pomocą jakiejkolwiek innej substancji pośredniczącej lub bez żadnej substancji (verbs of cooking with any or no medium). Bator co prawda nie przeprowadza analizy kompozycjonalnej, ale jej klasyfikacja semantyczna częściowo odzwierciedla zestaw komponentów czasowników gotowania zaproponowany przez Lehrer, szczególnie [Płyn (Liquid) +/-] i [Tłuszcz (Fat) +/-].

Materiał badawczy

Analizowane w artykule czasowniki zostały wybrane arbitralnie spośród licznych czasowników kulinarnych występujących w CF, najstarszej polskiej książce kucharskiej. Autor, Stanisław Czerniecki, piastował urząd kuchmistrza na dworze Lubomirskich. Napisał swoje dzieło, jak deklaruje, ad usum publicum (CF 2021: 127), co nie oznacza, że kierował je do wszystkich – bardzo mała szczegółowość przepisów wskazuje, że odbiorcą planowym byli specjaliści, czyli inni kuchmistrzowie. Na potrzeby badań korzystałam jedynie ze współczesnego wydania CF w opracowaniu Jarosława Dumanowskiego z 2021 r. (CF 2021), opartego na pierwodruku z 1682 r., na podstawie egzemplarza z Biblioteki Kórnickiej Polskiej Akademii Nauk.

Ociągać i ociągnąć

Słowniki etymologiczne SEBa i SEBo (w SEBr nie podano źródłosłowu) są zgodne co do pochodzenia czasownika ciągać/ciągnąć od ps. *tęgati (>*tędzati) „ciągać, wlec, szarpać”, co z kolei wywodzi się z *tęgti, *tęgǫ „ciągnąć”. Oba te wyrazy pochodzą z praindoeuropejskiego *tengh- (lub *teng-//*tong-//*tng- według SEBa) należącego do pierwiastka *ten- „ciągnąc, rozciągać”. W SEBr nie podano źródłosłowu.

W SStp brak leksemów ociągać i ociągnąć, pojawia się jedynie ociądzać jako termin prawniczy (SStp, t. 5; 405). Natomiast w SPXVI są hasła ociągać oraz ociągnąć. W artykule tego pierwszego uwzględniono znaczenie, które można uznać za kulinarne: „pokrywać warstwą czegoś [czym]” (SPXVI, t. 20; 28). Nie dotyczy ono jednak obróbki termicznej. To samo znaczenie podano przy ociągnąć (SPXVI, t. 20; 2).

W SL zawarto tylko jedną definicję czasownika ociągać: „kucharski termin: mięso ociągać […], bijąc nad ogniem kruższym czynić” (SL, t. 3; 437). Pierwszy raz pojawia się więc znaczenie kulinarne dotyczące obróbki termicznej. Z kolei przy haśle ociągnąć (SL, t. 3; 437) znajduje się odnośnik do obciągnąć, do którego już nie podano znaczenia związanego z gotowaniem (SL, t. 3; 375).

W SW hasło ociągać opatrzono kwalifikatorem × (mało używany) oraz podano odnośnik do hasła ociągnąć (SW, t. 3; 553). Ten czasownik również został opatrzony kwalifikatorem ×. Zarejestrowano dwa jego znaczenia, w tym jedno kulinarne: „kuch. […] mięso potrzymać na ogniu, aby ś. ociągnęło twardą powłoczką, aby ś. ścięło po wierzchu” (SW, t. 3; 553). W obu przypadkach dopisano, że częściej używany jest wariant obciągnąć, jednak w artykule hasłowym tego czasownika wśród wielu innych nie wymieniono powyższego znaczenia (SW, t. 3; 441), co sugeruje, że w znaczeniu kulinarnym częściej używano wariantu ociągnąć.

Z kolei w SJPD podano trzy definicje czasownika ociągać, przy czym żadna nie opisuje znaczenia związanego z gotowaniem (SJPD [na:] https://sjp.pwn.pl/doroszewski/ociagac;5462806.html [data dostępu: 19 listopada 2025]). Ponownie brak więc znaczenia kulinarnego dotyczącego obróbki termicznej. Natomiast przy haśle ociągnąć autor jedynie odsyła do ociągać (SJPD; [na:] https://sjp.pwn.pl/doroszewski/ociagnac;5462809.html [data dostępu: 19 listopada 2025]).

WSJP PAN nie zawiera ani hasła ociągać, ani ociągnąć, a obciągać i obciągnąć nie mają znaczenia kulinarnego (WSJP PAN [na:] https://sjp.pwn.pl/doroszewski/ociagnac;5462809.html [data dostępu: 19 listopada 2025]), natomiast USJP rejestruje hasła ociągać i ociągnąć, ale oba wyrazy opatrzone są kwalifikatorem łowieckie i są to ich jedyne opisane znaczenia (USJP, t. 3; 8). Także w słownikach gwarowych brak powiązanych z kulinariami znaczeń tego czasownika.

Na koniec warto podać definicję czasownika ociągnąć z SCF: „potrzymać mięso nad żarzącymi się węglami, w rondlu z masłem lub podgotować w garnku tak, by ścięło się na wierzchu” (SCF 2021: 252). Dodatkowo we współczesnym wydaniu CF Jarosław Dumanowski (2021), historyk kulinariów, pisze, że

często powtarzanym w recepturach zwrotem jest „ociągnij”, co oznacza blanszowanie lub raczej wstępną obróbkę cieplną. Najczęściej to krótkie obgotowanie potrawy, ale Czerniecki pisze też o „ociąganiu” w maśle (…) lub, w przypadku potraw postnych, w oliwie. (Dumanowski 2021: 111)

Szybkim sposobem na zmianę właściwości (ścięcie się) powierzchni mięsa jest podgrzanie go, toteż ociąganie rzeczywiście mogło mieć charakter wstępnej obróbki termicznej. Definicję z SCF można zatem uznać za mniej lub bardziej spójną z treścią przytoczonego cytatu.

Z powyższych definicji słownikowych wyłaniają się dwa znaczenia czasownika ociągać/ociągnąć: 1) „czynić mięso bardziej kruchym poprzez bicie je nad ogniem” – tak podaje SL – oraz 2) „potrzymać mięso nad ogniem, aby jego wierzchnia warstwa się ścięła” – tak podają SW i SCF, przy czym w SCF doprecyzowano, że: a) źródłem ciepła podczas ociągania jest węgiel; b) naczynie, w którym proces się odbywa, to rondel lub garnek; c) proces może przebiegać w maśle albo w wodzie lub innym płynie na jej bazie (wskazuje na to użyty w definicji wyraz podgotować).

Prześledzenie kontekstów użycia omawianego czasownika w CF (por. Tabela 1) rzuca nowe światło na znaczenia czasownika ociągać/ociągnąć. Czerniecki najczęściej używa tego czasownika w odniesieniu do mięsa, ale nieraz także w odniesieniu do ryb, pieczarek, jajek i innych produktów spożywczych. W przypadku substancji, w której odbywa się proces obróbki termicznej żywności, potwierdza się, że może być to zarówno jakiś tłuszcz (masło, oliwa), jak również woda (lub płyn na niej bazujący, w CF jest to rosół). Ta druga występuje jednak czterokrotnie rzadziej. Źródło ciepła jest w CF rzadko wskazywane, gdy jednak to się zdarzy, stanowi je węgiel, czyli bezpośrednie źródło ciepła. Natomiast rodzaj naczynia w tym przypadku zdaje się nie być cechą różnicującą znaczenie. Ze względu na [bezpośrednie źródło ciepła +] oraz możliwe zarówno [tłuszcz +], jak i [woda +], leksem ociągać/ociągnąć w podziale czasowników kulinarnych stosowanym przez Lehrer [1972] i Bator [2014] plasuje się gdzieś pomiędzy gotowaniem ([bezpośrednie źródło ciepła +], [woda +]) a smażeniem ([bezpośrednie źródło ciepła +], [tłuszcz +]).

Tabela 1. Konteksty użycia czasownika ociągać/ociągnąć i mu pokrewnych w CF. Opracowanie własne

Kontekst

Liczba użyć

Całkowita liczba użyć

w tym: ociągać/ociągnąć

pociągać

poociągać

66

64

1

1

Obiekt:

mięso (czasem z dodatkiem warzyw)

ryba (czasem z dodatkiem warzyw)

pieczarki

jajka

inne

45

13

2

2

2

Substancja:

tłuszcz

w tym: masło

oliwa

woda lub inny płyn

w tym: rosół

woda

25

19

6

6

4

2

Naczynie:

rynka

naczynie gliniane

brytfanna

kociołek

patella

2

1

1

1

1

Źródło ciepła:

węgiel (ociągać na węglu)

5

Warto zwrócić uwagę na jeszcze jedną cechę semantyczną czasownika ociągać/ociągnąć, której nie wskazują cytaty z CF, a którą podkreślają słowniki: efekt czynności, czyli ścięcie się wierzchniej warstwy mięsa lub innej ociąganej żywności. Zarówno „milczenie” Czernieckiego na temat tej właściwości, jak i wskazywanie jej w słownikach, sugeruje, że jest to najważniejsza pod kątem różnicowania znaczeń cecha omawianego leksemu. Proponuję więc zdefiniować czasownik ociągać następująco: „gotować w wodzie lub smażyć w tłuszczu mięso lub inny produkt spożywczy nad żarzącymi się węglami, aż zetnie się wierzchnia warstwa produktu poddanego tej czynności”.

W CF w większości przypadków kontekst użycia czasownika ociągać/ociągnąć nie daje zbyt wielu informacji. Najczęściej czasownik ten jest wymieniany jako jeden z etapów przygotowywania potrawy, jak np. w tym przepisie:

Weźmij kapłona albo gęś, ociągnij, rozbierz w członki, włóż w garnek, wkraj drobno cebule i pietruszki, zalej rosołem, wsyp krup perłowych, masła dobrego, pieprzu, szafranu, przywarz, a daj gorąco na stół. [CF 2021: 160]

Dlatego też bazując jedynie na kontekstach użycia, bez definicji słownikowych, bardzo trudno byłoby ustalić znaczenie tego słowa. Pojedyncze użycia wskazują na stopniowalność procesu ociągania:

[…] nakraj drobno słoniny tłustej w kostkę, smaż pospołu z kapłonem, a gdy się dobrze ociągnie, wlej rosołu. [CF 2021: 167]

Włóż karpia w rynkę ociąganego trochę w oliwie albo maśle […]. [CF 2021: 188]

Weźmij animelli niemało, to jest mleczka z cieląt, ociągnij trochę […]. [CF 2021: 217]

oraz na powiązanie tej czynności ze zmianą koloru poddawanego jej produktu:

[…] ociągnij w maśle, aż się trochę przyrumieni. [CF 2021: 170]

Weźmij kapłona, cielęciny pięknej, ptaszków jakich chcesz, […] smaż to, aż się trochę ociągnie, jednak żeby biało było pięknie. [CF 2021: 171]

Bazując więc tylko na kontekstach użycia omawianego czasownika, można by uznać za cechę różnicującą zmianę koloru produktu, a nie ścięcie jego powierzchni, tym bardziej, że procesy te sobie towarzyszą. Niemniej jednak za słownikami uznaję ścięcie się powierzchni za cechę różnicującą czasownika ociągać/ociągnąć. To komponent [ścięcie się powierzchni +] odróżnia ten czasownik od np. czasownika farbować.

Znaczenie kulinarne czasownika ociągać/ociągnąć rejestrują jedynie SL i SW (oraz SCF). Można więc przypuszczać, że czasownik ten był używany w takim znaczeniu od XVII w. do początków XX w., ponieważ nie użyto go ani razu w Kuchmistrzostwie (książce kucharskiej z XVI w.) (Dumanowski [1757] 2021) i nie notują go SJPD oraz słowniki współczesne (WSJP PAN, USJP). Warto również przypomnieć, że w SXVI zdefiniowano ociągać jako „pokrywać warstwą czegoś [czym]” (SPXVI, t. 20; 28), podano też analogiczną do tej definicję do ociągnąć (SPXVI, t. 20; 2). Prawdopodobnie doszło do przesunięcia znaczeniowego poprzez skojarzenie ścinania się powierzchni mięsa (lub innego produktu) z pokrywaniem czymś powierzchni tegoż mięsa.

Sadzić

W SEBr brak osobnego hasła sadzić, wyraz ten znajduje się pośród licznych innych w artykule hasłowym sad „ogród”. Brückner wywiódł słowo sadzić oraz liczne mu pokrewne od rdzenia sied-, nie sięgając dalej w przeszłość (SEBr; 478–479). Natomiast SEBo jako źródło podaje prasłowiańskie *saditi, *sad’ǫ „sadowić, umieszczać, osadzać; zasadzać, sadzić rośliny” (SEBo; 537–538), doszło więc do przesunięcia znaczeniowego.

W SStp podano osiem definicji leksemu sadzić, z  których żadna nie odnosi się do znaczenia kulinarnego (SStp, t. 8; 112), podobnie w wersji internetowej SPXVI (SPXVI; [na:] https://spxvi.edu.pl/indeks/haslo/9803/ [data dostępu: 19 listopada 2025]), z tym że tutaj zarejestrowano sześć niekulinarnych znaczeń tego czasownika.

W SW nie zarejestrowano bezpośrednio znaczenia kulinarnego czasownika sadzić, ale jako drugą „definicję” podano znaczenie imiesłowu sadzone w wyrażeniu jaja sadzone: „kładzione w całości po wypuszczeniu ze skorupy na masło roztopione i tak usmażone” (SW, t. 6; 5).

W SJPD, podobnie jak w SW, żadna spośród kilku definicji czasownika sadzić nie jest związana z kulinariami, natomiast w artykule do tego hasła odnotowano połączenie wyrazowe jaja sadzone „jaja wybijane ze skorupy na gorący tłuszcz w całości i smażone z jednej strony” (SJPD; [na:] https://sjp.pwn.pl/doroszewski/sadzic;5494541.html [data dostępu: 19 listopada 2025]).

W WSJP PAN podano trzy definicje wyrazu sadzić, jednak znów żadne ze znaczeń nie jest powiązane z gotowaniem. (WSJP PAN [na:] https://wsjp.pl/haslo/podglad/20543/sadzic [data dostępu: 19 listopada 2025]). Natomiast jajko sadzone figuruje jako osobne hasło: „kulin. jajko usmażone na patelni w taki sposób, że wokół słabo ściętego żółtka jest obwódka ściętego białka” (WSJP PAN [na:] https://wsjp.pl/haslo/podglad/22828/jajko-sadzone [data dostępu: 19 listopada 2025]).). Również słowniki gwarowe SGP PAN, SGP Kar i MSGP nie podają kulinarnego znaczenia czasownika sadzić.

Na podstawie powyższego przeglądu widać, że słowniki nie odnotowały znaczenia kulinarnego czasownika sadzić. Podano takie znaczenie jedynie do formy imiesłowu przymiotnikowego biernego w wyrażeniu jajko sadzone. (Co ciekawe, wyrażenie jaja sadzone pojawia się dopiero w SL (t. 2; 227). W SStp i SPXVI nie odnotowano takiego połączenia wyrazowego.) W SCF figurują jednak czasowniki podsadzać i wysadzać7, zdefiniowane wspólnie jako „podgotowywać, dusić aż do zgęstnienia płynu” (SCF 2021: 256). Wspomniano o nich również we wstępie do CF (2021):

Czerniecki stosuje też redukcję wywarów i sosów, sztandarową technikę kondensacji smaku rozpowszechnioną przez klasycystyczną kuchnię francuską w XVII w. Wzmianki takie są jednak stosunkowo nieliczne. Odpowiadające tej technice terminy „wysadzić” i „podsadzić” odnajdujemy w 16 recepturach opisujących potrawy mięsne i zwłaszcza rybne. (Dumanowski 2021: 111)

Także kontekst, w jakim występuje czasownik sadzić w CF, wskazuje na to, że Czerniecki stosował go w takim samym znaczeniu, jak czasowniki podsadzać i wysadzać (oczywiście z różnicą aspektu): pojawił się on tylko raz w nazwie przepisu, w którym autor użył czasowników wysadzać się i wysadzić:

10. Ryby sadzone albo po czesku

Zrysuj rybę, jaką masz albo chcesz, z łuszczką włóż w kocieł, cebule niemało w talarki nakraj i pietruszki w kostkę i wzdłuż, wlej piwa, zasól, a warz. A gdy się ryba wysadzać będzie, wlej octu dobrego, oliwy albo masła, pieprzu, imbieru, kminu, jeżeli chcesz i kwiatu, przywarz dobrze, wysadź, a daj na stół. (CF 2021: 181)

Ponadto w CF (2021) wyraz sadzone z powyższego cytatu opatrzono jeszcze przypisem o następującej treści: Tzn. duszone w „wysadzonym”, czyli zredukowanym sosie (CF 2021: 181). Porównanie powyższego objaśnienia z definicją czasowników podsadzać i wysadzać z SCF wskazuje, że sadzić zostało użyte w tytule przepisu w tym samym znaczeniu co wysadzać i podsadzać, jako ich niedokonany odpowiednik8.

Prześledzenie kontekstów występowania czasowników sadzić, podsadzać, podsadzić, wysadzać, wysadzać się, wysadzić dostarcza dodatkowych informacji o tej technice kulinarnej (por. Tabela 2).

Tabela 2. Konteksty użycia czasownika sadzić i mu pokrewnych w CF. Opracowanie własne

Kontekst

Liczba użyć

Całkowita liczba użyć

w tym: sadzić

podsadzać

podsadzić

podsadzić się

wysadzać

wysadzać się

wysadzić

wysadzić się

13

1

2

4

1

0

1

3

1

Obiekt:

mięso (ptaki, często z dodatkiem warzyw)

ryby (często z dodatkiem warzyw)

grzyby

rosół

polewka

3

9

1

2

1

Substancja:

woda lub inny płyn

w tym: woda

piwo

wino

rosół

10

6

2

1

1

Naczynie:

kocioł (kocieł)

kociołek (kociełek)

garnuszek

rynka

piękne naczynie gliniane lub srebrne

3

2

1

1

1

Czerniecki najczęściej posługiwał się czasownikami podsadzić oraz wysadzić. W większości przykładów użycia czasownika sadzić lub mu pokrewnych trudno jest określić obiekt czynności ze względu na mało precyzyjny charakter przepisów np.:

Ogoloną rybę zrysuj, cebule i pietruszki niemało drobno nakraj, włóż w kocieł, zasól, a warz, a gdy podsadzasz, wlej oliwy z potrzebę, pieprzu, kwiatu, przywarz, a daj na stół. (CF 2021: 182)

Weźmij szczupaka półmiskowego i lina, ochędoż pięknie, wymocz, wstaw w garncu pięknym w wodzie, warz dobrze nakrywszy, aż od kości odpadnie, trochę zasoliwszy, gdy uwre, odlej polewkę osobno w piękne naczynie, żeby się podstała, którą przecedź przez gęstą serwetę, przylej wina, cytryn wyciśnij według smaku, cukru według potrzeby, cynamonu całkiem, goździków, piżma. Warz to społem, a przywarzywszy dobrze, weźmij migdały utłuczone i uwiercione dobrze, rozpuść tą wszytką polewką, a przecedź przez gęstą serwetę, wlej znowu w bardzo piękny kociełek, warz na węglach przez ćwierć godziny, wylej na misę, a wynieś na zimno. Możesz natenczas piżmo włożyć, gdy będziesz podsadzał, lepiej będzie, bo nie wywietrzeje. (CF 2021: 223)

Autor napisał CF z myślą o innych kucharzach, czyli specjalistach kulinarnych, dlatego przepisy w nim zawarte często stanowią prosty ciąg czasowników w 2. osobie trybu rozkazującego bez podanych dopełnień, i osobie nieobytej w kulinariach trudno może być określić obiekt podsadzania czy wysadzania. Omawiane czasowniki czasami odnoszą się do ciał stałych (por. ryby sadzone (CF 2021: 181); a gdy się ryba wysadzać będzie [tamże]), co pozornie kłóci się z definicją podaną przez Jarosława Dumanowskiego – zgodnie z nią obiektem analizowanych czasowników powinny być wyłącznie rzeczowniki oznaczające płyn. Dokładniejsza lektura przepisów nasuwa jednak wniosek, że jest to synekdocha stosowana przez autora i w rzeczywistości czynność sadzenia odnosi się do płynu (sosu, polewki), w którym zanurzony jest główny składnik dania (zwykle mięso lub ryba, raz Czerniecki opisuje podsadzanie grzybów [CF 2021: 174]).

Sadzenie jest rodzajem gotowania z dwóch powodów: po pierwsze, obiektem czynności jest zawsze płyn na bazie wody (choć często dodawano do niego także jakiś tłuszcz, ale dopiero w trakcie warzenia), po drugie, wskazuje na to kontekst – w przepisach wysadzenie lub podsadzenie żywności zawsze stanowi wynik warzenia, czyli gotowania, np.:

Weźmij kapłona albo ptaka inszego, nie płocz, ochędoż, rozbierz w członki, potłucz, słoniny nakraj drobno w kosteczkę i cebule z pietruszką drobno nakraj, smaż toż społem, potym przylej rosołu, warz, a gdy się podsadzi, wyciśniej soku z cytryny i kwiatu włóż albo octu winnego, a przywarzywszy, daj gorąco na stół. (CF 2021: 148)

Weźmij rybę jaką chcesz albo masz, oczesz, zrysuj, wkraj cebule drobno i pietruszki w kostkę i wzdłuż, włóż w kocieł, wlej wody, zasól według potrzeby, odwarz, a na wysadzeniu wlej śmietany. (CF 2021: 181)

Ogoloną rybę zrysuj, cebule i pietruszki niemało drobno nakraj, włóż w kocieł, zasól, a warz, a gdy podsadzasz, wlej oliwy z potrzebę, pieprzu, kwiatu, przywarz, a daj na stół. (CF 2021: 182)

Potwierdza to również najczęściej wskazywane naczynie, czyli kocioł bądź kociołek. Także garniec służył do gotowania ([bezpośrednie źródło ciepła +], [woda +]), a nie do smażenia czy pieczenia.

Przykłady użycia badanej grupy czasowników potwierdzają, że Czerniecki stosował je w znaczeniu „podgotowywać, dusić aż do zgęstnienia płynu”, jak sugerował Jarosław Dumanowski. Co prawda nigdzie w CF nie wspomniano o zgęstnieniu płynów, ale zwiększenie ich objętości jest semantycznie spójne z opisem przygotowania całej potrawy.

Analiza wykazuje, że doszło do przesunięcia znaczeniowego czasownika sadzić oraz mu pokrewnych. Pochodzące od prasłowiańskiego *saditi „sadowić, umieszczać, osadzać; zasadzać, sadzić rośliny” (SEBo; 537–538) sadzić stopniowo nabierało coraz więcej różnych znaczeń i trudno aktualnie ustalić, z którego wyewoluowało znaczenie kulinarne. Być może istotny był tutaj ruch w dół: skojarzono gęstnienie płynu, a więc i zmniejszanie jego objętości, czyli spadanie jego poziomu w naczyniu, z ruchem opadającym, jaki wykonuje się podczas siadania, por. sadzać1 „podgotowywać, dusić aż do zgęstnienia płynu”, sadzać2 „pomagać komuś usiąść lub prosić albo zmuszać kogoś, aby usiadł” (WSJP PAN [na:] https://wsjp.pl/haslo/podglad/20544/sadzac/2729721/przy-stole [data dostępu: 19 listopada 2025]); osad, osadzać się (na dnie).

Pozostało jeszcze ustalić ramy czasowe, w jakich czasownik sadzić i inne mu pokrewne funkcjonowały w znaczeniu „podgotowywać, dusić aż do zgęstnienia płynu”. W Kuchmistrzostwie (Dumanowski [1757] 2021), najstarszej polskiej książce kucharskiej, żaden z badanych czasowników nie występuje w tym znaczeniu, można więc przypuszczać, że w czasach jego powstania (ok. 1540 r.) jeszcze nie doszło do przesunięcia znaczeniowego. Po CF czasownik sadzić występuje w znaczeniu „podgotowywać, dusić aż do zgęstnienia płynu” co najmniej do drugiej połowy XVIII w. – stosuje go jeszcze Paul Tremo w swojej Kuchni na sześć osób… (Dumanowski [2. poł. XVIII w. – początek XIX w.] 2022). Czasownik ten używany jest również w przepisach powstałych między pierwszym wydaniem CF a czasami Tremona9. Trudno ustalić, kiedy omawiane znaczenie czasownika sadzić zanikło – słowniki go nie odnotowują, co jest pewną wskazówką, jednak temat wymaga dokładniejszych studiów nad językiem kulinarnym XIX i XX w. Pewne jest natomiast, że współcześnie czasownik ten utracił znaczenie kulinarne, a ślad po nim pozostał jedynie w nazwie potrawy jajko sadzone.

Tretować

Słowniki etymologiczne (SEBr, SEBo) nie odnotowują kulinarnych znaczeń czasownika tretować – formę tę potwierdzono jako dawny wariant czasownika tratować „deptać coś w biegu” (SEBo; 640). SEBo podaje również staropolski wyraz tratować się „ranić koronę kopyta źle postawioną nogą (o koniu)”. Według SEBo i SEBr tretować jest zapożyczeniem i pochodzi od niemieckiego treten „deptać” (SEBr; 576; SEBo; 640) lub średniowysokoniemieckiego trëten/trëtten „deptać; wchodzić, wstępować” (SEBo; 640).

W SStp nie zarejestrowano czasownika tretować, podobnie w SPXVI (wersja internetowa). Odnotowano natomiast tretować się, jednak frekwencję występowania tego wyrazu określono jako 0 (SPXVI; [na] https://spxvi.edu.pl/indeks/szukaj/?tryb=0&q=tretowa%C4%87&typ=&porzadek=0 [data dostępu: 19 listopada 2025]).

W SL odnotowano wyraz tretować jako oboczną formę czasownika tratować. Z trzech podanych znaczeń tratować/tretować jedno jest kulinarne: „Culin. Tratować w kuchni, spuszczać co na gorące masło” (SL, t. 5; 698). Dalej Linde jeszcze uściśla: „tratować, przetratować masło, w wodzie czystéj przepłókać; także jabłka lub gruszki tratować czyli rozetrzeć” (SL, t. 5; 698). Na podstawie tych dwóch cytatów można wyodrębnić trzy znaczenia zarejestrowane przez Lindego: 1) „spuszczać coś na gorące masło (smażyć na gorącym maśle)”; 2) o maśle: „opłukać w czystej wodzie”; 3) o owocach: „rozetrzeć”.

W SW przy haśle tretować, oprócz kilku przykładów użycia (wskazujących na znaczenie niezwiązane z kulinariami), zanotowano wyrażenie karaski w oleju tretowane „smażone”, po czym podano definicję czasownika tretować „przyrumienić masło” (SW, t. 7; 110). Zawarto tam również odnośnik do hasła tratować, gdzie podano też trzy definicje opisujące znaczenia związane z gotowaniem, niemal identyczne jak w SL: kuch. 1) „spuszczać co na gorące masło”; 2) masło „w wodzie czystej przepłókać”; 3) jabłka, gruszki „rozetrzeć” (SW, t. 7; 100).

W SJPD nie odnotowano hasła tretować, a do tratować nie podano kulinarnych znaczeń (SJPD [na:] https://sjp.pwn.pl/doroszewski/tratowac;5508436.html [data dostępu: 19 listopada 2025]). W WSJP PAN i USJP nie zarejestrowano żadnego z tych czasowników. Natomiast ze słowników gwarowych tylko SGP Kar odnotowuje znaczenie kulinarne tretować „smażyć” (SGP Kar, t. 5; 420).

Na koniec warto zapoznać się z definicją podaną w SCF:

tretować – rozetrzeć, gnieść, tłuc. U Czernieckiego termin ten oznacza jednak przede wszystkim smażenie w maśle. Tretowane raki to więc raki obtaczane w gęstym cieście z mąki i jajek i następnie smażone w maśle, tretowane jabłka smaży się w cieście naleśnikowym, a tretowane grzanki były z kolei przed usmażeniem maczane w żółtkach jajecznych. Czerniecki używa terminu „tretować” także na oznaczenie topienia masła aż do jego zrumienienia. Według Wielądka tretowanie oznacza po prostu smażenie na gorącym maśle, co wynika z lektury pierwszego przepisu Czernieckiego, w którym pojawia się ten termin. (SCF 2021: 205)

Pojawiają się tutaj aż cztery znaczenia: 1) „rozetrzeć, gnieść, tłuc”; 2) „smażyć w maśle (a wcześniej w czymś obtoczyć?)”; 3) „topić masło aż do zrumienienia”; 4) (według Wielądka) „smażyć na gorącym maśle”, przy czym znaczenia 2) i 4) są do siebie bardzo zbliżone, sądzę więc, że można je potraktować jako jedno „smażyć na (gorącym) maśle”.

Przegląd definicji słownikowych pokazuje, że tretować to wyraz wieloznaczny. Słowniki SL oraz SW odnotowują trzy znaczenia tego wyrazu: 1) „smażyć coś na gorącym maśle”; 2) ”o maśle: przepłukać w czystej wodzie” oraz 3) „rozetrzeć, gnieść, tłuc”. W SCF dodano jeszcze jedno znaczenie: 4) „topić masło do zrumienienia”. Najbardziej zbliżone semantycznie do wspomnianego wcześniej domniemanego źródłosłowu (niem. treten „deptać”) jest znaczenie 3., można więc przypuszczać, że jest ono najstarsze. Być może jednak tratować/tretować należące do ogólnej odmiany języka ma inny źródłosłów niż tretować stosowane jako termin kulinarny. Polszczyzna przejęła mnóstwo terminów kulinarnych z języka francuskiego, może więc tam należy szukać źródła tego czasownika, jest to jednak zadanie dla romanisty.

Należy jeszcze ustalić, w którym znaczeniu stosował czasownik tretować Stanisław Czerniecki (por. Tabela 3).

Tabela 3. Konteksty użycia czasownika tretować i mu pokrewnych w CF. Opracowanie własne

Kontekst

Liczba użyć

Całkowita liczba użyć

w tym: tretować

odtretować

przetretować

25

19

4

2

Obiekt:

masło

ryby

mięso

owoce (jabłka, gruszki)

grzanki

inne (groch, naleśniki)

7

7

5

4

2

2

Substancja:

Tłuszcz

w tym: masło

oliwa

4

2

2

Otoczka:

same jajka

mieszanina mleka, mąki i jaj

sama mąka

mieszanina mąki i wody

mieszanina jajek i mąki

4

4

3

2

1

Na podstawie kontekstów użycia wyróżniłam dwa znaczenia czasownika tretować w CF: tretować1, w przybliżeniu odpowiadające znaczeniu 1. „smażyć na gorącym maśle” z definicji słownikowych, oraz tretować2, odpowiadającemu 4. znaczeniu słownikowemu „topić masło do zrumienienia”. O znaczeniu 2. „o maśle: przepłukać w czystej wodzie” wspomnę podczas omawiania tretować2, natomiast używanie przez Czernieckiego wyrazu tretować w znaczeniu 3. „rozetrzeć, gnieść, tłuc” można wyeliminować na podstawie kontekstu użycia czasownika w CF. Słowa tretować w tym znaczeniu używano, jak wskazał Linde (SL, t. 5, 698) głównie w odniesieniu do owoców. W CF tretowane są jedynie jabłka i gruszki. Czasownik tretować zastosowano tu tylko w tytułach: Potrawa z jabłkami tretowanemi (CF 2021: 159), Potrawa z gruszkami tretowanemi także (tamże), Ryby z jabkami [sic!] tretowanemi (tamże; 190), Gruszkami tretowanemi także uczynisz, przydawszy do mąki szafranu, jeżeli chcesz10 (tamże).W żadnym z wymienionych przepisów nie wspomniano o rozcieraniu czy zgniataniu tych owoców.

Tretować1

W SCF zaznaczono, że w CF słowo tretować stosowano przede wszystkim w znaczeniu 1. „smażyć na gorącym maśle”. Nie jest to jednak do końca prawda. Pozornie kontekst użycia tretować1 rzeczywiście na to wskazuje, przy czym warto zaznaczyć, że najczęściej czasownik ten używany jest w „tytułach” przepisów w formie imiesłowu przymiotnikowego biernego (np. Potrawa tretowana (CF 2021: 106), Kruszka z grzankami tretowanymi (tamże; 116), Potrawa z jabłkami tretowanemi (tamże; 117), Potrawa z gruszkami tretowanemi także (tamże), a w przepisach z rzadka pojawia się czasownik odtretować (np. mleczu11 kawałki odtretuj (tamże; 188). Częściej jednak Czerniecki używa wyrazów synonimicznych (lub opisujących kolejne etapy procesu tretowania), np.: „[..] spuszczaj na masło gorące. Smaż, aż się przyrumieni” (tamże; 106); „[…] puszczaj [grzanki] na gorące masło, […] [kruszka także] w tymże maśle usmaż i przyrumień” (tamże; 116); „[…] [jabłka] puszczaj na gorące masło, smaż rumiano” (tamże; 117). Wyraźnie widać, że są to czasowniki oznaczające smażenie, więc tretowanie1 również jest rodzajem smażenia. Jednak cechą różnicującą tretować1 od smażyć jest maczanie lub obtaczanie obrabianej żywności przed jej usmażeniem w jajkach, mące, mleku lub różnych mieszaninach tych produktów. Co prawda kontekst użycia omawianego czasownika w CF potwierdza tę tezę tylko połowicznie (w 10 przypadkach z 18 opisano obtaczanie, w pozostałych 8 nie), ale też jej nie obala (ani razu nie opisano tretowania1 jako procesu bez obtaczania lub maczania produktu przed jego smażeniem). Argumentem za jest również dalsza część przytoczonej wcześniej definicji czasownika tretować z SCF:

Tretowane raki to więc raki obtaczane w gęstym cieście z mąki i jajek i następnie smażone w maśle, tretowane jabłka smaży się w cieście naleśnikowym, a tretowane grzanki były z kolei przed usmażeniem maczane w żółtkach jajecznych. (SCF 2021: 205),

a także słowa Jarosława Dumanowskiego z opracowania CF (2021: 111):

Autor jako odrębną technikę postrzega „tretowanie”, czyli smażenie mięsa lub ryb obtaczanych w cieście, wyraźnie odróżniając to od smażenia i wspominając o takim przygotowaniu potrawy bądź jej niektórych składników w 18 recepturach.

Po ustaleniu znaczenia zostaje jeszcze kwestia okresu, w jakim czasownik tretować był używany. We wspomnianej i przytoczonej wcześniej definicji z SCF Dumanowski wskazuje, że do generalizacji znaczeniowej leksemu tretować „smażyć na maśle, uprzednio obtoczywszy przyrządzany produkt w mące lub namoczywszy go w jajkach albo mieszaninie jajek z mąką, mlekiem lub wodą” → „smażyć na maśle” doszło w czasach późniejszych niż powstanie CF:

Według Wielądka tretowanie oznacza po prostu smażenie na gorącym maśle, co wynika z lektury pierwszego przepisu Czernieckiego, w którym pojawia się ten termin. (SCF 2021: 205)

Historyk odnosi się tu do Wojciecha Wielądki i jego Kucharza doskonałego (Wielądko [1783] 2012), książki kucharskiej wydanej po raz pierwszy w 1783 r. (Dumanowski 2012: 41). Tłumaczy to, dlaczego słowniki Lindego i późniejsze podają tylko ogólniejsze znaczenie „smażyć na maśle”, pomijając to bardziej specjalistyczne. Trudno natomiast stwierdzić, kiedy czasownik tretować1, czy nawet czasownik tretować w jakimkolwiek znaczeniu kulinarnym pojawił się w polszczyźnie – na pewno znany był w XIX w., ponieważ odnotował go Linde (SL, t. 5; 698). Brak takiego hasła w SStp oraz w SPXVI, a także niewystępowanie czasownika tretować w szesnastowiecznym Kuchmistrzostwie, mógłby wskazywać, że czasownik ten nie był znany w polszczyźnie przed XVII w. Łatwiej natomiast ustalić, kiedy leksem tretować wyszedł z użycia – ponieważ ostatnim słownikiem rejestrującym ten wyraz jest SW, można przypuszczać, że słowo to zanikło w XX w., jeszcze przed powstaniem SJPD, tretować1 jednak wyszło z użycia prawdopodobnie już wcześniej, przed 1783 r., skoro Wielądko stosuje ten termin w znaczeniu „smażyć na maśle”.

Tretować2

Czerniecki używa czasownika tretować także w odniesieniu do masła. W takim kontekście ma on inne znaczenie (tretować2) niż kiedy dotyczy innego produktu spożywczego (tretować1). Niestety kontekst użycia dostarcza w tym przypadku niewiele informacji: autor na ogół wskazuje masło tretowane jako składnik przepisu (weźmij masła tretowanego (CF 2021: 170); [dodaj] masła dobrego nietretowanego płokanego (tamże; 171); miej dwie kielemce małe żelazne (…), a wlej w jedne masła tretowanego (tamże; 207); wlej masła tretowanego w patellę (tamże; 213); włóż na piękną patellę masła tretowanego (tamże; 219), nie podając żadnych informacji o samym procesie tretowania. Dwukrotnie użył także czasownika przetretować (rozpuść masła, a nie przetretuj (tamże; 189), przetretuj masło (tamże; 207) również nie wyjaśniając istoty samej czynności.

Jarosław Dumanowski w przytoczonej wcześniej definicji czasownika tretować w SCF twierdzi, że Czerniecki używa terminu „tretować” także na oznaczenie topienia masła aż do jego zrumienienia (SCF 2021: 205), czyli w 4. znaczeniu słownikowym. Wspomina o tym również w opracowaniu do CF (2021), podczas opisywania technik kulinarnych wspomnianych w książce: w przypadku samego masła „tretowanie” oznacza jednak po prostu smażenie bądź rozpuszczenie (Dumanowski 2021: 111). Historyk nie mówi natomiast nic o płukaniu masła, czyli 2. znaczeniu słownikowym tretować. W samym CF wielokrotnie pojawia się sformułowanie masło płokane (np. masła włóż płokanego (CF 2021: 185); daj (…) masła płokanego albo oliwy (tamże; 203). Raz nawet oba określenia, płokane i tretowane, występują obok siebie: [dodaj] masła dobrego nietretowanego płokanego (tamże; 171). Takie użycie sugeruje, że imiesłowy te oznaczają inne czynności. Stąd na podstawie kontekstu występowania czasownika tretować w odniesieniu do masła nie można jednoznacznie ustalić jego znaczenia, niemniej jednak, biorąc pod uwagę głos Jarosława Dumanowskiego, dysponującego bogatą wiedzą pozajęzykową dotyczącą kulinariów tamtego okresu, najbardziej prawdopodobnym znaczeniem tretować2 w języku Czernieckiego jest 4. znaczenie słownikowe, czyli „topić masło do zrumienienia”.

Podsumowanie i wnioski

Analiza definicji słownikowych oraz przykładów użycia w CF pary aspektowej czasowników ociągać oraz ociągnąć wykazała, że dotyczyły one obróbki termicznej mięsa „nad żarzącymi się węglami”, mogły natomiast oznaczać zarówno smażenie, jak i gotowanie. Kluczowym elementem semantycznym tego czasownika było ścięcie się powierzchni poddawanego ociąganiu produktu. Wyraz ten w takim znaczeniu stosowano prawdopodobnie w okresie od XVII w. do początków wieku XX, wcześniej oznaczał on pokrywanie czegoś warstwą czegoś innego. Podobnie czasownik sadzić, dziś zachowany jedynie w wyrażeniu jajko sadzone, w XVII w. oznaczał prawdopodobnie gotowanie „aż do zgęstnienia płynu”. Znaczenie to utrzymywało się od XVII do XVIII w., kiedy to musiało dojść do przesunięcia znaczeniowego gotować → smażyć (na gorącym maśle).

Najwięcej znaczeń z omawianych czasowników miał czasownik tretować. Czerniecki stosował go jednak tylko w dwóch znaczeniach: „zrumienić masło” i „smażyć na maśle, uprzednio obtoczywszy przyrządzany produkt w mące lub namoczywszy go w jajkach albo mieszaninie jajek z mąką, mlekiem lub wodą”. Prawdopodobnie w XVIII w. doszło do przesunięcia tego drugiego znaczenia do „smażyć na maśle”. Czasownik tretować w znaczeniu kulinarnym stosowany był w okresie od XVII w. do początków wieku XX.

Zaprezentowane w tym artykule przykłady analizy czasowników kulinarnych z CF to jedynie zalążek potencjalnych większych badań nad średniopolską leksyką kulinarną. Ujawnione nieścisłości semantyczne oraz wątpliwości co do faktycznego znaczenia niektórych czasowników (a także okresu ich stosowania) potwierdzają, że czasowniki kulinarne to pole wymagające dokładniejszej analizy. Planowane są dalsze, szersze badania – studia nad użyciem czasowników kulinarnych w innych tekstach kulinarnych z badanego okresu.

Źródła

Czerniecki, Stanisław ([1682] 2021) Compendium ferculorum albo zebranie potraw. Warszawa: Muzeum Pałacu Króla Jana III w Wilanowie.

SCF – Dumanowski, Jarosław (oprac.) (2021) „Słownik”. [W:] Czerniecki, Stanisław ([1682] 2021) Compendium ferculorum albo zebranie potraw. Warszawa: Muzeum Pałacu Króla Jana III w Wilanowie; 241–248.

Słowniki języka polskiego

SStp – Urbańczyk, Stanisław (red.) (1953–2002) Słownik staropolski. Kraków: IJP PAN. T. 1–8.

SPXVI – Mayenowa, Renata (red.) (1966–2016) Słownik polszczyzny XVI wieku. Wrocław, Warszawa: IBL PAN. T. 1–37. [Na:] https://spxvi.edu.pl/ (data dostępu: styczeń–maj 2022).

ESJP XVII – Gruszczyński, Włodzimierz (red. nauk.) Elektroniczny słownik języka polskiego XVII i XVIII wieku. [Na:] https://sxvii.pl/ (data dostępu: grudzień 2024).

SL – Linde, Samuel Bogumił ([1807–1814] 1960) Słownik języka polskiego przez M. Samuela Bogumiła Linde. Warszawa. T. 1–6.

SW – Karłowicz, Jan, Kryński, Adam Antoni Kryński, Władysław Niedźwiedzki (red.) (1900–1927) Słownik języka polskiego. Warszawa. T. 1–8.

SJPD – Doroszewski, Witold (red.) (1958–1969) Słownik języka polskiego PAN, Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawnictwo „Wiedza Powszechna” (1958–1962), Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe (1963–1969). T. 1–11. [Na:] https://sjp.pwn.pl/doroszewski/lista (data dostępu: styczeń–maj 2022).

USJP – Dubisz, Stanisław (red.) (2003) Uniwersalny słownik języka polskiego, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN. T. 1–6. [Na:] https://usjp.pwn.pl/krok1.html?utm_source=ref&utm_medium=web&utm_campaign=7P_0916_ref_201609 (data dostępu: styczeń–maj 2022).

WSJP PAN – Żmigrodzki, Piotr (red.) (2007–) Wielki słownik języka polskiego PAN. Kraków: Instytut Języka Polskiego PAN. [Na:] https://wsjp.pl/index.php (data dostępu: styczeń–maj 2022).

Słownik prasłowiański

SP – Sławski, Franciszek (red.) (1974–2001) Słownik prasłowiański. Wrocław: Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich. T. 1–8.

Słowniki gwarowe

SGP Kar – Karłowicz, Jan ([1900–1911] 1981) Słownik gwar polskich. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Artystyczne i Filmowe. T. 1–6.

SGP PAN – Zakład Dialektologii Polskiej Instytutu Języka Polskiego PAN w Krakowie (oprac.) (1979–) Słownik gwar polskich. Wrocław; Kraków: Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich. T. 1–10.

MSGP – Kucharzyk, Renata (i in.) (2010) Mały słownik gwar polskich. Kraków: Wydawnictwo Lexis.

Słowniki etymologiczne

SEBr – Brückner, Aleksander (1927) Słownik etymologiczny języka polskiego. Kraków: Krakowska Spółka Wydawnicza.

SEBa – Bańkowski, Andrzej (2000) Etymologiczny słownik języka polskiego. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN. T. 1–2.

SEBo – Boryś, Wiesław (2005) Słownik etymologiczny języka polskiego. Kraków: Wydawnictwo Literackie.

Bibliografia

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Dumanowski, Jarosław (red. i oprac.) ([1757] 2021) Zbiór dla kuchmistrza tak potraw jako ciast robienia wypisany roku 1757 dnia 24 lipca. Warszawa: Muzeum Pałacu Króla Jana III w Wilanowie.

Dumanowski, Jarosław (2021) Kuchmistrz Lubomirskich i jego dzieło. [W:] Stanisław Czerniecki ([1682] 2021) Compendium ferculorum albo zebranie potraw. Warszawa: Muzeum Pałacu Króla Jana III w Wilanowie.

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Matras, Anna (2016) „’Pieprzno i szafranno, moja mościa panno’. Staropolskie książki kucharskie i obrazy staropolskiego ucztowania”. [W:] Zeszyty Naukowe Towarzystwa Doktorantów Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Nauki Społeczne. Nr 14; 55–68.

Przęczek-Kisielak, Sylwia, Renata Przybylska (2021) „Staropolskie słownictwo związane z pieczywem”. [W:] Przybylska, Renata, Ochmann, Donata (red.) Polskie kulinaria: aspekty historycznojęzykowe, regionalne i kulturowe. Kraków: Wydawnictwo Libron – Filip Lohner; 37–56.

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Tokarski, Ryszard (2013) Światy za słowami. Wykłady z semantyki leksykalnej. Lublin: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej.

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Wielądko, Wojciech ([1783] 2012), Kucharz doskonały: pożyteczny dla zatrudniających się gospodarstwem z fr. przetł. i wielą przydatkami pomnożony przez Wojciecha Wielądka. Warszawa: Muzeum Pałacu Króla Jana III w Wilanowie.

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Źródła internetowe

Lehrer, Adrienne (1969) „Semantic Cuisine”. [W:] Journal of Linguistics. Nr 1 (5): 39–55. [Na:] https://www.jstor.org/stable/4175017 (data dostępu: 2024–2025).

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1 Materiał badawczy i przedstawione w artykule wnioski są częścią badań, które były przedmiotem opisu w mojej niepublikowanej pracy magisterskiej pt. Czasowniki kulinarne dotyczące obróbki termicznej w Compendium ferculorum Stanisława Czernieckiego i ich zmiany znaczeniowe w dziejach polszczyzny, obronionej pod kierunkiem dr hab. Małgorzaty Dawidziak-Kładocznej na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim (Lehman 2022).

2 Sam autor uważał swoje dzieło za najstarszą polską książkę kucharską (CF: 129), natomiast nie należy zapominać o Kuchmistrzostwie wydanym po raz pierwszy ok. 1540 r. Do niedawna było ono uznawane za zaginione, odkryto jednak jego XVIII-wieczną kopię. Kuchmistrzostwo jest tłumaczeniem dzieła czeskiego pt. Kuchařství (pol. Kucharstwo) (Dumanowski [1757] 2021: 66-68), w przeciwieństwie do CF, które zostało napisane przez Polaka po polsku.

3 Przedstawiając dotychczasowy stan badań świadomie pomijam, ze względu na ograniczoną objętość artykułu, bardziej ogólne opracowania dotyczące dziedzin takich jak diachronia języka polskiego (np. Dubisz 2005) (w tym również na temat zmian znaczeniowych staro- i średniopolskich czasowników), semantyka (w tym rozwój semantyczny wyrazów, np. Buttler 1978) czy dialektologii (np. Urbańczyk 1984), jednakże biorę pod uwagę osiągnięcia badaczy w tych dziedzinach językoznawstwa podczas analizowania czasowników.

4 Artykuł bazuje również na mojej pracy magisterskiej pt. Czasowniki kulinarne dotyczące obróbki termicznej w Compendium ferculorum Stanisława Czernieckiego i ich zmiany znaczeniowe w dziejach polszczyzny (Lehman 2022).

5 Metoda ta została dokładnie opisana m. in. [w:] Tokarski, Ryszard (2013) Światy za słowami. Wykłady z semantyki leksykalnej, Lublin; 192–201.

6 Tłumaczenie własne.

7 Żaden z wyżej wskazanych słowników nie odnotowuje kulinarnego lub istotnego z perspektywy analizy znaczenia czasowników podsadzać, podsadzić, podsadzać się, podsadzić się, wysadzać, wysadzić, wysadzać się, wysadzić się.

8 Ze względu na ograniczoną objętość artykułu nie przytaczam cytatów weryfikujących znaczenie podsadzać i wysadzać podane przez Jarosława Dumanowskiego.

9 Na podstawie przygotowywanego przeze mnie korpusu książek kucharskich z okresu XVI-XVIII w. (por. Cel i metodologia).

10 Takie długie tytuły będące jednocześnie całą treścią przepisu nie są w CF rzadkością, por. Suropiecki śpikowane i nieśpikowane tymże sposobem gotuj (CF 2021: 150), Potrawa z sałatą krajaną także (tamże;154), Z grzybami świeżemi młodemi także uczynisz (tamże; 186), Tort z poziomkami także (tamże; 215) i in. Wyrażenia tymże sposobem czy także odnoszą się do poprzedniego przepisu, jednak o tym, że jest to już kolejny przepis, świadczy numeracja, zaś o tym, że jest to tytuł, również wyodrębnienie graficzne.

11 Tj. grasicy cielęcej (SCF 2021: 252).

Received:

15.05.2024

Reviewed:

30.07.2024

Accepted:

15.12.2025

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

doi: 10.34616/ajmp.2025.27.15

ISSN 2299–7164

Vol. 27 (2025)

Open Access. Published by Committee for Philology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław Branch and College for Interdisciplinary Studies, University of Wrocław. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.

Olena Levchenko

Lviv Polytechnic National University, Department of Applied Linguistics, Ukraine

olena.p.levchenlo@lpnu.ua

ORCID: 0000-0002-7395-3772

Nataliia Romanyshyn

Lviv Polytechnic National University, Department of Applied Linguistics, Ukraine

nataliia.i.romanyshyn@lpnu.ua

ORCID: 0000-0001-5918-5423

The Concept of “Volia” in the Modern Ukrainian Language: A Corpus-Based Approach to the Analysis
of Conceptual Content

Abstract

This paper presents a corpus-based research on the concept of “volia” in modern Ukrainian language. It focuses on dynamic changes of the concept of “volia” within the context of social, political, and historical transformations of Ukrainian society in the 20th and 21st centuries. The study examines the processes of concept’s metaphorization and shifts in the semantics of concept’s verbalizers. The research utilizes the General Regionally Annotated Corpus of the Ukrainian Language (GRAC) as its empirical foundation. This analysis reveals correlations between the type of context and the concept’s frequency, displaying specific conceptual senses across different periods. Additionally, the study examines the concept’s synonymous verbalizers, including their distribution and rating position within chronological corpora. This allows us to trace tendencies in the dynamics of conceptualization. Six conceptual profiles of the “volia” concept are identified. Concordance and collocation analysis offer insights into the combinability of “volia” and its synonyms within each profile. This approach helps identify core cognitive features of the concept and highlight the specific ways in which the content of the concept has developed. Ultimately, these findings demonstrate the effectiveness of the corpus-based approach in revealing the dynamic nature of the concept’s semantics and its susceptibility to discourse influences.

Keywords: concept / cultural concept, conceptualization, Ukrainian language / identity, language corpus, lingua-cultural studies

Introduction

The Lingua-cultural studies have become one of the leading directions of modern European linguistics resulted from the fundamental changes of theoretical linguistic foundations that direct the research within the cognitive and anthropocentric paradigms. This research, characterized by great analytical and modeling potential, focuses on culturally determined language forms, the discovery of a huge heterogeneous fund of specific phenomena and facts of national language dynamics, complex and multifaceted linguistic material which reflects changes in collective consciousness and national identity.

In Polish and Ukrainian linguistics, the end of 20th and the first decades of 21st centuries witnessed the development of lingua-cultural studies inspired by the ideas of Wroclaw and Lublin schools. The works of Jerzy Bartminski laid the foundations of novel lexicographic practices of semantic descriptions further known as the methodology of cognitive definition (Bartmiński 1984: 1988a). This new type of definition exceeds the boundaries of a narrow structural framework and includes connotative, cultural, contextual, “pro-linguistic” information (Bartmiński 2018). Bartmiński specified the subject of the research – the language system as an institutionalized social product in all the richness of its varieties, styles, variants related to the system of culture as a specific order of human activities with patterns and values inscribed in these activities, as well as to culture as a product of these actions (Bartmiński 1988b: 5). Ukrainian lingua-cultural studies are represented by works of V. Zhayvoronok, V. Kononenko, F. Batsevych, O. Selivanova, I. Holubovska, and O. Levchenko (Batsevych 2009; Zhayvoronok 2006; Selivanova 2012; Holubovska 2004; Levchenko 2005).

A key characteristic of modern lingua-cultural studies in both Poland and Ukraine is their multidisciplinary nature. Scholars assume that lingua-cultural and ethnolinguistic research inherently involve the study of identity, specifically collective ethnical and national identity (Bartmiński, Chlebda 2008: 13–15).We define national identity as a relatively stable system of multilevel mental constructs, varying in complexity and level of abstraction, within individual and collective consciousness. These constructs are formed based on specific types of intersubjective relations and are realized within a certain historical context. National identity, based on symbolic models of perception and interpretation of the universe in individual and collective consciousness, ensures the rational and irrational identification of a person with a definite national society and catalyzes the formation of integrational and differentiating features that distinguish one nation from another (Romanyshyn 2021: 47).

From the perspectives of lingua-cultural studies, the variegated and multifaceted facts of national language and speech serve as conductors in the world of cultural senses, values, norms, stereotypes and ideals reflecting all aspects of social existence. An all-encompassing entity that reflects culturally significant information is known as a cultural concept. Cultural concepts are the fundamental building blocks of an individual’s mental picture of the world internalized through socializing and cultural immersion. Comprehension of cultural concept from lingua-cultural perspective foregrounds the national characteristics of cognizing. Values, ethnically specific norms, strategies, archetypes play a crucial role in the process of concept’s content dynamics. Thus, cultural concept is a meaningful unit of cultural space, a mediator between a human being and the world (Bartmiński 2018; Bartmiński, Chlebda 2013; Holubovska 2004; Romanyshyn 2021: 34), which is created by beliefs, knowledge, moral norms, and customs. Consequently, it can be assumed, that the concept opens the way to understanding the principles of the cultural system of a certain people, nation, their identity. Scholars claim that it to study the national system of cultural concepts in all its unity and integrity is practically unachievable task. However, the reconstruction of some selected, basic, socially important concepts by analyzing verbal and cognitive mechanisms of their functioning in language and speech provides the objective ground for conclusions concerning the national worldview and identity (Abramowicz, Bartmiński, Chlebda 2011).

One of the concepts that manifest the Ukrainian national identity is the concept of “volia” (воля). Defining the significance of the concept “wolność” / freedom for Polish culture, Jerzy Bartminski once stated:

Wolność jest zaliczana do polskich „słów kluczy” (Wierzbicka), słów „sztandarowych” (Pisarek), „symboli kolektywnych” (Fleischer), jest więc czymś więcej niż tylko zwykłym słowem wyposażonym w znaczenie, czymś więcej niż pojęciem odnoszącym się do relacji społecznych. Jest konceptem kulturowym, czyli słowem-pojęciem o bogatych konotacjach poznawczych i emocjonalnych. Uchwycenie pełnego sensu tego rodzaju – niezwykle złożonego, wieloaspektowego – konceptu wymaga wyjścia poza wąskie ramy językowostrukturalne i nawet poza ramy analizy pojęciowej, wymaga odniesienia do tła światopoglądowego, do historii myśli i do świata idei, więc uwzględnienia rozległego kontekstu historycznego, społecznego i kulturowego. (Cf. Tarsa Mokijenko 2021 : 16)

He further developed these ideas in a volume devoted to the concept “wolność”:

Jest hasłem „sztandarowym”, spowitym nimbem heroicznej walki o jego urzeczywistnienie, wartościowanym równie wysoko jak GODNOŚĆ, OJCZYZNA, NIEPODLEGŁOŚĆ (Abramowicz, Bartmiński 2019: 15) … WOLNOŚĆ to jedno z najbardziej fundamentalnych pojęć dla funkcjonowania jednostek i społeczeństw w każdej sferze ludzkiej egzystencji, istotne tak w wymiarze indywidualnym, jak i kolektywnym. (Cf. Tarsa Mokijenko 2021 : 16)

The same words apply to the Ukrainian concept of “volia” / воля, which has acquired the status of a determining factor in the culture and consciousness of Ukrainians. This fact has inspired active interest in the concept of “volia” among Ukrainian academics, where it has become an object of psychological, sociological, anthropological, literary, and cultural studies (Holubovska 2004; Kolesnyk 2019; Kosmeda 2010; Vasylenko, Semenyshyn 2016, Malenko 2010; Potsiurko 2012; Yatskevych 2009; Betsenko 2017). Ukrainian linguists focus their attention on semantic content of the concept, claiming that historical and political circumstances that defined the existence of the Ukrainian ethnic group shaped the content of the concept, which transcends the meaning of its correlates in other languages (freedom, will, liberty, wolność).

The concept of “volia” has been compared with other related concepts – freedom and slavery / captivity (Vasylenko, Semenyshyn 2016; Kononenko 2004), spatial concepts “steppe” and “field” (Mokienko 2004). O.Kolesnyk (2019), analyzing the texts of national anthems, provides some insights into the etymology of the concept and reconstructs its cultural senses in different languages. “Will” and “freedom” as synonymic variants of the concept of “volia” have been scrutinized from the perspective of political and legal discourses (Pysmenna 2022). “Leksykon aksjologiczny Słowian i ich sąsiadów,” edited by J. Bartmiński (Bartmiński 2019), and co-authored by a galaxy of Polish scholars, offers a multidimensional analysis of the concept of “wolność” within the field of European linguistic and cultural studies.

Despite the numerous studies on the selected concept, certain aspects of the conceptualization process remain unexplained, as cultural concepts are dynamic entities subject to changes in the socio-political and historical context of national life. Crucial historical moments for Ukrainian society cause shifts in social discursive patterns and, consequently, in the ways concepts are actualized in national communication and language in general. This results in significant cognitive-conceptual displacements and repositioning of the constituents of the conceptual model in its dynamics. Moreover, the emergence of new tools and principles of conceptual analysis, including the integration of linguistic, mathematical, and corpus-based methods, enhances the objectivity of conceptual studies. This allows scholars to utilize extensive linguistic resources and consider language material from different historical periods. Corpus analysis enables the clarification of results and conclusions from previous studies of the concept of “volia” in the Ukrainian language, as well as the undertaking of new, more systematic studies with a greater quantity and quality of empirical material.

The General Regionally Annotated Corpus of the Ukrainian Language (GRAC) was selected as the empirical basis for our research. As the largest publicly available reference corpus of the Ukrainian language, GRAC is a valuable resource for analyzing language dynamics. The latest version, GRAC 16, contains 1.875 billion tokens, including two large collections of media texts (600 million tokens) and 190 million tokens from the Polish automated web corpus of the Ukrainian language (IPI PAN). GRAC serves as a universal philological tool, comparable to other national corpora such as the British National Corpus, the Czech National Corpus, the National Corpus of the Polish language, and the German language reference corpora DWDS and DeReKo.

Thus, the aim of this paper is to perform a corpus-based research of the concept of “volia” in modern Ukrainian language focusing on dynamic transformations of its content in the context of social, political and historical transformation of Ukrainian society in 20th–21st centuries. Therefore, for the purpose of the research, in GRAC-16 version several subcorpora have been created on chronological principle: the subcorpus 1900–1990 (which volume is 297243612 tokens), the subcorpus 1991–2021 (1253817342 tokens) and 2022 (258461822 tokens). The latter subcorpus includes, among others, the texts representing the war discourse of the full-scaled Russian aggression against Ukraine.

Methodology of the Research

According to Batminski’s principles of conceptual analysis, the description of concept’s content draws on three types of data. The first type of data is obtained from systemic sources, such as dictionary definitions and concept’s etymology analysis, the second one is generated from survey of native speakers (in the form of a questionnaire or psycholinguistic experiment), the third – from the texts of national corpora or contemporary media discourse representing different political and ideological views. Bartminski also highlights that the value of language corpora for ethnolinguistic research is undeniable. However, it requires not only identifying the different types of corpora and the kinds of information each contains but also developing methods for extracting and interpreting this information. This involves not only recognizing the corpus types but also creating effective strategies for “decoding” and analyzing the data obtained and algorithm of actions clearly cut for the intended purposes (Bartminski, Chlebda 2008: 17–20).

Frequency of concept’s verbalizers and synonyms, their distribution and combinability in the corpus constitute the quantitative information that can be analyzed diachronically and synchronically. The quantitative indicators are translated into qualitative data that testifies to the dynamics of language processes. E. Lassan claims that the density of concept’s verbalizers reflects the importance of the concept for a certain linguistic culture in a certain period. The ways concept’s verbalizers combine with their attributes and objects reveals the processes of concept’s metaphorization and sheds light on the role of the concept in speaker‘s picture of the world. The interpretation of quantitative data considers whether the names of the concept, its synonyms or antonyms prevail in the titles of articles, books, poems, nominations of ships, clubs, cafes, etc. (Lassan 2002). Levchenko (2016) suggests interpreting the frequency with which the name of the analyzed concept appears in associative reactions of native speakers, since the evaluation of “naïve” definitions of the concept (“volia” is …) provided by the native speakers is essential for conclusions concerning the nature of conceptualization.

In this research the interpretation of quantitative corpus data is supplied by the study of concept’s verbalizers semantics, their combinability and their semantic distance, which enhances the principles of concept’s content modelling. We also examine the attributes (in the broad sense of the term) of the concept verbalizer and their objects to trace the peculiarities of concept’s metaphorization.

Results and Discussion

The first part of the analysis involved interpretation of concept’s name (lemma volia / “воля”) frequency in the created subcorpora.

Table 1. Frequency of lemma “воля” in GRAC 16 Chronological Subcorpora

Time period

Volume of the corpus (number of tokens)

Frequency of lemma “воля” %

1900–1990

297 243 612

15.849

1991–2021

1 253 817 342

66.852

2022 (war time)

258 461 822

13.781

Absolute frequency of lemma volia / “воля” (table 2) indicates that the use of the concept in the first year of war (2022) four times exceeds its possible usage per year during the previous 30 years of Ukrainian independence, and forty times its possible usage per year during the period 1900–1990. This indicates that the topicality of the concept has increased and the concept gained prominent positions in social communicative practices and in national collective consciousness under the current conditions.

Table 2. Absolute Frequency of lemma volia / “воля” in Chronological Subcorpora

1900–1990

1991–2021

2022

воля / “volia”

60 649

201 134

27 441

The data revealed the correlation between the concept’s frequency and context. Context also influences the emergence of specific concept’s senses in different periods. Thus, for all defined periods, the most typical contexts of concept usage are legal / criminal and political (see table 3). It is also worth mentioning that during 1900–1990 “volia” as a political category of national freedom, liberty and will is used in the texts published abroad or belonging to diaspora authors. The occurrences of concept of “volia” as political category in Ukrainian domestic media and political discourse dates to 1989. The first year of full-scaled Russian aggression against Ukraine (2022), quite predictably, witnessed the emergence of a new contexts of concept realization; military, diplomatic and moral. This is manifested in the increase of collocations: доброї волі / good will (посол доброї волі) / ambassador of a good will (Log Dice – 11.15); воля до перемоги / will to victory (Log Dice – 6,56); до боротьби / to struggle (Log Dice – 7.12); зламати волю / to break the will (Log Dice – 7.29). In the previous periods, for example, the collocations воля до перемоги / will to victory, до боротьби / to struggle are more frequent in the contexts related to history or politics. The comparative analysis of Log Dice indicators is shown in the table 4.

Table 4. Comparative Analysis of Log Dice Indicators for Collocations воля до перемоги / will to victory and до боротьби / to struggle

1900–1990

1991–2021

2022

воля до боротьби / will to struggle

5.59

6.88

7.12

воля до перемоги / will to victory

6.0

6.01

6.56

Comparison:

2022

І сама бригада, і цей підрозділ вже мають славетну історію боротьби за волю України і світу. (2) У них є, вони це продемонстрували, дуже сильну волю до боротьби та бажання продовжувати захищати позиції (E_MEDIA онлайн-ЗМІ).1

1900–1990

Сьогодні справляємо похорони другій жертві нашої боротьби за Волю (Ґренджа-Донський В. С. Щастя і горе Карпатської України: Щоденник. Мої спогади). (2) Характеризуючи покоління українофілів, Микола Міхновський у своїй праці « Самостійна Україна » писав: «Коли Шевченко своєю смертю освятив шлях боротьби за волю політичну, національну і економічну українського народу , то поблизькі до нього покоління з т. зв. українофільського табору на свойому прапорі виписали «робім так, щоби ніхто ніде не бачив нашої роботи» (Петро Голубенко. Самостійна Україна).2

1991–2021

Також він наголосив, що володіє залізними нервами і залізною волею до перемоги, тому не має наміру реагувати на будь-які емоційні заяви з боку партнерів, а планує в останній тиждень зосередитися на мобілізації виборців і боротьбі за максимальний результат (E_MEDIAонлайн-ЗМІ). (2) Ми стали сильною нацією і ми повинні тут, в тому числі і в парламенті продемонструвати єдність, продемонструвати нашу спільну волю до перемоги, продемонструвати нашу відповідальність перед країною і майбутнім і тоді перемога буде за нами, а вона буде за нами (Стенограми засідань Верховної Ради України)3

The next stage of the research involved establishing the list of concept’s synonymic verbalizers, their absolute and relative frequency in the corpus. This enables us to make conclusions concerning the distribution of concept’s verbalizers, to indicate the density of concept’s nominations, the dynamics of their “behaviour” displayed as their rating position in chronological corpora. These algorithms disclose certain shifts of concept’s content and the tendencies of its foregrounding in the consciousness of native speakers, specific aspects of its comprehension under the influence of historic context.

Based on the dictionaries of synonyms, a list of verbalizers of “volia” concept has been compiled:

бажання / will, desire, благодать/grace, benevolence, визволення / liberation, вимога / request, demand, вільність / ease, влада / power, готовність / readiness, довілля, дозвілля leisure , жадання / craving, звільнення / emancipation, лахва / respite, наказ / order, наполегливість / persistency, настрій / mood, невимушеність / effortlessness, незалежність / independence, облада/ possession, обшир / space, vastness, охота / lust, побажання / wish, пожадання /passion, craving, привілля / privilege, призвілля / free will, простір / expanse, простора / latitude, просторище, просторінь, просторість / vast unlimited space, прохання / request, plea, рішучість / determination, роздолля / vastness or free life, розкріпачення / enslavery, розліг, розлоги, розложисько / boundless space, розмах / scope, самовлада, самовладання / self-control, самостійність / self-reliance, свобода / freedom, суверенітет / sovereignty, схотінка, хіть, хотіння, / lust, увілля relief, release, among which, alongside with the literary language units, there are stylistically loaded ones (slang and dialectal units). However, not all these synonymic variants are represented in the GRAG 16 version.

Analyzing the diachronic aspect of concept of “volia”, O. Yatskevich defined three constant semantic zones in the concept profile: “desire / will”, “power, strength”, and “freedom / liberty” (Yatskevich, 2009:7). Instead, the considered lexicographic material testifies to the presence of other profiles of the concept, which are related to spatial representations, psychological states of the subject (readiness, determination, self-control and the enjoyment of feeling free, living without constrains, indulgence). Thus, the synonymic verbalizers of the concepts are represented by the following groups:

“volia” / freedom: the right and ability to act at one’s discretion, power; the right and opportunity to act, free will, lack of limitations; privilege, absence of any restrictions, free life; complete freedom of action; freedom of life, existence, etc. independence; the ability to behave at your own discretion;

“volia” / independence / liberty: freedom, the absence of political and economic oppression; the absence of political, social, and economic dependence; the absence of oppression and restrictions in the social and political life of society;

“volia” / self-control / persistence; determination;

“volia” / wish; desire; demand;

“volia’ / liberation / emancipation;

“volia” / space / expanse / vastness boundlessness, limitlessness.

The synonyms of the concept are unevenly distributed in the created subcorpora (the table 5 represents the frequency of some selected synonyms). Synonyms with the highest frequency are will/ wish, liberation, power, liberty / freedom, order, sovereignty, independence, readiness, determination. Their absolute frequency in 2022 exceeds the per year frequency of a certain word during the previous periods [1991–2021, the 30 years of Ukrainian independence]) from 4 to 11 times relatively. It means that the formation of the concept’s content has not been completed and is in the process of shaping and foregrounding the most relevant conceptual features under the influence of the changing conditions of the national existence (see table 5).

Table 5. The Frequency of Some Selected Synonyms

1900–1990

1991–2021

2022

бажання / will, desire

29535

130538

24176

визволення / leberation

14043

13184

4615

влада / power

134549

925178

137694

готовність / readiness

8710

66580

23758

звільнення / emancipation

22457

138061

41690

наказ / order

29689

85280

24089

незалежність / independence

22653

167193

36111

рішучість / determination

2764

7948

4747

свобода / freedom

43725

270689

41973

суверенітет / sovereignty

7878

41509

15156

The diagram 1 below visualizes the concept’s synonyms dynamics.

Diagram 1. The Concept’s Synonyms Dynamics. Source: authors’ own work

However, as the diagram 2 below shows, the general frequency of the main concept verbalizer “volia” / lemma “воля” decreases.

Diagram 2. The General Frequency of the Very Concept Verbalizer “volia” / lemma “воля”. Source: authors’ own work

The analysis of relative frequency of the concept’s synonyms and calculation of their rating (see table 6 below) allowed tracing the place occupied by each verbalizer in the definite historical period and its topicality for national community. The list of concept’s verbalizers that changed (enhanced) their position includes: liberty/ freedom, liberation, independence, order, readiness, sovereignty. It is uniquely specific that the general name of the concept (lemma volia / “воля”) shifted to the lower rating position. There is a perceptible decrease in the positions of spatial synonyms of the concept. The rating dynamics of other concept’s verbalizers is variable.

Table 6. The Rating of Concept’s Synonyms Dynamics

1900–1990

1991–2021

2022

влада / power

1

0,04526556

1

0,07378890

1

0,053274406

свобода/ freedom

4

0,01471016

3

0,02158919

2

0,016239536

звільнення liberation

11

0,00755508

8

0,01101125

3

0,016130042

незалежність / independence

9

0,00762102

5

0,01333472

4

0,013971503

обшир / vastness

10

0,00762102

6

0,01333472

5

0,013584598

вимога / demand

3

0,01674048

2

0,02501146

6

0,012756623

простір / space

5

0,01104515

7

0,01235379

8

0,010056804

бажання / desire

7

0,00993629

9

0,01041125

9

0,009353799

наказ / order

6

0,00998810

11

0,00680163

10

0,009320139

готовність / readiness

14

0,00293026

12

0,00531018

11

0,009192073

прохання / request

12

0,00645968

10

0,00911879

12

0,008314574

суверенітет / sovereignty

15

0,00265035

14

0,00331061

12

0,005863922

настрій / mood

8

0,00796148

12

0,00550934

14

0,005430976

рішучість / determination

20

0,00092988

19

0,00063390

15

0,001836635

визволення / liberation

12

0,00472441

16

0,00105151

16

0,001785564

побажання / wish. will

19

0,00126899

15

0,00125577

17

0,000865505

дозвілля / leisure

21

0,00076368

18

0,00077531

18

0,000771100

привілля / free time

28

0,00010025

30

0,00002425

19

0,000408571

самостійність / self-reliance

16

0,00194689

17

0,00089447

20

0,000362529

розмах / scope

18

0,00130297

20

0,00045302

21

0,000291339

наполегливість / persistence

23

0,00043365

21

0,00035571

22

0,000266964

благодать / grace

22

0,00045350

22

0,00033625

23

0,000182232

охота / lust

17

0,00169692

23

0,00016868

24

0,000049137

самовладання / self-control

31

0,00007940

27

0,00004474

25

0,000024375

хотіння / craving

25

0,00029033

28

0,00003717

26

0,000017024

хіть / longing

29

0,00009151

24

0,00006101

27

0,000009286

роздолля / free will

30

0,00008915

32

0,00001651

28

0,000009286

вільність / privilege

26

0,00026006

26

0,00004849

29

0,000007738

невимушеність / easiness

32

0,00005618

29

0,00003222

30

0,000006964

розкріпачення / emancipation

33

0,00005585

31

0,00001834

32

0,000001161

просторість / spaceness

38

0,00000370

35

0,00000247

33

0,000001161

The obtained data desclose the influence of the historic context on the dynamic changes in the content of the concept Volia. The full-scaled russian agression against Ukraine foregrounded those features of the concept that manifest the changes in collectve consciousness, prominence of the basic values of national survival, aspiration for victory. They discloses the features of modern Ukrainian identity as a united modern European nation strugling for: “volia” – свобо́да (svoboda) / “freedom”; nezalezhnist (independence); executing power / vlada (power); expressing desire, determination / bazhannia (will, desire). The examples below demonstrate the contextual associativeness of “volia” concept’s synonym “svoboda” / freedom with the notions of democracy, Europe, European Union, European community, protection, security, peace and reveal that concept of “volia” is discursively conceptualized as a common value and the foundation of national existence:

Уся зброя, якою ви можете допомогти нам, буде використана тільки для захисту нашої свободи вашої свободи.

Тільки для захисту тієї свободи та безпеки, якими ви користуєтесь разом з іншими європейцями.

Щоб відзначити нашу спільну свободу, наше спільне право на щасливе майбутнє для наших дітей. (Промова Президента України Володимира Зеленського в парламенті Норвегії – Стортингу)

Міністр оборони Латвії Артіс Пабрікс (і, зізнаюся, мій добрий друг) добре висловив це на нещодавній конференції в Берліні, коли відверто сказав: «Ми готові померти за свободу

Ми не розуміємо, у чому цінність чинного міжнародного порядку, і не в курсі, щоуспішна атака росіян на сусідні країни ставить під загрозу також нашу свободу , безпеку та процвітання.

…а отже, найвищу цінність— свободу, в Німеччині ці події асоціюють насамперед із максимами «мир» і «стабільність»

Вони люто і віддано б›ються за свободу , навіть попри величезну перевагу ворога в кількості.

Допомагати Україні—виправдано з політичної й стратегічної точки зору: на карту поставлено нашу свободу й безпеку.

Є нації, де цінності усвідомлюються як стрижень ідентичності: «Брити ніколи не будуть рабами», «За вашу і нашу свободу »—там усе простіше.

…прагнучи стандартів свободи та верховенства права Європейського Союзу. (Український тиждень)4

The next stage of the research involved the analysis of concept’s content: the semantics of concept’s synonyms were examined and the semantic distance between the verbalizers of the concept of “volia” was calculated using their definitions in the explanatory dictionary of modern Ukrainian (SUM–11). The semantic distance based on dictionary definitions is determined according to the following formula:

К= ١ – с/ m+n-с,

where С represents the quantity of common semantic components (the number of components that diverge); m and n represent the number of semantic components in the dictionary definition of each word (Levytsliy 2006: 128). A value of 0 means that these words do not have similar contexts and their meanings are not related to each other. A value of 1 indicates full identity of contexts and, consequently, the proximity of meaning. In practice, values above 0 are considered grounds for conclusions. By applying the aforementioned formula, we obtained data concerning the common semantic components in the definitions of the verbalizers of the concept of “volia” and the semantic distance between these verbalizers. The list of verbalizers and the indicators of their semantic relations are given in order of increasing semantic distance:

влада / power (0,315789), вільність / liberty (0,282051), свобода / freedom (0,194175), самостійність / self-determination (0,192771), роздолля / free life (0,133333), незалежність / independence (0,121212), привілля / privilege, frivolity (free from restrictions or obligations) (0,103448), суверенітет / sovereignty (0,101695), наказ / order (0,1), хіть / lust (0,098361), звільнення / liberation (0,097087), рішучість / determination (0,086957), визволення / emancipation (0,084507), просторище / vastness (0,081081), побажання / wish (0,072727), охота / craving (0,071429), дозвілля / leisure (0,070175), розкріпачення / release from serfdom (0,066667), вимога / demand (0,0625), простір / space (0,055556), обшир / unlimited space (0,054054), просторість / unboundlessness (0,05), хотіння / desirability (0,037736), настрій / mood (0,033898), облада / possession (0,032258), просторінь / vast unlimited space (0,029412), готовність/ readiness (0,025641), розмах / scope (0,021739).

Power, liberty, freedom, and independence are the closest synonyms in terms of their semantic components proximity. On the other hand, no shared semantic components were found in the definitions of synonyms grace/benevolence, desire, frivolity, persistence, determination, request, complacency, self-control, and wish.

The verbalizer “svoboda” / “freedom” displays the following indicators of its semantic distance with other analyzed synonymous:

воля / “volia” in the of liberty (0,194175), просторище / vastness (0,190476), розкріпачення / emancipation, revealing from serfdom (0,173913), простір / space (0,17284), звільнення / liberation (0,160714), привілля / privilege, frivolity (0,149254), обшир / spaceness (0,144578), самостійність / self-determination, self-reliance (0,130435), роздолля / free life (0,115942), вільність / easiness, naturalness (0,114943), просторість / unlimited space (0,089888), влада / power (0,082192), незалежність / independence (0,08), хотіння / wish, lust (0,08), визволення / liberation (0,075), дозвілля / leisure (0,060606), просторінь / unbounded space (0,051948), суверенітет / sovereignty (0,035714), хіть / craving (0,034483), жадання / passion, passionate desire (0,029412), наполегливість / persistence (0,028571), вимога /demand (0,027397), розмах / scope (0,019802). The verbalizer “svoboda” / “freedom” has no common semantic components with наказ / order, рішучість / determination, побажання / wish, охота / lust, настрій / mood, облада / possession, готовність / determination, благодать / grace, benevolence, бажання / desire, вольність / freedom as priviledge, прохання / request, розліг / spacefulness, scope, самовладання / self-control.

The pictures 1 and 2 below visualize the results of comparative analysis of verbalizers that share common sematic components with the words “volia” – “freedom / liberty” in their definitions.

Thus, the obtained data substantiates that the following verbalizers are the semantically closest to “volia”: power, easiness (naturalness), freedom, self-reliance, free life (privilege, absence of obligations), independence, sovereignty, order, lust, liberation, determination, liberation (release), space (vastness), wish, willingness, leisure, emancipation, demand, space, extent, spaciousness, craving, mood, openness (open, unlimited space), readiness, scope. On the other hand, according to lexicographical data analysis, the definitions of the word “voila” and the verbalizers desire, grace, longing (passion), persistence, request, complacency, and self-control do not share common semantic components.

We also supplemented the analysis of the semantic distance between the concept of “volia” verbalizers by calculating their sematic relations in discourse (based on the texts from Wikipedia). The distance between verbalizers was determined using the application Complex information system of scientific research “Automated workplace of a scientific researcher” ([at:] http://icybcluster.org.ua:34145/word2vec/similar/ [date of access: 15.11.2025]). This algorithm is known as a vector analysis. In distributional semantics, words are usually represented as vectors in the multidimensional space of their contexts. Semantic similarity is calculated as the cosine proximity between vectors of two words and can have values within [-1 ... 1] (in practice, only values above 0 are often taken into consideration). The interpretation of the results, thus, is similar to the previous analysis based on dictionary definitions. It should be noted that only individual verbalizers of the studied concept appear in Wikipedia texts. While Wikipedia cannot be considered a representative source, it does reveal some extent of the semantic similarity of the verbalizers. Picture 3 below visualizes the data of vector analysis.

Picture 1. Semantic Relation between the concept of “volia” Synonymic Verbalizers. Source: authors’ own work

Picture 2. Semantic Relation between the concept of “volia” Synonymic Verbalizers. Source: authors’ own work

Thus, based on the analysis of Wikipedia texts, the highest semantic proximity is between the word “volia” and the verbalizers desire, liberty, freedom, power, self-reliance, determination, passion (strong desire). By applying both algorithms of semantic analysis we obtained two lists of semantically closest concept’s verbalizers. Both lists contain practically similar words; nevertheless, they differ in the order of the units. In the table 7, which presents correlation of vector and lexicographic analysis, the elements are listed in the descending order of semantic closeness:

Picture 3. Quantitative Data of Vector Analysis of the concept of “volia” Synonymic Verbalizers. Source: authors’ own work

Table 7. Correlation of Vector and Lexicographic Analysis Results

List obtained from Wikipedia texts analysis

List obtained by lexicographic resources analysis

1.бажання / desire

1.влада / power

2.свобода / freedom

2.вільність / ease, naturalness

3.влада / power

3.свобода / freedom

4.самостійність / self-reliance

4.самостійність / self-reliance

5.рішучість / determination

5.роздолля / free life, absence of obligations

6.жадання / passion

6.незалежність / independence

7.вольність / privilege of being free

7.привілля / privilege, release from obligations

8.суверенітет / sovereignty

8.суверенітет / sovereignty

9.наполегливість / determination

9.наказ / order

10.самовладання / self-control

10.хіть / lust

11.звільнення / liberation

11.звільнення / liberation

12.незалежність / independence

12.рішучість / determination

13.благодать / grace, benevolence

13.визволення / liberation, emancipation

14.готовність / readiness

14.просторище / vastness

15.охота / craving

15.побажання / wish

16.вільність / ease, naturalness

16.охота / craving

17.настрій / mood

17.дозвілля / leisure

18.наказ / order

18.вимога / demand

19.побажання / wish

19.простір / space

20.вимога/ demand

20.готовність / readiness

21.визволення / emancipation

22.прохання / request

23.простір / space

24.розмах / scope

25.дозвілля / leisure

The comparison of the obtained results substantiates the fact that concept’s semantics is of dynamic character influenced by discourse practices and contextual conditions.

At the next stage of the research we aimed to describe the content of the concept of “volia” according to the defined profiles: “volia” – freedom, liberty; “volia” – power; “volia” – will, wish; “volia” – determination, readiness; “volia” – benevolence, grace; “volia” – space. For this purpose, we scrutinize the combinability of the word “volia” / “воля” with its synonyms within the frame of each profile applying the techniques of concordance and list of collocations compilation (as the in-build corpus instrument). The semantics of lexical units (predicates, attributes, objects) with which the concept’s verbalizers are combined show the specificity of the processes of conceptualization, which in its turn allows identifying the core cognitive features of the concept according to the defined conceptual profiles.

Conceptual profile “volia – freedom/liberty/liberation.” The combinability of the words “свобода” / freedom, “незалежність” / independence, “вільність/вольність/воля/звільнення” / liberation, liberty with attributes, verbs, objects, the meanings of which are “development,” “state,” “conditioning,” “absence of limitations, restrictions and obstacles,” “naturalness,” “conventionality” provides for identifying the cognitive feature “condition and state”: умовний / conditional, безумовний / unconditional, general, limited/unlimited, international, national, human freedom, liberty, etc.).

Respectively, the combinations of the above mentioned synonyms with attributes, verbs, objects of the general semantics “lawfulness,” “regulations,” “power,” etc. provides for identifying the cognitive feature “ability to achieve, grant, get freedom.” These combinations delineate interpretation of freedom as privilege granted to the subject by the power or obtained as a lawful act (an individual / state / society / social / civil / minority / academic freedom, liberty, etc.). Other cognitive features of volia identified in “volia – freedom/liberty/liberation” profile are:

actionality (general semantics of collocates: to get, to struggle for freedom, protect freedom; to act, to grant, to win back, to achieve, to choose; determination, readiness, intention etc.);

forms of expression and intensity (general semantics of collocates: to express, to declare, to testify; fullness, completeness, all-embracing character, etc.).

For example:

Нагадаємо, Нобелівську премію миру в 2021 році було присуджено спільно Марії Рессе та Дмитру Муратову “ за їхні зусилля щодо захисту свободи вираження думок, які є передумовою демократії та міцного світу “ [Онлайн-ЗМІ «Апостроф»]

Але, в той самий час, ми розраховуємо на адекватну допомогу від світової спільноти демократичних країн захистити демократію, захистити свободу, захистити Україну [Онлайн-ЗМІ «Житомир.info»]

Ви взяли до рук зброю, щоб захистити свободу і рідних [Онлайн-ЗМІ «24 канал»]

Адже свобода – це не стан за замовчуванням [Онлайн-ЗМІ «24 канал»]

Світ має пам›ятати, що Україна бореться за свободу, і що ця боротьба повинна завершитися перемогою якнайшвидше [Онлайн-ЗМІ «Interfax-Україна»]

З моменту окупації навесні 2014 року — тобто вже вісім років — мешканці окупованого Донбасу позбавлені елементарних громадянських прав і свобод [Інтернет-журнал «Український тиждень»]

Кирило-Мефодіївське братство ставило за мету ліквідацію кріпосного права, знищення самодержавства, станів, дворянських привілеїв, забезпечення громадянських свобод [Інтернет-журнал «Український тиждень»]

Законодавці висловлюють стурбованість з приводу довгого списку основних прав, які, на їхню думку, перебувають під загрозою, включаючи виборчу систему, незалежність судової влади, недоторканність приватного життя, свободу вираження думок, плюралізм ЗМІ, академічну свободу, права ЛГБТК та захист меншин та прохачів притулку [Онлайн-ЗМІ «УНН»]5.

The same algorithm of analysis has been applied to identify the core cognitive features of all conceptual profiles: the semantics of attributes, verbs, objects have been summarized and generalized. The core cognitive features of the concept of “volia” in each profile were identified by defining common semantic components of lexical elements that enframe a certain verbalizer in the context. The cognitive features are listed in descending order according to the frequency and variety of combinations with specific collocates.

The identified cognitive features of the concept of “volia” – conceptual profile “volia” – power” are the following:

regulation, governing force, subjectivity / objectivity (general semantics of collocates: the state, power, strength, state body, regulation, lawfulness, legal, right, order; state – individual, state – society relations; sovereignty);

actionality, privilege (general semantics of collocates: to get, to grant, to authorize, to obtain, to inspire, to desire);

state and conditions (general semantics of collocates: naturalness, abilities, consciousness, conscious, intentional, thought, idea, psyche);

forms of expression (general semantics of collocates: official – unofficial , order, regulation, principle).

The identified cognitive features of the concept of “volia” – conceptual profile “volia” – will / wish, desire” are the following:

fulfillment (general semantics of collocates: determination, encouragement, intention, aspirations, aim; thoughts, personal, intervention enticement);

regulation (general semantics of collocates: to govern, to manage, to dispose of, to order);

forms of expression (general semantics of collocates: to express, to address, to direct; personal / official);

intensity (general semantics of collocates: passionate, desire for freedom, intemperance, passion).

The identified cognitive features of the conceptual profile “volia” – determination, readiness” are the following:

state and conditions, with reference to the subject / a human being (general semantics of collocates: endurance, composure, confidence);

forms of expression or experiencing (general semantics of collocates: to express, to dispose, to display);

intensity (general semantics of collocates: categorical, passionate, unviable, excited, energetic, strong, stable);

actionality (general semantics of collocates: deed, action, thought, aim, movement, development, achievement).

The identified cognitive features of the conceptual profile “volia” – benevolence, grace” are the following:

state and conditions (general semantics of collocates: richness, gift, welfare, goodness, calmness, happiness, generosity, mood, luck, fullness of being, naturalness, ease, unconditionality);

actionality (general semantics of collocates: experiencing, desire, enjoyment, involvement, passion, rest, leisure, release, indulgence).

The identified cognitive features of the conceptual profile “volia” – space” are the following:

mode of representation (general semantics of collocates: unrestricted movement, flying, objective in relation to the subject of experience, unprotected, unrestricted, unlimited, direction, amplification, expansion, openness, scope, distance, naturalness, wilderness);

size, dimension (general semantics of collocates: vastness, greatness, wideness, length, 2dimention, 3dimention);

material representation (general semantics of collocates: land, earth, surface, territory, fullness, emptiness, flatness)

development (general semantics of collocates: changes, movement).

It is worth mentioning, that the content of the concept of “volia” in “volia” – benevolence, grace” and “volia” – freedom, liberty, liberation” profiles reveals some common features with “volia” – space” conceptual profile. These features include limitlessness and absence of obstacles, since the subject experiencing the freedom as benevolence or grace exists in the space or is transferred to the space devoid of limitations and constrains. The analysis of combinability disclosed that the action of liberation manifests strong connections with the idea of changing the spatial parameters of the subject’s conditions and state.

… славне козацтво боронило Україну від ворога й братів своїх визволяло — з неволі, з кайданів, з тюрми … (Андрій Чайковский. Сагайдачний)

Черкаські депутати рушили у Київ визволяти Тимошенко із «застінків Генпрокуратури» (MEDIAонлайн-ЗМІ)6

The existence of common conceptual feature or their absence in verbalizers belonging to different conceptual profiles disposes content closeness or distance between these conceptual profiles. These common features of the conceptual content lay the foundation for the metaphorization of the concept, which will be discussed later.

At the next stage of the research, we analyzed verbal and attribitive combinations Verb + “ volia” / “воля”: дати / дарувати волю – give/grant the freedom, позбавити волі – take the freedom; зламати волю – break the will; виборювати волю – fight for freedom, etc. and Adj. + “ volia” / “воля”: сильна воля – strong will, залізна воля – the iron will, etc. The obtained results also shed light on the peculiarities of conceptualization, the foregrounding of certain cognitive features or a set of features in concept’s content, their dynamic changes in historical contexts. It allowed to establish models of the concept of “volia” metaphorization. The presented indicators demonstrate the usage of a combination per one million of tokens in the corpus.

Table 8. Verb + “volia” / воля combinations

Verb

1900 – 1990

1991 – 2021

2022

позбавити/позбавляти / to deprive

0,10877

0,5945

0,14769

давати/дат / to give

0,31512

0,56518

0,06399

мати / to have

0,07517

0,15196

0,03039

втратити/втрачати / to lose

0,016

0,03466

0,00747

обмінювати / to exchange

0

0

0,00693

прагнути / to strive for, to aspire

0,02506

0,3146

0,00267

здобувати/здобути / to get

0,05385

0,07999

0,00106

The figures obtained substantiate the influence of the historical context on the topicality of certain aspects of metaphoric conceptualization. The relative high frequency of combinations здобути волю / to get, to struggle for freedom (1991–2021), мати волю / to have the freedom, дати/давати волю / to give the freedom (1991–2021) reflect the formation of the evaluative component of the metaphor “freedom is a value.” The considerable increase in frequency of combination позбавити/позбавляти волі / to deprive somebody of freedom (1900–1990) and (2022) in comparison to the time period of Ukrainian independence (1990–2021) demonstrates that the evaluative component of the metaphor becomes more pronounced in historical contexts of totalitarian regimes and the current war. Thus, these metaphors accentuate that “the subject (the possessor) of the freedom can be deprived of it by force” or “the valuable object is under the threat of being taken by the force.”

“Volia” as power is conceptualized by the metaphoric models

“the will is a power, force, instrument, power of God, will of God, fate”: прийняти, поважати, виражати, демонструвати волю / to accept, to respect, to express, to demonstrate the power, підкорятися волі, коритися волі / to obey to the power, вволити / accomplish, fulfil, творити волю / execute power;

metaphoric model “the will / power is a text”: диктувати волю / to dictate the will / to exert the power.

“Volia” as power is ascribed the attributes describing intensity of power execution (непохитна / steadfast, сильна / strong, могутня / omnipotent, жорстка / tough) or naming the subject / possessor of power (народна воля / power of people, суверенна / sovereign, українська / Ukrainian, політична воля / political power). The frequency of these attributive combinations also indicates the topicality of the concept features in the definite periods. A deeper contextual and semantic analysis reveal the dependence of concept frequency and density on political and social communicative practices.

Table 9. Adjective + “volia”/воля combinations

Adjective / attribute

1900–1990

1991–2021

2022

суверенна / sovereign

0,01386

0,06131

0,00693

українська / Ukrainian

0,01707

0,02772

0,00853

політична / political

0,55771

0,07379

0,54012

народна / people

0,22021

0,32843

0,01386

національна / national

0,07304

0,06079

0,0048

As the data in table 9 demonstrate, there is a perceptible increase in the frequency of combinations “політична воля” / “political will / power” in the period 1900–1990 and 2022. However, the senses of the concept vary in different contexts. In the period of 1900–1990, the combinations “political will,” “political power” related to the contexts of Ukrainian national liberation; the subject of the political power or will is the whole nation, the people either aspiring to obtain a political power and the right to execute its power and free will or the people aspiring to social and other forms of realization of their political rights. In the period of 1990–2021, the subject of the political will and political power incorporated both the national government, state, political entity and the nation as a whole. These word combinations realize the senses: “ability / disability to act / to make decisions, to be the agents of changes, etc., however there is a perceptible imbalance in frequency of both groups of subjects. The number of word combinations “народна воля,” “воля народу” / “power of people,” “will of people” is higher, which manifests transformation in social comprehension of volia as power against the background of enhanced people political activity, their political awareness, formation of civil society in this historical period. In the 2022 discourse, the conceptual senses “ability / disability to act / to make decisions, to be the agents of changes also dominate, but we simultaneously observe that the referential meaning of the nominations of the subject of political power and will has extended. It incorporates state, governmental, social, international, transinternational entities (NATO, EU, allies, Europe, etc.). All mentioned above impacts the development of the conceptual features “state and conditions,” “regulation,” “actionality,” “subjectivity / objectivity” under the influence of definite historical and political conditions in which Ukrainian nation exists and struggles for freedom.

The concept of “volia” in conceptual profiles “freedom” and “will / determination” is metaphorized by the model “volia is an object influenced / affected by external / destructive force(s),” which also intensifies the evaluative aspect of conceptualization. The identified model of metaphorization actualizes in the verbal word combinations the frequency of which is presented in the table 10 below. The growing frequency of these collocations in the period of Ukrainian independence and during the war indicates the topicality of evaluative metaphoric senses:

Table 10. Verb + “volia” / воля combinations

Verb

1900–1990

1991–2021

2022

зламати/зломити/зламувати / to break

0,12315

0,04639

0,11944

підірвати / to disrupt

0

0,00107

0,01653

послабити /to weaken

0,00053

0,00853

0,00906

придушити/придушувати / to suppress

0,00213

0,01653

0,00586

The analysis of attributes ascribed to the concept of “volia” – “will, determination” (see table 11) also makes it possible to define the metaphoric model “volia is the object with specific property” (metal, strong, unbreakable, etc.).

Table 11. Adjective + “volia”/воля combinations

Adjective

1900–1990

1991–2021

2022

залізний / iron

0,06345

0,10717

0,01866

сталевий / steel

0,0112

0,02346

0,05652

Other specific variations of the defined model include:

golden

0,00746

hardened steel

0,00213

silicon

0,00107

copper

0,00107

granite

0,00053

diamond

0,00053

All of them (except golden) actualize a stereotypical image of will and determination as a physically strong material, whereas “golden will” – as both strong and valuable substance.

Indiscriminately the concept of “volia” in all its profiles is ascribed the characterostics of size (which supports the statement that the content of the concept of “volia” in all its profiles retains a spatial metaphoric semantic shades):

great

0,02506

large

0,01387

unlimited

0,00746

huge

0,00320

worldwide

0,00320

the greatest

0,00213

short

0,00159

colossal

0,00107

tiny

0,00107

wide

0,00053

all-embracing

0,00053

minimal

0,00053

limitless

0,00053

We have come across some attributes denoting “taste,” arbitrary colour and gender attributes

sweet

0,00107

salty

0,00053

bitter

0,00053

white

0,00053

green

0,00107

red

0,00266

female (1900–1990)

0,0064

female (1990–2021)

0,02239

female (2022)

0

Definitions of volia provided by native speakers reflect the collective perception of the metaphorized phenomenon. Syntactic units “воля – це’ / “volia is” (in which the word “volia” / “воля” is used in different lexical meanings) extracted from the corpus embody the following metaphoric models: “volia” is a plant; a natural power / force; emotion / sensation / state (often love), conditions; irrational (emotional) force opposed to reason; transcendental force governing an individual or social relations; a choice; a word; a karma; a key to success; a natural (physical / mental) state / condition. Syntactic units “свобода – це” / “freedom is” incarnate metaphoric senses: freedom is sacred power; eternal motion / advance; choice; motivation, value; diamond; fragile object; a flower that should be cherished; a privilege to serve one’s own nation; a hard work; the act of God; a creation of something new; a warrior, and Ukraine itself.

The concept of “volia” is extensively represented in Ukrainian toponymical nominations. “Volya” functions as a name or a component in compound geographical names. For instance 22 names of villages, especially in Western regions of Ukraine, rivers, national parks contain “volia” as morphological or lexical component (village Galina Volya (1895) situated in Volya river basin that is the tributary of Pripyat (Lists of Ukrainian historic toponyms). The toponyms of this kind are semantic derivatives of the appellative “Volia” (in the meaning “freedom / liberty / liberation”) that foregrounds socio-economic, and geographical senses: “a free settlement; a village inhabited by free people or people exempted from certain obligations.” The village of Shchytynska Volya, Volyn Lake in the Ratniv district of the Volyn region, and the name of the entire region in the northwestern part of Ukraine – Volyn (Luchyk 2014) – are just a few examples. “Slobidka” is a name of a village, founded in 1883 (Marynych 1990. Vol. 3: 531) (Codem district, Odessa region). The toponym is a diminutive form of an Old Russ notion “sloboda” which is a settlement or part of the village inhabited by free people, free settlement” (Melnychuk 2006, vol. 5: 305). In different regions of Ukraine there are about 50 oikonyms with the component “slobidka” and 40 ones with “sloboda” component.

“Slobidska Ukraine” is a historic region, which included the territory of Kharkiv, parts of Sumy, Donetsk, Luhansk region of Ukraine and Kursk, Belgorod, and Voronezh region of Russia. Its main population consisted of Ukrainian peasants and Cossacks who founded “slobodas” there, united in regiments. Thus, the notion “sloboda” was added to the name “Ukraine” to indicate its status and the status of its inhabitants. “Slobozhanshchyna” is a choronym created from the attribute “slobidskiy” with the help of the suffix -schin(a) (Marynych 1990, vl. 3: 201). Attribute “slobozhansky” in relational-spatial function and the collective noun “slobozhany” (“inhabitants of “Slobidska” or “free” Ukraine”) are common notions in Ukrainian language used to refer to Ukrainian citizens of those regions.

The components “sloboda” are frequent featured of west Ukrainian geographic names, for instance the village Sloboda in Kolomiyski district of Ivano-Frankivsk region. Slobodo-Rungur lowland is the highest part of the confluence of the Prut and Cheremosh rivers in Precarpathia, the southern part of Ivano-Frankiv region. Oronym arose in the result of lexicalization and onymization of the word combination with the basic component “rungur” / “lowlands” (Haborak 2013: 434–435; Marynych 1990, vol. 3: 201).

The considerable presence of geographical names incorporating the component “Volia” (freedom) in Ukrainian indicates a deep-seated element within the national consciousness. This widespread occurrence substantiates the metaphorization of “volia” by illustrating how the concepts of physical space and freedom are intertwined in the collective identity. The unity of these notions highlights the cultural significance of “volia” as both a tangible and symbolic representation of freedom in the Ukrainian ethos.

Conclusions

The concept of “volia” / “воля” holds a significant position in the mentality of the Ukrainian nation and can be regarded as one of the prevailing elements of Ukrainian identity. Corpus-based analysis offers insights into the verbalization of concept “vola” dynamics. Notably, there has been an increase in the frequency of the concept during the period of Russian aggression, which highlights its relevance in social communicative practices and the collective consciousness of the nation under current conditions. Examination of corpora data reveals a correlation between contextual factors and the frequency of the concept of “volia” across different time periods. The most prevalent contexts of concept usage throughout defined periods pertain to legal, criminal, and political domains. However, in 2022, during the Russian aggression against Ukraine, new contexts emerged that relate to military, diplomatic, and moral aspects.

The research entailed compiling a list of synonymous verbalizers for the concept of “volia” and analyzing their frequency and distribution within the corpus. By employing corpus and lexicographical data, the research expands upon previously established conceptual profiles. In addition to the three semantic zones identified in the profiling of the concept, namely “desire/will,” “power/strength,” and “freedom/liberty,” other profiles associated with spatial representations and psychological states of the subject have been defined. These include readiness, determination, self-control, and the enjoyment of feeling free and unconstrained.

The representation of synonyms for the concept of “volia” in the corpus exhibits variation across different time periods. Dominant synonyms include will/wish, liberation, power, freedom, order, sovereignty, independence, readiness, and determination. The absolute frequency of these synonyms in 2022 surpasses their annual frequency over the preceding three decades of Ukrainian independence, indicating an ongoing process of shaping and emphasizing the concept’s most pertinent features in response to changing historical conditions.

The research has identified the position and relevance of each verbalizer within specific historical periods. Notably, verbalizers such as liberty/freedom, liberation, independence, order, readiness, and sovereignty have experienced shifts in their positions, signifying their enhanced value for the national community. Interestingly, the general name of the concept has been assigned a relatively lower rating position, while there is a noticeable decrease in the positions of spatial synonyms.

The analysis of data reveals the impact of historical context on the evolving content of the concept of “volia.” The year 2022, marked by the Russian aggression, accentuated those aspects of the concept that reflect changes in collective consciousness and the reestablishment of national values, emphasizing the pursuit for freedom (svoboda), independence (nezalezhnist), exerting power (vlada), and expressing determination (bazhannia). Contextual associations of the synonym “svoboda” with democracy, Europe, European Union, protection, security, and peace illustrate the ongoing process of conceptualizing “volia” as a shared value, the foundation of national existence and geopolitical vector of social advancement.

The research also revealed semantic relations between synonymous verbalizers. The content of the concept of “volia” was explored through the analysis of its various conceptual profiles, including an examination of the semantic relations between synonymous verbalizers within these profiles. Concordance and collocation analysis facilitated the identification of cognitive features associated with each profile, such as regulation, actionality, subjectivity/objectivity, state and conditions, forms of expression, and intensity. Commonalities were observed among certain profiles. These findings contribute to an understanding of the conceptual content of “volia” and lay the groundwork for further discussions on the metaphorical aspects of the concept.

The combinations of the lexeme “volia” with verbs and attributes were analyzed to disclose the metaphorical conceptualization and cognitive features of the concept. The frequency of specific combinations and their temporal variations shed light on the influence of historical context. The analysis identified metaphorical models, such as “volia as a value, valuable/desired object,” within the conceptual profile “volia – freedom.” Additionally, in the conceptual profile “volia – power,” metaphoric models like “volia as power/force/instrument” and “volia as text” were identified. The frequency of certain combinations indicated the relevance and evaluative aspects of metaphorization. The analysis of attributes also contributed to an understanding of the metaphoric models and cognitive features associated with the concept.

By examining syntactic units such as “volia is” and “freedom is” in the corpus, additional specific metaphoric models were identified for each concept. Metaphors for “volia” included a plant, a natural power/force, an emotion/state related to specific conditions, an irrational force opposing reason, a transcendental force governing individuals or social relations, a choice, a word, karma, a key to success, and a natural state/condition. Metaphors for “freedom” included sacred power, eternal motion/advance, choice, motivation, value, diamond, fragile object, cherished flower, privilege to serve one’s own nation, hard work, act of God, creation of something new, a warrior, and Ukraine itself. These findings demonstrate the diverse and nuanced ways in which the concepts are metaphorically reflected and experienced by native speakers.

The concept of “volia” prominently manifests in Ukrainian toponyms, with numerous villages, rivers, and geographical locations bearing the names or components “Volya” and “Svoboda.” These toponyms originated from the semantic meaning of “Volia” as “freedom” and highlight the socio-economic and geographical aspects of human relations and the revitalization of space. The significant number of geographical names containing the component “Volia” (freedom) in Ukrainian reflects a profound aspect of the national consciousness. This prevalence underscores the metaphorization of “volia” in all its meanings, uniting the notions of physical space and the concept of freedom as a mode of existence and human relation with the space.

Corpus-based research has proven to be an invaluable tool in the study of cultural concepts and national identity across various contexts. This form of analysis facilitates the identification of significant linguistic markers that encapsulate and reinforce cultural values, beliefs, and practices.

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1 (1) Both the brigade itself and this unit already have a glorious history of fighting for the freedom of Ukraine and the world. (2) They have, they have demonstrated, a very strong will to fight and a desire to continue defending positions (E_MEDIA online media). Unless otherwise indicated translations are those of the authors.

2 (1) Today we are holding a funeral for the second victim of our struggle for Freedom (Grenja-Donsky V.S. Happiness and grief of Carpathian Ukraine: Diary. My memories). (2) Characterizing the generation of Ukrainophiles, Mykola Mikhnovsky in his work “Independent Ukraine” wrote: “When Shevchenko with his death sanctified the path of struggle for the political, national and economic freedom of the Ukrainian people, the generations close to him from the so-called Ukrainophile camp wrote on their flag “we are doing it so that no one sees our work anywhere” (Petro Golubenko. Independent Ukraine).

3 (1) He also emphasized that he has iron nerves and an iron will to win, so he does not intend to respond to any emotional statements of his partners, but plans to focus on mobilizing voters and fighting for the maximum result in the last week (E_MEDIAonline). (2) We have become a strong nation and here, in the parliament as well, we must, demonstrate unity, demonstrate our common will to victory, demonstrate our responsibility for the country and the future, and then the victory will be ours, and it will be ours (Transcripts of the meetings of Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine)

4 1. All weapons with which you can help us will be used only to defend our freedom and your freedom.

2. Only to protect the freedom and security you enjoy, we all enjoy with other Europeans.

3. To celebrate our shared freedom, our shared right to a happy future for our children. (Speech of the President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyi in the Parliament of Norway - Storting)

4. Latvian Defense Minister Artis Pabriks (and, admittedly, a good friend of mine) put it well at a recent conference in Berlin when he bluntly said, “We are ready to die for freedom

5. We do not understand the value of the current international order and are not aware that a successful Russian attack on neighboring countries also endangers our freedom, security and prosperity.

6. ...and therefore, the highest value - the freedom, in Germany these events are primarily associated with “peace” and “stability” as the values.

7. They fiercely and loyally fight for freedom, even in spite of the huge superiority of the enemy in numbers.

8. Helping Ukraine is justified from a political and strategic point of view: our freedom and security are at stake.

9. There are nations where values of freedom are perceived as the core of identity: “Britains will never be slaves”, “For your freedom and ours” - everything is simpler there.

10. ...pursuing the standards of freedom and rule of law of the European Union (Ukrainian week).

5 1. As a reminder, the Nobel Peace Prize in 2021 was awarded jointly to Maria Resse and Dmytro Muratov “for their efforts to protect freedom of expression, which is a prerequisite for democracy and a strong world” [Apostrophe Online Media]

2. But, at the same time, we rely on an adequate help from the world community of democratic countries to protect democracy, protect freedom, and protect Ukraine [Zhytomyr.info Online Media]

3. You took up arms to protect freedom and loved ones [online media “Channel 24”]

4. After all, freedom is not a default state [24 Kanal Online Media]

5. The world must remember that Ukraine is fighting for freedom, and that this struggle must end with victory as soon as possible [Interfax-Ukraine Online Media]

6. Since the occupation in the spring of 2014 – i.e. for eight years – residents of the occupied Donbas have been deprived of basic civil rights and freedoms [Internet magazine “Ukrainian Week”]

7. The Cyril-Methodiev brotherhood aimed at the elimination of serfdom, the destruction of autocracy, estates, noble privileges, and the provision of civil liberties [Internet magazine “Ukrainian Week”]

8. Legislators express concern about a long list of fundamental rights that they believe are at risk, including the electoral system, the independence of the judiciary, privacy, freedom |liberty| expression of opinions, media pluralism, academic freedom, LGBTQ rights and protection of minorities and asylum seekers [UNN Online Media]

6 1. ... the glorious Cossacks defended Ukraine from the enemy and freed their brothers - from captivity, from chains, from prison ... (Andrii Tchaikovsky. Sahaidachny).

2. Cherkasy deputies marched to Kyiv to free Tymoshenko from “the cells of the Prosecutor General’s Office” (MEDIAonline).

Received:

06.08.2024

Reviewed:

20.10.2024

Accepted:

08.12.2024

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

doi: 10.34616/ajmp.2025.27.16

ISSN 2299–7164

Vol. 27 (2025)

Open Access. Published by Committee for Philology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław Branch and College for Interdisciplinary Studies, University of Wrocław. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.

Monika Lisowska

Universidad de Szczecin, Instituto de Lingüística

monika.lisowska@usz.edu.pl

ORCID: 0000-0002-4911-6050

Manifestaciones de tristeza y compasión mediante pragmatemas en las condolencias expresadas en español y en polaco en Facebook

Manifestations of Sadness and Compassion through Pragmatemes in Spanish and Polish Condolence Messages on Facebook

Abstract

This article examines the use of pragmatemes in condolences expressed on Facebook by Spanish and Polish users. The pragmatemes are classified according to their degree of relation to the communicative situation, and their semantic content is analyzed. The findings show that users from both national backgrounds employ pragmatemes from all four groups identified by the author, though in different proportions. In addition, both linguistic communities exhibit unconventional forms of expressing condolences that are possible only in the digital environment.

Keywords: condolences, pragmatemes, Polish, Spanish, online communication

Palabras clave: condolencias, pragmatemas, polaco, español, comunicación en línea

Introducción

En los tiempos que corren, los diversos actos de habla se pueden efectuar mediante diferentes canales de comunicación, de los cuales los vinculados al medio digital adquieren una importancia cada vez mayor. El ámbito virtual, especialmente lo que se conoce como redes sociales, se ha convertido en un espacio idóneo para expresar –quizá sobre todo– un amplio abanico de emociones.

Precisamente, en este trabajo nos centramos en las manifestaciones de tristeza y compasión vehiculadas a través de expresiones rutinarias en una red social de amplia difusión, como es el caso de Facebook. Más exactamente, nuestro propósito es distinguir y clasificar dichas expresiones –denominadas aquí ‘pragmatemas’– utilizadas en las condolencias formuladas por los usuarios de la red social mencionada, para posteriormente comparar su uso entre dos comunidades lingüísticas: la española y la polaca.

De acuerdo con los objetivos planteados, a continuación se abordarán las cuestiones relacionadas con la expresión de condolencias y la definición de ‘pragmatema’. Una vez presentadas las bases teóricas, se procederá al análisis del material lingüístico recopilado en el marco del contraste entre el español y el polaco.

El acto de condolencias y los pragmatemas

Por lo general, se considera que el acto de condolencias es uno de los actos expresivos menos estudiado. Tanto es así que los primeros trabajos de índole lingüística dedicados exclusivamente a este tipo de acto comenzaron a aparecer a principios de este siglo (cf. Elwood 2004).

Conforme a la información ofrecida por Bello Hernández (2023: 271–272), los trabajos de corte sincrónico enfocados en las condolencias se dividen en dos grandes grupos según la fuente utilizada: por un lado, aquellos que emplean fuentes escritas (principalmente provenientes de la comunicación en Internet) y, por otro, los que buscan aproximarse a la realización oral de este acto de habla mediante metodologías como discourse completion task o el análisis de diálogos de películas. Muchos de estos trabajos abordan la expresión de condolencias desde un enfoque contrastivo, básicamente entre el inglés y diversas lenguas asiáticas 1 (ibid. 271).

Sin duda, la expresión de condolencias está estrechamente vinculada a la cultura de cada lengua, sin embargo, los elementos semánticos que conforman este acto tienden a repetirse en distintos idiomas. Dichos elementos fueron identificados por primera vez en el trabajo de Elwood (2004) y son los siguientes: reconocimiento de la muerte2 (Oh; Oh my God; Oh no), expresión de compasión/condolencia (I’m so sorry; Terrible), oferta de ayuda (Is there anything I can do?), comentario orientado al futuro (Try not to get depressed), expresión de preocupación (How are you doing? Are you OK?) (cf. Elwood 2004). En los trabajos de otros autores se mencionan además: buenos deseos para el difunto (Rest in peace), búsqueda de absolución por parte de Dios (God be with you), expresión de gratitud (Thank you for your music) (cf. Alemi, Pazoki Moakhar, Rezanejad 2021), así como deseos de ánimo y fuerza a los familiares y amigos del fallecido (cf. Zunin y Zunin 2007).

Dadas las circunstancias que rodean el acto en cuestión, expresar condolencias sigue siendo una tarea difícil, principalmente debido a la incomodidad de la situación y a la incertidumbre acerca de qué debería decirse. Por ello, los hablantes tienden a recurrir a expresiones ya establecidas para este tipo de ocasión en una comunidad lingüística dada.

En el caso del idioma español, las fuentes informan de las siguientes expresiones prefabricadas para expresar condolencias: Le(s)/te/os acompaño en el sentimiento o Mi más sentido pésame (Lenarducci 1994: 27). También es frecuente utilizar en este tipo de situación ciertas frases de circunstancias, como ¡No somos nada! o ¡Qué le vamos a hacer! (id.), Un día estamos aquí, otro día estamos allí. En cambio, en polaco lo más habitual en las condolencias expresadas oralmente es emplear fórmulas como: Składam/przyjmij moje kondolencje/wyrazy współczucia (esp. “Te/Le presento/recibe(a) mis condolencias / mi más sentido pésame”) o Moje serdeczne / szczere / najszczersze / głębokie kondolencje (esp. “Mis más afectuosas / sinceras / profundas condolencias”) (Rogalska 2015: 191–192).

Las expresiones mencionadas, debido a los estrechos vínculos que mantienen con la situación comunicativa en la que suelen producirse (expresión de condolencias), constituyen ejemplos de pragmatemas. Este término, introducido relativamente hace poco en la lingüística por Mel’čuk (1998), ha sido propuesto con el fin de poner de manifiesto que ciertas unidades lingüísticas evocan forzosamente las situaciones en las que se usan. Así, entre los pragmatemas podemos encontrar tanto lexemas (Gracias), como colocaciones (Ceda el paso), locuciones (A quien corresponda) o, incluso, oraciones (Se levanta la sesión).

La definición de este concepto ha ido modificándose con el tiempo. En la actualidad, su propio autor afirma que se trata de expresiones que, semánticamente, funcionan como marcadores de una situación pragmática (o una situación especial de comunicación lingüística) y, sintácticamente, constituyen enunciados completos e independientes, cuyo significado puede ser tanto composicional como no composicional (Mel’čuk 2023: 162–163). También aclara que las situaciones especiales de comunicación lingüística que exigen el uso de pragmatemas determinados son todas aquellas que no son monólogos ni diálogos, ya sean orales o escritos (ibid. 162).

La conexión de un pragmatema a una situación pragmática puede realizarse mediante alguno de los llamados parámetros situacionales o elementos de la situación, es decir: datos espaciales, temporales, de evento, de acción, de estado, de objeto (Blanco Escoda y Mejri 2018: 35–50) o medio, espacio, tiempo, participantes, evento y/o actividad (Ovejas Martín 2021: 117–118). Habitualmente, en un pragmatema concurren varios de estos parámetros; por ejemplo, en Bebé a bordo se combinan la referencia al medio (escrito), al espacio (coche) y a los participantes (bebé).

Conviene añadir que existe también una concepción más amplia del concepto de “pragmatema,” la cual postula la existencia de un continuum. Esto implica que, por un lado, “habría un grupo de unidades altamente restringidas por la situación de uso que constituyen el núcleo de los pragmatemas. Estas se identifican porque su enunciación evoca directamente la situación extralingüística de uso” (Ovejas Martín 2018: 691). En cambio, en el otro extremo habría que ubicar “expresiones fijas o semifijas, especializadas en el cumplimiento de determinados actos de habla, pero que presentan restricciones extralingüísticas más difusas” (id.). Estas últimas se emplean sobre todo en contextos conversacionales, siendo la mayoría de ellas propias del registro coloquial, p. ej.: ¡Qué marrón! ¡Dichosos los ojos! Ya era hora…3.

En resumen, puede afirmarse que existen pragmatemas con un grado mayor o menor de prototipicidad, y es precisamente esta perspectiva la que adoptamos en el presente estudio. En concreto, nos adherimos al concepto amplio de “pragmatema,” tal como lo postula Barrios Rodríguez (2017), admitiendo que algunas expresiones podrían clasificarse como el tipo menos restringido de los pragmatemas4, es decir, con una vinculación más o menos borrosa a algún parámetro extralingüístico.

Por nuestra parte, consideramos importante añadir que el grado de vinculación de un pragmatema a una situación comunicativa concreta puede depender no solo de la claridad o del carácter difuso de las restricciones extralingüísticas que regulan su empleo, sino también de su capacidad para funcionar en contextos distintos de aquel con el que se halla predominantemente asociado. Este aspecto se pondrá de manifiesto en la parte analítica de este artículo.

Pragmatemas de condolencias empleados en Facebook por los usuarios polacos e hispanohablantes (español europeo). Objetivos, corpus y metodología

Según hemos indicado en la introducción, el presente trabajo tiene un carácter comparativo: se trata del uso de pragmatemas en las condolencias expresadas en Facebook (en adelante: FB) por los usuarios españoles y polacos. Hasta donde hemos podido averiguar, no existe ningún estudio sobre el acto de habla en cuestión que aborde este par lingüístico.

Concretamente, el objetivo de este estudio es comparar las tendencias en el empleo de determinadas expresiones y fórmulas (pragmatemas) en ambas comunidades lingüísticas a la hora de expresar compasión y tristeza ante el fallecimiento de una persona. Asimismo, nos interesa clasificar esos pragmatemas en función de su grado de vinculación con la situación en cuestión, así como determinar la naturaleza del contenido semántico que expresan.

Un resultado adicional puede consistir en aportar observaciones acerca de la producción del acto de condolencias en el entorno virtual. Según suele destacarse, los comentarios que se escriben en FB, aparte de no ser muy largos, se caracterizan por su tono coloquial y novedoso, su expresividad y la tendencia al uso de metáforas y neologismos (cf. Urzędowska 2019). En este sentido, resulta previsible que los usuarios de esta red social, al expresar condolencias, adopten comportamientos que, en cierta medida, difieren de los que manifestarían en un contacto personal con los deudos.

El corpus utilizado para el análisis comprende mensajes de condolencias publicados en FB entre 2022 y 2025. La recolección de ejemplos se hizo de manera aleatoria y consistió, en primer lugar, en acceder al servicio de FB en búsqueda de noticias sobre el fallecimiento de distintas personas, publicadas por medios de comunicación polacos y españoles en sus respectivas cuentas en dicha red social. Acto seguido, se procedió a examinar las primeras decenas de mensajes de condolencias encontrados debajo de cada una de las noticias seleccionadas para la muestra. De esta manera, se logró recopilar 851 comentarios, cuyo análisis permitió identificar 1098 empleos de los pragmatemas de condolencias, es decir, expresiones recurrentes utilizadas para manifestar tristeza y compasión ante el fallecimiento de una persona.

La información más detallada acerca del material lingüístico sometido al análisis se presenta en las dos tablas siguientes:

Tabla 1. Datos sobre el corpus en español

Entidad propietaria de la cuenta de FB

Fecha de publicación de la noticia

Persona fallecida

Número de comentarios recopilados

Frecuencia de uso de pragmatemas

El Mundo

04.12.2022

una persona mayor

17

22

El Mundo

28.12.2022

Linda de Suza

30

36

El Mundo

03.01.2023

Elena Huelva

37

57

El Mundo

03.07.2025

Diogo Jota

48

80

El País

19.12.2022

un niño

36

56

Oregón televisión

31.03.2023

Laura Gómez Lacueva

23

35

ABC

23.12.2023

José Francisco Rojo

33

27

ABC

13.08.2024

un niño

29

40

La Razón

27.10.2022

un soldado

49

102

La Vanguardia

06.09.2024

Adriana Mojica

45

76

ElDiario.es

17.12.2024

Marisa Paredes

57

66

TOTAL:

404

597

Tabla 2. Datos sobre el corpus en polaco

Entidad propietaria de la cuenta de FB

Fecha de publicación de la noticia

Persona fallecida

Número de comentarios recopilados

Frecuencia de uso de pragmatemas

TVN24

08.06.2025

Ewa Dałkowska

15

16

TVN24

06.06.2025

Maja Dębska

8

11

TVN24

14.07.2024

Shannen Doherty

40

41

Siepomaga.pl

17.06.2025

una niña

32

34

Gazeta Wyborcza

30.04.2025

Tomasz Jakubiak

37

41

Gazeta Wyborcza

30.09.2024

Kris Kristofferson

21

21

Gazeta Wyborcza

01.05.2025

Sławomir Wałęsa

58

60

Gazeta Wyborcza

18.06.2024

Łukasz Lipiński

42

48

Rzeczypospolita

09.06.2025

Federick Forsyth

22

22

Onet.pl

30.03.2025

Richard Chamberlain

25

25

wp.pl

09.07.2024

Jerzy Stuhr

46

51

wp.pl

04.04.2024

Stanisława Ryster

54

65

Polityka

06.12.2024

Stanisław Tym

47

66

TOTAL:

447

501

Según se aprecia en ambas tablas, la frecuencia de uso de los pragmatemas supera al número de los comentarios recopilados. Esto significa que determinados comentarios contenían más de un pragmatema, especialmente aquellos de los usuarios españoles. Los internautas polacos, en cambio, solían valerse sólo de una expresión prefabricada o estereotipada en sus mensajes de condolencias.

En el análisis que se presenta en el apartado siguiente, se clasificarán los pragmatemas detectados según el grado de su relación con el acto expresado: las condolencias. Comenzaremos con los pragmatemas más estrechamente asociados a este acto y, a continuación, nos iremos alejando de dicho núcleo. Los grupos de pragmatemas posteriores al primero mantendrán algún vínculo con la situación que nos ocupa, pero este será cada vez más tenue. Esto significa que las expresiones estarán progresivamente menos vinculadas con el acto de habla en cuestión o, en otras palabras, tendrán una asociación más reducida con dicho acto.

Presentación de resultados y discusión

De acuerdo con lo señalado en el apartado anterior, los resultados de la investigación se presentarán siguiendo la clasificación de pragmatemas en cuatro grupos según el grado de cercanía que estos mantienen con el acto de condolencias.

El primer grupo está integrado por las frases estereotipadas que, de manera prototípica, sirven para expresar condolencias en cada una de las comunidades lingüísticas aquí contrastadas y, por ende, constituyen el núcleo de los pragmatemas utilizados con tal finalidad. En otras palabras, dado que guardan una relación directa y exclusiva con las condolencias, pueden considerarse los pragmatemas más representativos de este acto de habla. Se trata de las siguientes expresiones:

Tabla 3. Pragmatemas vinculados directamente a condolencias

Pragmatemas vinculados directamente a condolencias

ESPAÑOL

POLACO

(Mi/nuestro más sentido) pésame a /para … su familia /a sus familiares y amigos (41)

Wyrazy współczucia (dla Rodziny….) (157) (‘Expresiones de condolencia /para la familia…./’)

Mi(s) (más sentidas) condolencia(s) (a la familia / los familiares) (18)

(Moje) kondolencje (dla Rodziny…) (9) (‘/Mis/ condolencias /para la familia…/’)

Os acompañamos en el sentimiento (1)

Mi pesar por ellos (y por toda la familia) (1)

Mi pena con vuestro gran dolor (1)

Que la tierra te/le haya sido /sea leve (6)

(que) Dios/ Señor lo/le /te tenga en la / su (bendita) gloria (santo reino/ excelente lugar / eterno descanso) / reciba en el cielo (16)

TOTAL: 82

TOTAL: 166

Como se observa en la tabla 3, los usuarios de ambos idiomas emplean principalmente expresiones en forma de frases nominales como condolencias típicas (Mi más sentido pésame, Mis condolencias, Wyrazy współczucia, Moje kondolencje), seguidas de referencias a los destinatarios de las condolencias expresadas (a la familia, a los familiares, dla rodziny). Es interesante observar, que son los internautas polacos quienes más utilizan estos pragmatemas al expresar sus condolencias (166 casos) y que muestran una clara preferencia por uno de los dos que hemos registrado: Wyrazy współczucia.

Dos pragmatemas de la tabla 3 expresan literalmente deseos para el fallecido. Se trata de Que la tierra te/le sea leve5 y Que Dios le tenga en su gloria (y sus variantes). Ambas solo se han documentado en las intervenciones de los usuarios españoles, mientras que sus equivalentes polacos (Niech mu/jej ziemia lekką będzie, Niech Bóg przyjmie go do swego Królestwa) están ausentes en el material recopilado.

Evidentemente, los pragmatemas vinculados directamente con las condolencias, aparte de guardar una relación muy estrecha con este tipo de acto de habla, aluden a un deceso y funcionan también a través de su conexión con él. Los del grupo siguiente comparten esta alusión, lo que permite su uso en el acto de condolencias, aunque en origen estén relacionados con otras situaciones. En nuestro corpus de datos resultaron ser los más numerosos y su reparto en las lenguas contrastadas se presenta de manera siguiente:

Tabla 4. Pragmatemas relacionados con otras situaciones derivadas del fallecimiento

Pragmatemas relacionados con otras situaciones derivadas del fallecimiento

ESPAÑOL

POLACO

DEP/QDEP (227)

RIP (31)

(Que) descanse/a en paz (81)

Spoczywaj w pokoju / Niech odpoczywa w pokoju (43) (‘Descansa en paz’ / ‘Que descanse en paz’)

Que su alma descanse en paz (1)

Pokój jej / jego duszy (7) (‘Que su alma descanse en paz’)

Señor, dale / Que Dios le dé/ el descanso eterno (2)

Wieczny odpoczynek racz mu/jej dać Panie (16) (‘Dale, Señor, el descanso eterno’)

Brille /luzca para él la luz eterna/ perpetua / que no tiene fin (4)

A światłość wiekuista niechaj mu/jej świeci (5) (‘Y brille para él/ella la luz eterna’)

TOTAL: 315

TOTAL: 102

En general, se puede decir que lo que encierra la tabla 4 son pragmatemas que comunican deseos para la persona fallecida. Destacan, por su frecuencia, los que transmiten deseos de un descanso tranquilo, sea en forma de siglas (DEP, QDEP, RIP), sea como enunciados completos ([que] descanse/a en paz, spoczywaj w pokoju, niech spoczywa w pokoju).

Especialmente su uso en forma de siglas resulta abrumador por parte de los usuarios españoles (227 casos), quienes, a menudo, limitan sus mensajes tan solo a la sigla DEP o QDEP6. En cambio, los usuarios polacos emplean de manera mucho más moderada la sigla RIP (el equivalente latino de las anteriores: requiescat in pace). En ambos casos se trata de pragmatemas que, básicamente, se utilizan en lápidas y esquelas. Así, puede afirmarse que Internet ha propiciado la incorporación de nuevos pragmatemas en el acto de condolencia expresado en línea, los cuales resultan inaplicables en situaciones de comunicación oral presencial.

A su vez, el pragmatema que descanse en paz / niech odpoczywa w pokoju forma parte de la oración católica por los difuntos, al igual que lo hacen Señor, dale el descanso eterno / Wieczny odpoczynek racz jej/mu dać Panie y Brille para él/ella la luz perpetua / A światłość wiekuista niechaj jej / mu świeci (como se desprende de la tabla, los usuarios suelen modificar las frases originales). De modo que, una vez más, se trata de expresiones que, en esencia, están vinculadas con otra situación pragmática, pero cuyo vínculo con el deceso hace oportuno emplearlas también en el acto de condolencias.

El grupo menos numeroso de pragmatemas utilizados por los usuarios de FB es el que, básicamente, se vincula con los momentos de despedida. Dado que la muerte se asocia metafóricamente con un viaje sin posibilidad de regreso, las expresiones que implican despedida resultan igualmente adecuadas en las condolencias:

Tabla 5. Pragmatemas vinculados a despedidas

Pragmatemas vinculados a despedidas

ESPAÑOL

POLACO

(Millones de) besos / un beso grande / un abrazo al cielo (3)

No te vamos a olvidar (3)

Hasta siempre (3)

Buen viaje (1)

Żegnaj (Mistrzu) (5) (‘Adiós, maestro’)

TOTAL: 10

TOTAL: 5

Los ejemplos recogidos en la tabla 5 demuestran que son los internautas españoles quienes han elegido con más frecuencia emplear varios pragmatemas de despedida. En sus mensajes se muestran especialmente afectuosos (Millones de besos, Un beso grande, Un abrazo al cielo), prometen acordarse del fallecido (No te vamos a olvidar), se despiden sabiendo que no volverán a verlo (Hasta siempre, Buen viaje). Por su parte, los polacos se limitaron a usar una única expresión de despedida cuando el fallecido era una persona conocida en el mundo de la cultura: Żegnaj, Mistrzu.

El último grupo presenta un carácter más heterogéneo y está integrado por expresiones vinculadas a situaciones tristes (no especificadas). Al estar menos restringidas contextualmente, se alejan bastante de los pragmatemas típicos de condolencias. Su objetivo es expresar tristeza por lo ocurrido, ya sea mediante la evaluación de los hechos, ya sea a través del consuelo a las personas afectadas por los ellos:

Tabla 6. Pragmatemas asociados a contextos de tristeza

Pragmatemas asociados a contextos de tristeza

ESPAÑOL

POLACO

Lo siento/lamento mucho / muchísimo (de todo corazón / en el alma) (16)

(Bardzo/ogromnie mi) przykro (przykra wiadomość) (38) (‘Me da mucha/muchísima pena (es una noticia triste).’ || (szczerze) współczuję (rodzinie) (10) (‘[sinceramente] lo lamento mucho’)

Qué pena/penita / lástima (más grande) (77)

(Okropny) żal (ogromny) (32) (‘una pena terrible / enorme’) || (Bardzo) szkoda (14)

Qué tristeza (tan grande) / que triste (8)

Smutno (smutna wiadomość / informacja) / Smutek (47) (‘Qué lástima / una lástima muy grande’)

Qué tragedia (2)

Niewyobrażalna /ogromna/straszna / tragedia / dramat /koszmar (12) (‘Una tragedia incocebible / enorme / terrible / un drama / un horror’)

Qué dolor (7) || Un dolor muy grande (2)

Una gran pérdida /desgracia (irremplazable) (11)

(ogromna/wielka) strata (24) (‘una gran/inmensa pérdida’)

Muy lamentable / que lamentable /triste (noticia) (6)

Straszne / coś strasznego / straszna wiadomość (7) (‘horrible / terrible / una noticia terrible’)

(Mucho) ánimo / fuerza / fortaleza /consuelo a/ … (la familia / sus seres queridos / todos) (42)

Dużo siły (życzę) (2) (‘Les deseo mucha fuerza’)

Un abrazo (muy fuerte)/ todo mi amor a /para la familia / los padres / todos (15)

Dios mande (le dé) el consuelo (y fortaleza) / Que Dios les de fortaleza (2)

O matko (1) (‘¡Madre mía!)

Brak słów (6) (‘No tengo palabras’)

(Mój) Boże (kochany) (4) (‘Dios mío’)

O nie (1) (‘¡Ay no!’)

Serce mi pęka (1) (‘Se me rompe el corazón’)

ROZERWAĆ (29) (’destrozar’, ‘desgarrar’)

TOTAL: 188

TOTAL: 228

En primer lugar, destacan las expresiones comúnmente utilizadas para evaluar un acontecimiento como negativo y que, al mismo tiempo, reflejan el estado psíquico y emocional del hablante (las primeras siete filas de la tabla 6). La mayoría de ellas contienen sustantivos y adjetivos evaluativos como: pena, lástima, tristeza, triste, tragedia, dolor, pérdida, lamentable, desgracia (español) y żal, szkoda, smutek, smutno, tragedia, dramat, koszmar, strata, straszne (polaco).

Pese a la frecuente omisión de los signos de exclamación, podemos admitir que todos los usuarios de FB han empleado oraciones exclamativas al realizar actos de habla expresivos reunidos en la tabla 6; es decir, aquellas «cuyo propósito es manifestar que el hablante se encuentra afectado por algo» (Alonso-Cortés 1999: 3996). En este aspecto, merece la pena señalar que los internautas españoles han mostrado una mayor tendencia a utilizar las frases exclamativas con el operador qué (94 casos), en detrimento de las exclamativas nominales sin dicho operador (19 casos).

En cambio, los polacos no han empleado frases exclamativas con operadores (p. ej. co za, ale, jaki), optando tan solo por el uso exclamativo de frases nominales. Una explicación de este hecho da Grzesiuk (1995), quien señala que las frases con operadores exclamativos se utilizan en polaco, sobre todo, para expresar sentimientos positivos, mientras que los enunciados nominales exclamativos sin tales operadores sirven más bien para la expresión de emociones negativas (Grzesiuk 1995: 51).

Los usuarios polacos de FB tampoco han empleado pragmatemas destinados a expresar deseos de ánimo y fuerza a los deudos: solo hemos registrado dos usos de Dużo siły (życzę). Este hecho contrasta notablemente con el comportamiento de los usuarios españoles, quienes comunicaron tales deseos con una frecuencia considerable (Mucho ánimo / fuerza / fortaleza etc. ha sido empleado 42 veces), expresando su apoyo emocional (p. ej. Un abrazo muy fuerte para la familia) e incluso pidiendo la ayuda divina (p. ej. Dios mande el consuelo).

A su vez, únicamente los internautas polacos recurrieron a expresiones que transmiten sus emociones de manera aún más implícita que las de las primeras filas de la tabla 6: O matko! Brak słów! Boże kochany! O nie! Serce mi pęka! Todas estas fórmulas, al servir para reconocer el fallecimiento, manifiestan al mismo tiempo un sentimiento negativo indeterminado hacia este.

Lo que resulta más llamativo en las condolencias expresadas en FB en lengua polaca es el empleo del verbo rozerwać (“desgarrar,” “destrozar”) en su forma de infinitivo. Se han documentado 29 casos de este uso, en la mayoría de los cuales el verbo mencionado constituía la única palabra del mensaje. Gracias a algunos casos en los que rozerwać aparecía acompañado de otro pragmatema (p. ej. RIP), o de un emoticono en forma de corazón negro roto, ha sido posible determinar su función en el contexto de las condolencias: comunicar que la noticia del fallecimiento provocó en el internauta la sensación de que se le rompía el corazón.7

Sin duda, además de las siglas comentadas en líneas anteriores, el empleo de rozerwać en las condolencias –escrito con preferencia en mayúsculas– constituye otro ejemplo de la comunicación lingüística que es posible únicamente en Internet. Dada la cantidad de casos documentados, resulta difícil determinar el grado de popularidad de esa palabra en las condolencias polacas en línea, así como prever la continuidad de su uso en el futuro.

A modo de conclusión

El presente trabajo ha demostrado, sin lugar a dudas, cómo en una situación específica pueden emplearse no solo pragmatemas típicos para dicha situación, sino también aquellos que están vinculados principalmente a contextos distintos. Para que esto sea posible, debe existir un parámetro situacional que los conecte: en el caso de las condolencias, dicho parámetro es el fallecimiento de una persona.

Así, este hecho posibilitó la incorporación en los mensajes de condolencias de ciertos pragmatemas prototípicos restringidos, básicamente, a otros contextos extralingüísticos distintos de las condolencias. Se trata de aquellos utilizados en los entierros y de los que suelen aparecer en las lápidas y esquelas, así como de los pragmatemas que funcionan como fórmulas de despedida, por la asociación metafórica de la muerte con un viaje.

Solo un grupo de expresiones empleadas en las condolencias en línea puede clasificarse como menos representativo de pragmatemas, dada su conexión más bien difusa con el contexto extralingüístico. Este grupo incluye las fórmulas destinadas a expresar las emociones negativas del hablante ante un evento desafortunado y a consolar a las personas afectadas por él. En el presente trabajo se han etiquetado como ‘pragmatemas vinculados a contextos de tristeza’.

El análisis del material lingüístico recopilado para los propósitos de este estudio, ha revelado que los usuarios de FB de ambas nacionalidades emplean en sus mensajes de condolencias los pragmatemas pertenecientes a todos los cuatro grupos aquí distinguidos, aunque en proporciones diferentes.

De este modo, los españoles se distinguen por el uso de pragmatemas vinculados a otros contextos derivados del fallecimiento, en particular el asociado a las inscripciones funerarias: DEP. Asimismo, son más propensos a utilizar fórmulas de apoyo destinadas a los deudos y a recurrir a construcciones exclamativas con operadores (concretamente, el operador qué). Además, en sus mensajes se observa una mayor variabilidad de los pragmatemas de despedida.

Por el contrario, los polacos no emplean con frecuencia siglas en sus mensajes de condolencia y en lugar de RIP (utilizado de manera esporádica) optan por fórmulas completas en polaco (Niech spoczywa w pokoju). Por otra parte, muestran una marcada inclinación al empleo de las fórmulas prototípicas para expresar condolencias, especialmente la de mayor recurrencia: Wyrazy współczucia.

En ambas comunidades lingüísticas surgieron maneras insólitas de expresar condolencias, posibles únicamente en el entorno digital. En el caso del idioma español es el empleo del pragmatema DEP, y en el del polaco, de rozerwać. Ambos pragmatemas se han documentado en varias ocasiones como los únicos elementos constitutivos de las condolencias.

Bibliografía

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1 Para más detalles acerca de los trabajos dedicados a la expresión de condolencias, recomendamos consultar el artículo de Bello Hernández (2023).

2 El reconocimiento de la muerte suele manifestarse mediante expresiones que evalúan lo ocurrido (cf. Lisowska 2024).

3 Algunos autores prefieren usar otras denominaciones para este tipo de expresiones. Por ejemplo, Kauffer (2018) considera que son actos de habla estereotipados (actes de langage stéréotypés), es decir, una especie de fórmulas fijas menos ligadas a la situación en que aparecen y capaces de desempeñar varias funciones en la comunicación.

4 Esta opinión es expresada por Barrios Rodríguez (2017) respecto a las expresiones con patrón ¡qué + sust./adj.!

5 Si bien en la actualidad se asocia principalmente con las expresiones de condolencia (en especial orales), esta fórmula tiene su origen en una de las expresiones romanas utilizadas en las inscripciones funerarias: Sit Tibi Terra Levis (cf. Arbeo Cuesta 2020).

6 Esta tendencia también ha sido observada en otro trabajo nuestro (cf. Lisowska 2024).

7 Es posible que el uso del verbo polaco “rozerwać” tenga que ver con la traducción del verbo inglés “to rip,” cuya forma es idéntica al pragmatema RIP comentado en líneas anteriores.

Received:

08.09.2025

Reviewed:

12.11.2025

Accepted:

10.12.2025

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

doi: 10.34616/ajmp.2025.27.17

ISSN 2299–7164

Vol. 27 (2025)

Open Access. Published by Committee for Philology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław Branch and College for Interdisciplinary Studies, University of Wrocław. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.

Gaiane Muradian

Yerevan State University, Faculty of European Languages and Communication

g.murad@ysu.am

ORCID: 0000-0002-7588-5849

Biblical Symbols in the Forty Days of Musa Dagh by Franz Werfel

Abstract

Franz Werfel’s historical novel The Forty Days of Musa Dagh (1933), set during the Armenian Genocide of 1915 in a village near Musa Dagh (mount in Southern Turkey) is deeply infused with Biblical symbolism that elevates its portrayal of suffering, resistance, and survival. This article argues that Werfel’s Biblical symbols and allusions – ranging from Mount Musa Dagh as a modern-day Mount Sinai to Gabriel Bagradian as a Moses-like figure and some others – reinterpret the genocide through the Judeo-Christian lens. Applying the methodology of Intertextual Analysis and Reader-Response Theory within the Historical Context, the study demonstrates how these symbols transform collective trauma into a spiritually-resonant narrative of suffering, sacrifice for a greater cause, endurance, redemption, salvation, and finally – survival. In doing so, Werfel not only memorializes the Armenian plight, but also frames it within a universal moral tradition, deepening public understanding of genocide and resistance.

Keywords: Franz Werfel, The Forty Days of Musa Dagh, Historical Context, symbolism, Biblical symbols

Introduction

The Forty Days of Musa Dagh by Franz Werfel (1934) is a thrilling historical novel, which is based on true facts referring to the 1915 dark year of Genocide of Armenians, and particularly, to the Turkish effort of extermination of the Armenian population living in a small village near Musa Dagh – a mount overlooking the Mediterranean Sea. The protagonist Gabriel Bagradian returns from Paris to his native village of Yoghonoluk, to his home, into the nest (Werfel 1934: 4) with his French wife and son to resist the bloody enemy, to organize a self-defense and lead his 5,000 villagers to Musa Dagh, where, in the face of Turkish attacks, they struggled for 40 days ultimately to be evacuated by French warships.

The novel dramatizes the real-life Armenian resistance to the Ottoman Empire’s genocidal campaign. Werfel’s depiction, though fictionalized, is grounded in historical truth and profoundly enriched by a dense layer of Biblical symbolism. Hence, this article explores how Werfel strategically employs these Biblical symbols – not merely as literary decoration, but as essential interpretive keys that frame the Armenian Genocide within a Judeo-Christian moral and spiritual tradition. By drawing parallels between the Armenian plight and iconic Biblical narratives – Mount Musa Dagh as a modern Mount Sinai or Masada, Gabriel Bagradian as a Moses and Christ-like figure, and the people’s struggle as a new Exodus – Werfel transforms the Genocide into a narrative of resistance, redemption, and spiritual survival.

The aim of this research is to analyze how these symbols function within the novel, why they are vital to its interpretation, and, crucially, what they reveal about the Armenian Genocide that traditional historical accounts often fail to express: the inner spiritual world of a people on the brink of annihilation, their resilience rooted in cultural memory and sacred archetypes. Grounded in Intertextual Analysis and Reader-Response Theory within its Historical Context, this study contends that Werfel’s Biblical symbolism reframes genocide not only as a historical atrocity but as a metaphysical and moral crisis with enduring significance.

Methodology and Theoretical Framework

As a work of fiction, the novel portrays creatively the emotional toll, courage, sacrifice and resilience of the people under siege and the atrocities committed against them, and, as a work of fiction it does this through numerous stylistic devices and expressive means. Among the literary tools used by the author, Biblical symbols are of great importance. Of no less importance are their analyses and interpretations which require application of specific methodology: Reader-Response Theory and Intertextual Analysis within the frames of Historical Context. The latter not only enables to understand the real historical period and the actual historical facts but also to comprehend the concerns, values and ideologies of the time reflected in symbols. Historical context gives certain symbols additional meanings and may alter the reader’s interpretation significantly. The context surrounding symbols also includes the author’s background and intentions. At large, the knowledge of the context provides “valuable insights into the symbolic significance of certain elements” (Jason 2020: 2). Reader-Response Theory as a method of research focuses on how readers interpret symbols as the perception of symbolism can become significant only through the readers’ culture, experiences, beliefs and values. In other words, readers’ individual and collective reactions and associations with the author and the symbols created by him, are very important in understanding them correctly. Finally, Intertextual Analysis makes it possible to disclose connections between the analyzed literary work and other works. Symbols carry meanings from other contexts, and their meanings are perceived when the two contexts are compared. In our case, Werfel’s symbols imaginatively created in “The Forty Days of Musa Dagh” evoke Biblical references – allusions to important biblical characters and notions.

The analyses seek to offer a distinct contribution to literary and genocide studies by foregrounding Biblical symbolism as a critical interpretive lens in Werfel’s novel. While prior scholarship has primarily focused on the novel’s historical accuracy, nationalistic elements, or narrative structure, this study will explore how Werfel employs Biblical symbols to recast the Armenian Genocide in a spiritually resonant and culturally universal framework. It will uncover symbolic parallels that elevate the Armenian resistance to a moral and redemptive narrative. This approach will not not only deepen literary understanding of Werfel’s work but will also stimulate new avenues for comparative scholarship in trauma literature and religious symbolism, thus inviting further research into how sacred archetypes can function as narrative strategies for communicating historical atrocity, and offering a framework applicable beyond Armenian history to other collective traumas.

Before passing to the interpretation of Biblical symbols in Werfel’s novel, let us study the complex historical context within which the novel was created.

Historical Context: Musa Dagh and Franz Werfel

Historical Context is an approach to literary analysis which includes (1) explanation and comprehension of the social, economic, cultural, religious and political influences of the given historical period and place based on the concerns of the time and (2) the background of the author who has created the given literary work. Basically, it refers to details which make it possible to understand the history behind a work’s creation, to the analysis, interpretation and appreciation of the author’s intentions, the language, style and literary tools used in the narrative. Put another way, the specific time period in which a literary work is written, set and published is of utmost importance as “no work of literature can be fully appreciated or understood without historical context” (Fleming 2019: 3), and reading within historical context always provides “a powerful critical incentive” (Holsinger 2011: 593) motivating and encouraging researchers and readers to disclose meanings in the specific historical period on the background of the author’s personality and activity.

The historical period of 1915 is well known for the deportation order of the Armenian population of Western Armenia (modern-day Turkey), issued in April by the Ottoman government. In July the order reached Musa Dagh (Mountain of Moses) region on the Mediterranean Sea (South of the port city of Alexandretta and West of the ancient Antioch) with its six Armenian villages. Of the thousands of villages and towns of the Ottoman Empire whose Armenian population was ordered to be deported to the Syrian desert, Musa Dagh was a place where Armenians organized the defense of their community against the edicts of the Young Turk regime. They put up a fierce resistance against the attempts of the outnumbered Turkish army with the hope to be rescued by an Allied vessel. One of the leaders of the revolt was named Movses – an Armenian first name that is the same as Moses. Eventually, five French warships of the third squadron transported the survived 3004 men, women and children of Musa Dagh to Port Said in Egypt on the 53-rd day of the siege. They remained in the Allied refugee camps until the end of the war and returned to Musa Dagh which was then under the French Mandate. In 1939 the area was incorporated by the Republic of Turkey, and the Musa Dagh Armenians abandoned their homes a second and final time (Adalian 2010: 449; Baum 2012: 92).

Referring briefly to Werfel’s life and activity as the second component of Historical Context, it should be mentioned that Franz Werfel (1890–1945), the Austrian novelist, was born in Prague in a Jewish family, raised by a Czech Catholic governess and educated at a Catholic school. This expertise aroused in him interest in other faiths too, including Islam. His deep insight into comparative religion was later reflected in his fiction and nonfiction works (Jungk 1990). Werfel served as a corporal and telephone operator in the Austro-Hungarian Army Artillery during World War I and as a propaganda writer in the Military Press Bureau in Vienna. He witnessed all the horrors of the war and stated in a prefatory note in The Forty Days of Musa Dagh: “The miserable sight of maimed and famished-looking refugee children, working in a carpet factory, gave me the final impulse to snatch the incomprehensible destiny of the Armenian people from the Hell of all that had taken place” (Werfel 1934: 3). Later he elaborated: “The struggle of 5,000 people on Musa Dagh had so fascinated me that I wished to aid the Armenian people by writing about it and bringing it to the world” (Bobelian 2009: 83). The 900-page novel, published in 1933, was banned in Germany and Turkey but the 1934 English translation made it a most readable novel in a couple of weeks. The novel’s importance is great for Armenians but it became equally important for Jews who readily saw the parallels – Musa Dagh and the Jewish ghettos in addition to resentment and persecution both nations suffered throughout history. The line from the novel – to be an Armenian is an impossibility (Werfel 1934: 878) and the Biblical parallels resonated well with the Jews (Auron 2000: 298) facing the horrors of Holocaust during World War II and served as a testament to endurance and survival for them.

Unveiling Biblical Symbols in The Forty Days of Musa Dagh

The belief that artistic literature can provide a greater understanding of reality than history itself is not misplaced in Werfel’s novel as it communicates the truth about the Armenian Genocide events in a creative way. Of course, much of the content of Werfel’s literary creation is based on fact, and to regain “a concept of what genocide is” – one must actually read it (Peroomian 2003: 284). However, as a work of fiction, it possesses the ability to blend various historical and personal accounts and to use emotional responses of individuals (the author included) to portray the reality and shed light on broader social and political phenomena (Edling and Ryden 2011; Dwyer 2021). Hence, the narrative and portrayal of real Turkish violence and Armenian resistance in Musa Dagh are altered to become more expressive through the author’s use of imagery and literary devices, religious and non-religious symbols among them.

Biblical symbols are present not only in sacred monograms, architectural designs, altars, crosses, stained glass and more (Cornwell and Cornwell 2009) but also in verbal art/literary works. Derived from the author’s own knowledge, thoughts, ideas, emotions, imagination, language, style and “motivated by the complex reality of life and the surrounding cultural background” – symbols create “diversity, uniqueness, and distinctiveness in every existing literary work” and lead to various interpretations by readers to understand the author’s profound intentions (Hoerotunnisa et al. 2024: 177). Symbols also express the figurative language of storytelling, elaborate and add deeper meanings and enrich the reader’s appreciation of the narrative. In other words, this literary device, as an extended metaphor or an allusion, creates concrete images widely open to interpretation. Hence, understanding Werfel’s impactful Biblical symbols is crucial in perceiving his purport and the meaning of his novel at large.

Now, let us refer to the most effective Biblical symbols created by Werfel in The Forty Days of Musa Dagh – “the true story of the Armenian resistance through a Hebrew prism: the chronicle of the exodus” (Von Voss 2007: 288).

Mount Musa Dagh as a Sacred Terrain

This powerful symbol, reminiscent of Mount Sinai, where Moses received the Ten Commandments, is an interesting blend of language and history. Its linguistic origin is the Arabic Jebel Musa which translates as Moses’ Mountain; in Armenian it is Musa Ler (Musa Mount); in Turkish – Musa Dagh (Musa Mountain), thus preserving Moses’ name in all three languages (Adalian 2010: 449). Y. Auron, the Israeli historian, scholar and expert in Holocaust and Genocide Studies, claims Musa Dagh is the Mount of Moses (Auron 2000: 296). The mount also parallels with the ancient Jewish fortress of Masada where the Jews resisted Roman forces. To both nations Masada or Musa Dagh symbolizes opposition to oppressors. Apparently, Werfel (1934) was well aware of the mentioned facts when he described the fascinatingly beautiful mountain as the ancestral home of Armenians, an integral part of their life and identity:

A golden, invisible humming seemed to have encased the mountain1. Were these the vagrant swarms of the hives of Kebussiye, or was it the surge of the Mediterranean, audible in the bright transparency of the hour, eroding the naked back of Musa Dagh? (3)

To Gabriel Bagradian his grandfather and Musa Dagh connoted the same. […] the mount of his childhood, his father’s country. (7)

Twice already he had climbed Musa Dagh […]. When a human being comes back to any former place of contemplation and inner life, those spirits which he, the returned, once cherished and left there, return and eagerly possess him. The ghosts of Bagradian’s childhood rushed upon him, as though for twenty-three years they had waited faithfully under pines and rocks in this charming wilderness for him to return. (13)

On his return he decided that henceforth in all his journeyings he would not go beyond the farthest precincts of Musa Dagh. Some compelling magic emancipating from the mountain of fathers, becoming stronger the longer he stayed, forced him to this, […]. (158)

It is also this sacred mount that brings Armenians together, consolidates and unites them, protects them, gives them courage and strength to resist persecution thus enabling a group of villagers to fight against the regular Turkish army units.

Gabriel believed he knew every bush and rock. […] The limpid air of Musa Dagh contained a releasing element which seemed to bring close together, in a proximity neither had ever known.” (13)

The very essence of this mountain, eternal amid all these mutability, seemed to renew Gabriel’s strength and give him courage for the torturing hither and thither of thoughts. (158)

No confusion, no losing of heads, no weeping or wailing. Unity, resolution, discipline. (197)

Our will must be clear and unanimous. (220)

They were interwoven with the very nature in which they lived. Their hills were as much a part of them as their flesh, so that to differentiate between outward and inward became impossible. Every leaf that stirred, every fruit that dropped, the rustling of a lizard, the faint splash of a far-off waterfall – these myriad stirrings had ceased to be mirrored by their senses; they formed the very heart of those senses themselves, as though each child were himself a little Musa Dagh, creating it all within his own body. (346) 

Musa Dagh has also been compared to the Jewish resistance in ghettos during World War II. An inmate and a defender of a Jewish ghetto suggested they should consider the ghetto their Musa Dagh and organize a collective resistance to be able to write a proud chapter in history about their movement (Glatstein et al. 1969). Thus, mount Musa Dagh symbolizing Mount Sinai and Masada – became a place of refuge and hope, a site of resistance against oppression (Alexander 2004). At large, Musa Dagh is a powerful symbol of rebellion, endurance, resilience, and survival.

The Exodus as a Narrative of Liberation

Werfel, drawing parallels with the Biblical Exodus, describes the Armenian flight to Musa Dagh (to their sanctuary) as the Israelites’ escape from Egypt to the Promised Land. Both the Armenians and the Jews face persecution and seek freedom, they are determined to resist. Werfel’s scenes of Armenian resistance echoing the Biblical Exodus include:

the deportation resistance gathering at Musa Dagh (the Biblical gathering of Israelites at Mount Sinai);

the fight for freedom oath (Israelites oath of defiance);

the migration to Musa Dagh from the villages (Israelites departure from Egypt for the Promised Land);

the forty-day siege and battles against Ottoman troops (Israelites forty years in wilderness and their desert wanderings);

the final meal on Musa Dagh (the Biblical Last Supper before Jesus’ crucifixion).

The scene from the novel where the Armenian villagers decide to ascend Musa Dagh directly echoes the Biblical narrative of the Jewish Exodus.

He, Bagradian also wanted resistance. To the last drop of their blood. He pointed in the direction of Musa Dagh whose picks, towering behind the roof, seemed to look down and take part in the great assembly. […] The people of Musa Dagh had decided to leave their homes. They would not submit to deportation. They would not be led away like sheep. They would fight for their freedom, for their right to exist. They would not be slaves. (208)

The Exodus scenes are based on symbols that emphasize resilience, common goals, struggle, courage. At large, the Exodus adds to the novel’s metaphorical significance through the symbols of defiance, unity, liberation and freedom.

Gabriel Bagradian: A Mosaic and Christ-like Figure

The protagonist Bagradian symbolizes Moses, the prophet. Bagradian’s prototype was the Musa Dagh defense leader Moses Der-Kalousdian whose first name (the same as the name of the mountain) might have inspired Werfel to create a Biblical Moses-like personality. As to the anthroponym Gabriel, Werfel has not randomly given the name to his protagonist. It is a name of Phoenician, Hebrew and Aramaic origin: El means God and gabr means man in Canaanite (Iskandar 2022). Therefore, Gabriel means a hero of God or a man of God. The name also epitomizes the angel in the Bible, the one who tells Mary she will bear the son of God, Jesus. Hence, Bagradian can also be paralleled to Jesus Christ considering his actions that lead to sacrifice, redemption and salvation.

Both Bagradian and Biblical Moses grew up as strangers to their people and both guided their compatriots to self-defense and safety (Von Voss 2007: 288). Y. Auron (2000: 297) sees clear analogies between the two: Gabriel died on Musa Dagh and did not see the liberation of his people and Moses died on the Mount Nebo before his people could reach the Promised Land. F. Werfel himself discloses the symbol through an extended metaphor when he writes in the novel: The mountain was their ark, and the sea was the Turkish army. They had no Moses, but they had Gabriel Bagradian (Werfel 1934: 348). This quote shows that Werfel is drawing another Biblical parallel too – Musa Dagh signifies Mount Ararat and the Armenian plight during the Genocide signifies the Biblical story of Noa’s Arc. Thus, Musa Dagh is a sanctuary akin to Noah’s ark. Mount Ararat, the iconic symbol in Judeo-Christian tradition, is the place where Noah’s Ark landed after the Great Flood as described in the Book of Genesis.

Through the character of Gabriel, Werfel speaks of a leader’s ability to inspire resistance, of a leader’s thoughtfulness and responsibility towards his people, of a leader’s rationality and military expertise in the attempt to guide people to safety.

Gabriel had passed a great many sleepless nights thinking out these directions for escape – rejecting altering, taking up again. (231)

He was less rhetorical, more exact. They must never, he urged them, waste a second, eat one unnecessary mouthful; must concentrate every pulse-beat on the one aim. […] They despise us as a set of merchants and always boast of being soldiers. If we beat them once, we shall have poisoned their self-esteem and given them the lesson they’ll never get over. (238)

Whatever Gabriel and Aram had been thinking at this time, they insisted again and again on the glorious outcome of resistance hammering fanatical belief and more important still fanatical discipline into young impressionable minds. (238)

The most essential part of defense had naturally not been thought as one vaguely uniform mass; Gabriel had split it up strategically into definite sections of ten men each, that is to say, minute battalions which could be moved and disposed independently. (239)

The Gabriel symbolism is rich and powerful: akin to Biblical Moses Gabriel Bagradian epitomizes will-power, faith, intellect, defiance, endurance, courage and survival.

The Sacrificial Lamb as Death and Dignity

The symbolism of sacrifice and the concept of the Sacrificial Lamb refer to the Biblical theme of the Passover Lamb which was sacrificed to make the Israelites’ deliverance from Egypt safe and successful. In Werfel’s novel the Lamb symbol functions in a somewhat different way. The Armenians of Musa Dagh, on the one hand, do not want to be massacred like the Lamb, however, on the other hand, they adhere to the Biblical truth of sacrifice for a greater cause. This means the symbol of Sacrificial Lamb consists of certain layers: (1) self-sacrifice (in the face of the threat of annihilation the Armenians of Musa Dagh resist their fate and choose to fight); (2) innocence (like a naïve lamb they do not understand why they have to suffer the genocidal slaughter); (3) redemption (facing and fighting the enemy they seek redemption).

The concept of the Sacrificial Lamb is vividly exemplified through Gabriel whose selflessness, dedication to the cause and dignity in the face of death embody the suffering and death of a person for the sake of others. Through the character of Gabriel Werfel suggests that only by fighting back could the Armenians maintain their dignity and resist dehumanization (Dwyer 2021: 10).

We have only the choice between two deaths, between easy death in battle, or a mean and terrible death by massacre. (447)

By fighting, we cease to be just manure, rotting somewhere round the Euphrates. By fighting we gain honor and dignity. (705)

Therefore, it can be stated that in The Forty Days of Musa Dagh the Sacrificial Lamb symbolizes resistance, defiance, courage, endurance, dignity, honor, justice and sacrifice for a greater cause.

Resurrection: Spiritual Survival and National Rebirth

Explicitly or implicitly, resurrection is reflected in many impactful lines of the novel. The struggle of Musa Dagh Armenians, their resilience, hope rising from despair and their rescue are symbols of resurrection of Christ.

May Armenia have great future and a glorious resurrection. (517)

To the old man, it felt as though he were walking through clouds of ashes, the thick death-cloud of the whole burnt-up Armenian race rising between time and eternity. (672)

Resurrection is the symbol of survival and rebirth of Musa Dagh Armenians, and of all Armenians after the 1915 Genocide.

In November 1935 when Franz Werfel visited the US, he was asked if what he described in The Forty Days of Musa Dagh was the truth. The writer replied, “More than the truth; because an epic represents the truth colored by imagination. An epic written by a true poet contains more reality than a history written by a historian” (in Hairenik Weekly, 1935). Werfels “epic of truth” is reflected in his fascinating Biblical symbols which depict real places, real people and real events in a most creative way, thus revealing authenticable truths about Armenian Genocide.

Conclusion

Franz Werfel’s The Forty Days of Musa Dagh transcends its historical subject matter by embedding the 1915 Armenian Genocide within a framework of Biblical symbols that deepen its moral and emotional resonance. This study has shown that symbols such as Mount Musa Dagh (as a sacred and redemptive terrain), the Exodus (as a metaphor of collective liberation), Gabriel Bagradian (as a Mosaic and Christ-like leader), the Sacrificial Lamb (as a dual symbol of innocence and chosen defiance), and Resurrection (as a metaphor for national rebirth) are not incidental – they are the interpretive heart of the novel. Through these symbols, Werfel does more than recount a historical event – he universalizes it, giving voice to the spiritual magnitude of Armenian suffering and survival. These Biblical allusions reveal dimensions of the genocide that might otherwise remain inaccessible: the existential choices between submission and dignity, the sanctity of collective resistance, and the enduring hope for resurrection amid catastrophe. By interpreting the genocide through this sacred lens, Werfel not only memorializes the Armenian experience but also appeals to a broader moral conscience, making Musa Dagh a literary testament to humanity’s enduring struggle for meaning in the face of atrocity.

In summary, through Biblical symbols the author characterizes and portrays people and events, thus impacting the reader emotionally and contextualizing the Genocide to enhance the true understanding of its unthinkable atrocities. Through impactful Biblical symbols he creates concrete images that are widely open to interpretation and give the reader a chance to perceive the meaning of his novel better.

The imaginative symbols of Armenian resistance in Musa Dagh that evoke and carry Biblical connotations are the following:

Musa Dagh as a powerful symbol of endurance, resilience, and survival.

The Exodus as a symbol of defiance, unity, liberation and freedom.

Gabriel Bagradian as an epitomizer of will-power, faith, intellect, defiance, endurance, courage and survival.

The Sacrificial Lamb as a symbol of resistance, defiance, courage, endurance, dignity, honor, justice and sacrifice for a greater cause.

Resurrection as the survival and the rebirth of Armenians including Musa Dagh Armenians.

Thus, The Forty Days of Musa Dagh by Franz Werfel intwines Biblical symbolism into its narrative accentuating themes of faith, resilience, defiance, sacrifice and survival.

References

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Online Sources

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1 Emphasis added by the author unless otherwise noted.

Received:

18.10.2024

Reviewed:

29.12.2024

Accepted:

15.09.2025

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

doi: 10.34616/ajmp.2025.27.18

ISSN 2299–7164

Vol. 27 (2025)

Open Access. Published by Committee for Philology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław Branch and College for Interdisciplinary Studies, University of Wrocław. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.

Aniela Partyga

Uniwersytet Wrocławski, Kolegium Międzydziedzinowych Studiów Indywidualnych

340968@uwr.edu.pl

ORCID: 0009-0002-7486-4226

The Symbolic, the Imaginary and the Real in Narratives of the Working-Class Representatives on Their Trade Union Activity. Interpreting Interviews with Jacques Lacan and Pierre Bourdieu

Abstract

The paper aims to explore the narrations about trade unions found in the research material, which consists of three in-depth interviews with working-class women representatives. Interviewees’ statements are interpreted from a research perspective that distinguishes three dimensions in which the subject functions, introduced to psychoanalysis by Jacques Lacan: the Symbolic, the Imaginary, and the Real. Psychoanalysis as a theory of speaking allows these dimensions to be recognized in the interviews. Pierre Bourdieu’s theory serves to trace the course of life trajectories and characterize the transformations to discern the presence of class conditions and ethos in specific moments in the biographies. In the light of Lacan’s reasoning, the narrative of one’s own life can occur as the basis of recognitions relevant to Bourdieu’s theory, leading beyond the opposition of the objective and the subjective. The subject matter of the paper thus can be described as the self-narration of the working-class representatives, framed by the Lacanian concept of discourse.

Keywords: Bourdieu, Lacan, psychoanalysis, social class, trade unions, RSI

Introduction

The paper aims to explore how working-class women talk about their experience of trade union activity. Their statements are interpreted from a research perspective that distinguishes three orders that organise the subjects’ experience and that can be found in the narratives of the interviewees – orders introduced to psychoanalysis by Jacques Lacan: the Symbolic, the Imaginary and the Real (Świrek 2021). Psychoanalysis as a theory of speaking (Lacan [1966] 1996: 23) makes it possible to identify these orders in the course of interpreting the interviewees’ statements. In characterising transformations and tracing the course of life trajectories, Bourdieu’s theory serves to discern the influence of class conditions and ethos on specific moments in the biographies. The paper thus integrates a Lacanian vision of the subject with a Bordieuan perspective of social class, which is further justified in the theoretical section of the paper. The theoretical background is crucial in this project merging two thinkers from distant academic fields which is why the theoretical section is the most developed one.

The focus on representatives of the working class inscribes the article in the approach advocated by Stephane Beaud and Michel Pialoux ([1999] 2022), former coworkers of Bourdieu. They argue that the working class is becoming more topical than ever with the disappearance of workers from discourse and visual space (Beaud and Pialoux [1999] 2022: 11). Sociological research, on the other hand, is all the more necessary when the interest of the social sciences seems to naturally shift to issues of new classes, creative classes, mobility, consumption or “middle-class societies” (Jacyno 2022: 11). It is not only the study of and talk about the working class itself that has political stakes, but also the way of talking: treating workers with benevolent indulgence or seeking their agency and subjectivity. Being marginalised or “relegated to social oblivion” (Jacyno 1997b) is not the only threat to the working class from the legitimate discourse: even if “unskilled” workers are discussed, their demands for raises can be seen as a manifestation of the “culture of dependency” (Rakowski 2009: 13) of “welfare clients” (Louis [2018] 2021: 52).

The choice to study female workers involved in a trade union which has had some success in the workplace is dictated precisely by the search for the subjectivity and politicisation of subordinated classes. The problem is all the more complex because trade unions, although closely linked in their history to the grassroots workers’ emancipation movement, are today sometimes dominated by full-time activists from headquarters (Gardawski, Mrozowicki, Czarzasty 2012: 8). This article pays particular attention to moments in interviews that refer to interclass encounters. The problem of the agency of the working class and the grassroots nature of workers’ actions within contemporary trade unions are examined in detail. Psychoanalysis becomes a useful theoretical background alongside Bourdieu’s class conception because of its emancipatory potential lying in the recognition of one’s own subjective position. The subject of psychoanalysis gains autonomy by coming to terms with determination, giving up the illusion of omnipotence and accepting limitations (Świrek 2018: 149; Leder 2018: 107). From this perspective, workers’ self-organisation can be seen as an achievement all the more subjective because the pressures of reality in the case of the subordinated classes are most acute.

Methodology and Theoretical Background

The research material consists of three in-depth interviews focused on biography. The material is used in a non-systematic way, as this work does not aim at a thorough analysis consistent with the biographical method. Rather, it is about extracting threads from the interviews that are worth interpreting in the context of the research problem posed: How do working-class representatives become trade unionists from the perspective of the Lacanian concept of three orders? How does Bourdieu’s theory complement this perspective? The author of the article collected the interviews as part of a larger project focused on trade union activity in public nursing homes in a big Polish city (population of over 600000). The three female respondents whose stories are used in this article work at one nursing home as medical caregivers. This occupation is related to care work (Malak Akgün 2018: 144) that does not require higher education and involves mainly physical activities and some psychological support. This type of occupation, in the spirit of Bourdieu, can be classified as characteristic of the popular class (Gdula and Sadura 2012: 8); without entering long digressions, it can be simplistically said that the “popular class” is a way of naming the working class. However, only two of the respondents have popular class origins and have been working their whole adult lives as caregivers. The third respondent whose narrative is used in this article had only been in the profession of medical caregiver for a few years, having previously held middle-level corporate positions. The class origin in her case differs significantly from that of most nursing home workers; she can be classified as a representative of the middle class according to Bourdieu’s thought. Her case is used to a lesser extent, only as a reference point for an in-depth analysis of the narrative of the other two working class respondents.

Subordinated classes in Bourdieu’s sociological theory are subject to symbolic violence. The particular nature of symbolic violence lies in the coercion exercised through consent, which the dominated cannot fail to give to the dominant (Bourdieu [1997] 2006: 242). Double denial here points to the absence of an alternative language that the dominated could use to define his or her relationship with the dominant in a way that is different from the latter’s way of describing and using language. The relation of domination appears natural because the only tools available to the dominated person to name reality are not his or her own, which he or she would select on his or her own terms. These tools are the product of the embodiment (Bourdieu [1997] 2006: 242) of the hierarchical structure to which the dominated person is subject. Symbolic violence thus takes place beyond the alternatives of coercion and consent, and beyond conscious decisions or self-control – it takes place in the darkness of the dispositions of the habitus1 (Bourdieu [1997] 2006: 242). In this sense, the subordination of the dominated is both spontaneous and enforced (Bourdieu [1997] 2006: 243), and the subordinated must contribute in some way to the construction of symbolic power. In a social world characterised in this way, the possibility of acting to change and improve conditions of life seems slim. Hence the oft-repeated accusation of determinism directed against Bourdieu. Even cases of upward social mobility (and degradation), which are not so rare, only seemingly break the vicious circle of reproduction. Upward mobility includes the “uprooted” who cannot simply enjoy success – promotion is a “fall, only that it is upwards” (Jacyno 1997a: 117, trans. A.P.).

What about the experience of collectively winning an improvement in the living conditions outside of individual upward mobility – the kind of experience that happens to female respondents in the course of winning an industrial dispute? Bourdieu does not devote as much theoretical attention to this kind of question as he does to precise descriptions of the mechanism of reproduction. Fragments relating to this issue appear in his later work from the 1990s. The theme of symbolic work, which is a kind of political labour necessary to indict the implicit arbitrariness of the class system and to break out of the tacit obviousness (Bourdieu [1997] 2006: 267), implies a reliance on expressive and critical capacities which, as forms of capital, are not equally available to all. Hence the conclusion of the necessity of the participation of those who would become spokespersons (Bourdieu [1997] 2006: 267) for the dominated thanks to partial solidarity, the basis of which, at certain historical moments, may be the analogy between the dominated position of some in the entire social space and the dominated position of others in a given field of cultural production. In such moments, there is a transfer of cultural capital which, if there is no capture, allows the dominated to participate in a collective mobilization against the symbolic order. Permanent changes to the symbolic order would require a symbolic revolution, which Bourdieu mentions in an even shorter passage, indicating only the need for such an event and not the conditions of its possibility. A symbolic revolution would have to challenge the very foundations of the production and reproduction of symbolic capital (Bourdieu and Wacquant [1992] 2001: 170).

As for the French sociologist’s reference to psychoanalytic theory, Bourdieu himself referred to his concept as social psychoanalysis (Bourdieu [1979] 2010), describing the social world with categories such as the social unconscious (Jacyno 2017: 7) or repressed desire in a given field (Jacyno 2002: 91). In analysing the interviews, there is no question of subjecting them to any psychoanalysis in the clinical sense since the respondent will not be confronted with an interpretation of their statements. Rather, the idea is to use a psychoanalytic perspective on how the subject functions in a world – a world, according to Lacan, that is a thoroughly socialised world in which everything that happens to a subject has its origin in others. That happens through the symbolic relation, which “is decisive for the emergence of the subject” (Świrek 2022b: 44, trans. A.P.), meaning that the subject can only exist in the space of language. Language is not understood here as a tool for effective communication because communication cannot be reduced to an equivalent exchange (Świrek 2022b: 42). Language does not simply convey a message; it rather reveals the truth unconsciously in a way not planned by the speaker. Any description of reality is mediated through linguistic representation understood in this way (Świrek 2021: 9).

The distinction between Symbolic, Imaginary and Real orders helps structure these complex mechanisms of representation in psychoanalysis. It allows one to penetrate aspects of social reality that are not observable within the framework of classical sociological methods (Świrek 2021: 5). In Lacan’s case, the telling of one’s biography can be placed in the Imaginary order, related to the construction of identities and scenarios in which the subject plays a certain role in the world. This order consists of ideas about oneself and others that give the speaker a sense of coherence and agency (Świrek 2021: 22). These ideas have the character of an image with which the subject identifies (Świrek 2018: 185–186). Such images can be described extensively by respondents using the language of affects and association. Descriptions of one’s imaginings of the world, people or oneself occur repeatedly in the course of an interview, and the interviewer should – according to the methodology of qualitative research (Kvale [2007] 2010: 117) – provoke and encourage such imaginative confessions from the respondent, stimulating in him or her an “image orientation” (Lacan [2005] 2013: 22) useful from a sociologist’s perspective as research material providing insight into the world of feelings and experiences analysed in a qualitative interview (Kvale [2007] 2010: 43). The imaginary order is also the most deceptive register, associated with misrecognition, from which the process of clinical psychoanalysis is supposed to distance the analysand (Fink [1997] 2002: 61), which does not mean, however, that it can be described as illusory or insignificant to the Real (Evans 2003: 82). Although it is subject to illusions of wholeness, similarity or autonomy, and is constituted by alienation, imaginary identifications are inevitable and have far-reaching effects on the real (Evans 2003: 82).

For Lacanian psychoanalysis, biography understood in this way – not dissimilar to Bourdieu’s view on it as an illusion artificially producing narrative meanings (Bourdieu 1986) – is only a starting point. A specific kind of listening to biography also opens it up to Symbolic and Real registers. Although telling the story of one’s own life is dominated by images of oneself and others and dictated by the image of oneself as an object of research, the sociological interview is fundamentally about the message. The Imaginary itself is structured by the Symbolic, as the space in which the images are located is symbolically constructed (Evans 2003: 83).

The Symbolic order can be recognised by reference to the universal norms and rules that structure the whole of social life, and to which one is subjected. These norms accompany every situation, usually not consciously. That is because they can be compared to an impenetrable sea in which we are immersed, but which it is impossible to grasp with our eyes or to stand next to (Žižek [2006] 2010: 21). The Symbolic encompasses how people treat the ideals instilled by significant others (Fink [1997] 2002: 60). This is, however, not about idealizations about others, but about the ways acquired through them of relating to Symbolic rules. The structures and norms that constitute the Symbolic order cannot exist outside of language (Evans 2003: 201), which in its symbolic function serves “not so much to convey messages as to be recognised by another” (Świrek 2021: 11, trans. A.P.). Recognition leads to the inclusion of individuals in or exclusion from a group, hence the relevance of the Symbolic to social bonds. The irrelevance of positive messages is due to the fact that the signifying structures that make up language have no positive content, but only relate to each other in a negative way, on the basis of differences (Evans 2003: 201). In other words, the space of the Symbolic boils down to the establishment of relations at a fundamental level, where one signifier refers to another and content plays no role (Świrek 2021: 11). At the level of the Symbolic, speech is particularly devoid of meaning (Lacan [2005] 2013: 28). Between people, the symbol has the function of simple recognition made possible by the utterance of words whose content is arbitrary, but which, when pronounced, make both partners different from what they were before (Lacan [2005] 2013: 29).

The real, on the other hand, is the order that reveals itself in those moments of biography that cannot be reconciled, recounted or developed. This is due to this order’s resistance to representation and to its mode of existence: incompatible with the subject’s identifications within the other two registers (Świrek 2021: 31). The real does not have enumerable constituent qualities, it does not divide, and it does not even include negative relations (Evans 2003: 159). It can be described not by enumerable qualities, but as a collision with something (Lacan [2005] 2013: 48), which leaves behind a bizarre sense of lack or contingency (Świrek 2021: 31). The experience of lack that confounds the subject’s sense of inability to develop a narrative is rooted in the nature of the real object (petit a). This object is neither experienced by the subject nor is it something that the subject desires (Świrek 2021: 31). Instead, it is the cause of desire, a desire that is always and necessarily unsatisfied, because it is related to what was lost originally, before entering the symbolic and language. Although the real does not submit to representation, it is possible to signify it. An example is the “raw” statistics of the different life expectancy of people with different class positions (Świrek 2021: 32). The events that lead to the shorter life expectancy of representatives of the working class –for example, accidents in socially disrespected work (Louis [2018] 2021), or more generally a lifestyle enforced by hard, physical labour – can be rationalised as incidental and thus somehow forgotten through naturalisation. Such “phenomena related to the disruptive impact of violence” (Świrek 2021: 34, trans. A.P.) are situated in the Real, the full recall of which threatens to devastate the subject once more.

In the light of Lacan’s reasoning, biography can occur as the basis of recognitions relevant to Bourdieu’s theory, leading beyond the opposition of the objective and the subjective. The Lacanian study of biography makes it possible to reconstruct structures external to the subject, but at the same time reveals the hardest root of their reality, in relation to which the subject is unfree as a result of its own active involvement. Such a subject is also drawn by Bourdieu, who describes the habitus as a structure shaped by the pressures of reality, but responsible at the same time for reproduction, and linked to the deepest desires, emotional investments and inner experiences and actions of the subject, who is active in various ways when making choices or making creative use of situations.

The two key authors in this article are also linked by how they capture social structure – in Bourdieu’s case given more explicitly, while in Lacan’s case, it is present when concluding social theory from his teaching. In Lacan, the symbolic structure is incomplete, language fails, and the real emerges from behind these linguistic holes in the Symbolic (Świrek 2022b: 44). Structure, therefore, is not an assemblage of positive content, but is relational and thus is defined by lack and non-identity, “cannot be observed except through its effects” (Świrek 2022b: 45, trans. A.P.). Translated into social science issues, this could mean, for example, that class structure is also relational – there is no other form of it than conflict, clashes, and struggle between classes. Bourdieu similarly describes his theory, as already mentioned, when he observes that each condition of life is defined “by the relational properties which it derives from its position in the system of class conditions (...) i.e. by everything which distinguishes it from what it is not” (Bourdieu [1979] 2010: 166-167). It is for this reason that the description of the classified habitus often takes the form of an enumeration of negative indications, while there is no explanation of what the practice actually consists of (Jacyno 1997a: 21).

Analysis and Interpretation

The research material analysed and interpreted in this article consists mainly of interviews with two caregivers anonymized under the names Julia and Eve. Their stories are united by a downplaying of their own role in the union action: Eve expressed doubt before the interview whether she was a suitable respondent for the study due to her low involvement in her perception. Julia, on the other hand, both during and after the interview, indicates that she would like to be able to help more in obtaining information about the dispute. Both refer in this context, as a role model and authority, to another caregiver working in the same workplace, who was most active during the collective dispute. In the article, she appears under the anonymized name Anne and her narrative is used as a reference to the perspective of a worker with a middle-class background as opposed to the working-class background of Julia and Eve. An important difference in the class backgrounds between Julia and Eve is the feeling of security achieved by Julia that allows her to eagerly think of further training, while Eve’s narrative is shaped by the harsh reality of her barely making ends meet, which influences how the respondent explains her character and situation.

As mentioned in the theoretical section, in the sociological analysis of interviews, the Imaginary order is interesting insofar as it shows what a given respondent is most affectively engaged with and how the relevant imaginaries differ between respondents. The imaginary involvement captures the class difference as Julia and Eve appear to be keen to talk about their view on the community of caregivers at their workplace, but less about themselves, especially about political opinions. Anne on the other hand is keen to paint a picture of herself, talking extensively about the search for her personality and a job that would suit her character and needs. When talking about other caregivers, she seems to view them as a group of individuals with different features. Opposed to that, when Eve or Julia is supposed to talk about herself, she keeps coming back to a perspective of ‘us’, describing the image she has of the caregivers as a supportive, reliable and fun community. Both Eve and Julia admire those most committed to the labour union from and outside of their workplace, especially their colleague Anne. However, when comparing her calm nature to the behaviour of longer-serving trade unionists, only Julia speaks about a lesson on strategies for dealing with a political opponent. The image in her head of the involvement of unionists – with higher cultural capital and a higher sense of legitimacy – changes her own image in her relationship with the political opponent from a submissive attitude towards one of brave stubbornness. It seems that the privileged position of her new allies, enables, in Julia’s eyes, a stronger legitimization of union demands. In Eve’s narrative, on the other hand, initially positive statements about Anne lead her to confess the weakness of her own commitment. Later, she is also invaded by a reflection based on a comparison between her own material situation and that of her colleague, which seems more stable. The two perceptions – one full of admiration and the other linked to rivalry – are not easily reconciled, and this inconsistency at the level of representation seems to reveal the reality of class antagonism. As the respondent places herself in the social structure, the Symbolic order comes to the fore.

The Symbolic order is revealed in those statements in which discourse takes on the characteristics of a universal one, so when a specific dispute turns into questions of justice, norms and key principles. Questions of justice in Julia’s and Eve’s narratives arise among workers when their hard work is not properly appreciated. Hard, honest work and due respect for it seem to be one of the key symbolic principles for Julia and Eve. Indeed, the theme of work as a value also emerges when asked about their parents’ attitudes to work, both warmly mention their parents’ work ethos. Accuracy and diligence at work represent a value for the popular class respondents, the upholding of which is a matter of respect for their parents. Julia and Eve put this value into practice every day at work, so undermining it by refusing to give them raises provokes passionate opposition in them. Suddenly, legislators and management are aiming at symbolic principles, and through the hole in the Symbolic, one can see the Real of the class structure, part of which is the lack of recognition of the values of the subordinated classes. The caregivers do not want to accept such a vision, so they have to fight for their principles, presenting them to society as universal. The main weapon in the fight becomes the media and the obstinacy of caregivers. While Eve remains uninvolved in the wider topic of trade unions, for Julia, the process of fighting seems to be, at the same time, a process of learning to express one’s interest in a new language, a language pretending to be universal enough to get the public on the side of the trade unionists. Anne, in contrast, assumes a pose of externality to the fight, speaking from a distanced position of support. The struggle has no real stakes for her.

Reaching the Real in an utterance is not possible without some mediation of this order. However, “secondary markings of the real dimension” (Świrek 2021: 32, trans. A.P.) are possible. In the interviews with Julia and Eve, it was allowed through posing a question about what is particularly difficult in their work. One can venture the thesis that in the narratives of the subordinate classes, it is somewhat easier to trace the Real: workers’ lives are characterised by a compulsion to constantly face barriers. The utterance about difficulties at work is, in Julia’s case, one of the very few moments in the interview when she does not stick to the question asked: firstly, avoiding the answer, then quickly cutting it off and moving on to another topic. The short statement indicates that her workplace was affected by cuts in public facilities in the late 1990s and early 2000s, and at that time she saw the spectre of unemployment.

In the case of Eve, the hard part of work refers to how it violates her bodily and psychological boundaries. The lack of respect for her work – present overtly in the behaviour of the patients and covertly in the decisions of the authorities – has consequences that will forever remain etched in Catherine’s body. The respondent admits to a tendency to burden herself with tasks that are too heavy and to perform them alone. Her experience thus is positioned beyond the alternative of coercion and consent, beyond self-control, where the darkness of symbolic violence obscures the class origin of suffering. Systems of patterns of perception, judgement and action are inscribed in her body by past experiences: a particular upbringing, preparing her for hard work, having to constantly grapple with the prospect of poverty, accompanied by the contempt and mockery of the ruling class transmitted by the media. The reproduction of this violence takes place through the undertaking of excessive effort, leading to spinal disease.

In comparison, in Anne’s case, the Real does not seem to reveal itself when asked about what is difficult in her work: the respondent does speak of difficulties related to the serious condition of patients or insufficient psychological support for employees but there is no trace of understatement or incoherence here, and the difficulties are rather limited to the Imaginary order, becoming a description and confirmation of the characteristics attributed to herself. The moment of marking the Real in the interview takes place rather when she is asked about the her parents: Anne says with a nervous laugh that her father didn’t “even” graduate from school, and a moment later she cuts the thread firmly. The expression of shame about her father’s social status is the only moment in the interview that seems to bear a trace of the Real.

Conclusions

To conclude, the research questions have to be answered: How do working-class representatives become trade unionists from the perspective of the Lacanian concept of three registers? How does Bourdieu’s theory complement this perspective?

It can be said that Julia has undergone something of a transformation to become a committed trade union member. As she claims, the experience of the industrial dispute has left a lasting mark on her. From a Lacanian perspective, the transformation in language use, declared and demonstrated by the respondent, is particularly significant. This transformation, described in the previous section of this article, can also be captured using Bourdieu’s concept of symbolic work (Bourdieu [1997] 2006). In Julia’s case, the indictment of the implicit arbitrariness of the system and the adoption of a stance of resistance to symbolic violence took place with the significant participation of unionists, who indeed shared their capacity for expression and criticism not only through their own statements but also by encouraging the caregivers to speak up. It remains an open question whether the participation of the spokespersons was necessary, for the initial impetus came from the caregivers themselves, and the trade union headquarters only supported this reflex. However, it seems that the change to a permanent approach to resistance to employers? was made possible by the support of the union. The symbolic revolution ([1992] 2001), which requires a questioning of the very foundations of the power of judgement, lies, as it seems to do in the example of Julia, in contradiction with symbolic work. Symbolic work presupposes that a person from a dominated class learns a more legitimate language thanks to the support of spokespeople, which rather distances the person from questioning the illegitimacy of the language he or she used before.

At this point, it is worth tackling Eve’s perspective. For this respondent, the trade union and its activities did not become part of her identity. They have brought some, measly in her view, raises, and have left no lasting trace other than a remorse that she could have been more involved. Despite this, both respondents share a certain approach that seems to enable them to form a common front, which comes to light with Lacanian theory. Indeed, each of the three orders seems to have been useful in participating in the collective argument of the two female respondents. With the help of the imaginary order, the caregivers with a working-class background produce a community with their female co-workers that forms the basis of the struggle for better working conditions. In Eve’s case, moreover, solidarity with the rest of the female workers in the face of a common enemy is more strongly present, as revealed by emotional investment when it comes to discussing those with a better class position in management. Eve’s example perhaps reveals a different kind of involvement: some expressive and critical capacities possible without going through a process of symbolic work, and therefore contestation capacities of a popular class nature.

Within the Symbolic order lie the key principles of respect for hard work, which Julia and Eve are prepared to uphold against their superiors and the authorities while learning to express their principles in a language the audience can understand. In the symbolic power that their expressions will have, the Real order has its key share. The experiences that fall within the real constitute a kind of weapon for the female respondents. Its use becomes an expression of the nature of being subjected to symbolic violence and occupying the position of the subordinated classes. It can be presumed, based on the opinion of the female respondents, that media publicity was decisive in winning the collective dispute. The effectiveness of the use of this weapon containing real experiences, and therefore the effectiveness of the accusation directed towards the dominant classes, depends on the extent to which the public, driven by a sense of solidarity with the trade unionists or indignation about their working conditions, will support the demands of the caregivers.

From the perspective of Bourdieu’s theory, the respondents become trade unionists in two different ways. Julia undergoes a more sustained process of symbolic work, while Eve engages in a fully popular class way. Lacan’s theory of three orders, however, allows us to see an important connection that occurred between the caregivers, enabling a common struggle: the workers stood for the same fundamental symbolic principles. Although the trade union had a different meaning for Julia and Eve from the perspective of Bourdieu’s class theory (the differences in capitals and narratives were important), from the perspective of psychoanalysis, the meaning of the trade union can be reduced, on a symbolic level, to the same thing: an institution which function is to enable collective solidarity among workers and to give hard work its due respect.

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1 Bourdieu creates the notion of habitus because he sees a common source of classificatory judgements and the practices subject to these judgements. Habitus thus constitutes at the same time a generating principle of practices and a system for classifying these practices (Bourdieu [1979] 2010: 193), which means that the social judgement of practices is on the one hand dictated by its place in the social order, and on the other hand is itself a social practice and reproduces this order. This is because the habitus is a complex of dispositions, unconscious perceptions, tendencies, thought patterns, which are a form of internalisation of the current rules of the social order. The social order internalised in individuals, already treated as personal views and preferences, determines the formation and ways of defining tastes, which become the basis for making judgements that re-validate the order itself.

Rec eived:

17.09.2024

Reviewed:

24.11.2025

Accepted:

30.12.2025

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

doi: 10.34616/ajmp.2025.27.19

ISSN 2299–7164

Vol. 27 (2025)

Open Access. Published by Committee for Philology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław Branch and College for Interdisciplinary Studies, University of Wrocław. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.

Nataliia Romanyshyn

Lviv Polytechnic National University, Ukraine; CEFRES, Prague, The Czech Republic

nataliia.i.romanyshyn@lpnu.ua

ORCID: 0000-0001-5918-5423

The Ukrainian Language and Identity under Soviet Totalitarism: Discursive Practices and Ideological Impositions

Abstract

Language is a leading factor of statehood and national identity. Akin to the central nervous system in a human being, it is intricately intertwined with different dimensions of social life and secures the formation of national consciousness. Over the centuries of its history, the Ukrainian language has survived the periods of a deliberate limitation in its use or even complete prohibitions by colonizing imperial powers. Seven decades of Soviet occupation and totalitarian regime caused the most dramatic deformation of the Ukrainian language’s status and functionality. The research integrates the historical, socio-political, and linguistic insights to uncover the connections between the concept of the Ukrainian language and the institutional and social contexts that influence discourses and, thereby, affect the semantics of the concept. The findings of the study shed light on the essence of lingual cognitive processes that embody the policy of the Ukrainian language marginalization, deliberate reconfiguration of cultural and linguistic landscape of Ukraine, diminishing the space for Ukrainian self-expression and promoting a homogenized Soviet identity that privileged Russian language and culture.

Keywords: Ukrainian language and identity, discursive strategies, conceptualization, metaphor, corpus linguistics

Introduction

National identity is defined as a relatively stable system of mental constructs in individual and collective consciousness formed through specific types of intersubjective interactions within a historical context (Romanyshyn 2021: 47). Constructivist theory sees national identity as an intersubjective discourse product, shaped by macro-strategies (like unification, identification, and solidarity) and micro-strategies (manifested in various linguistic-cognitive entities), indicating a dialectical relationship between discourse and social practices (Wodak et al. 2009; Benwell and Stokoe 2006).

Ukrainian academic discourse on national identity has become increasingly comprehensive, integrating Western scientific models and locally adapted approaches (Kolesnyk 2013; Kniazhynskyi 1959; Karmazina 2015; Rozumnyi 2012; Stepyko 2011; Vermenych 2016) responding to ongoing societal changes, integrating various theoretical frameworks to address the complexities of national identity in Ukraine’s unique sociopolitical context. Scholars define the following chain of interconnected problematic issues in the domain of Ukrainian identity, where each one is both a consequence of the preceding and a catalyst for the following one determining the complexity of conceptualizing the discussed phenomenon. Ukrainian national identity has been shaped under challenging cultural, economic and political circumstances, often as a nation occupied and oppressed within various imperial structures. This history created complex layers of identification, particularly evident during enforced assimilation into the Russian Empire and the USSR, which deteriorated the Ukrainian identity landscape. These historical-geographic dimensions of identity further resulted in ambivalence and a fragmented consensus on societal values (Korabliova 2020: 43) in post-Soviet Ukraine, namely the issues of national memory, symbols, heroes, and the national elite. The prolonged period of statelessness preconditioned the complex of inferiority in collective self-perception and consciousness. The period of soviet occupation (1920–1990) was marked by the extermination of the intelligentsia during the 1920s and 1930s, the Holodomor, the erasure of national identities of the victims of World War II, ethnic cleansings, forced relocations of entire ethnic groups, arrests and annihilation of the most conscious members of society, persecution and rights restrictions on national activists. These events collectively left a profound and lasting impact on national memory shaping the phenomenon of collective trauma (Conquest 1986; Hornostay 2012; Shporluk 2016).

Language as a factor of statehood and identity was also severely targeted by imperial and totalitarian powers through deliberate limitation, deformation and widespread destruction of its status and functionality. These practices have not only impinged on language development but also impacted the cultural and national identity associated with the Ukrainian language in the period of Ukrainian independence, caused further socio-political tensions. The language policy in Ukraine after reestablishing independence in 1991 was too liberal and weak to safeguard the status of Ukrainian language. The situation was aggravated by constant manipulation of “language question” fueled by pro-Russian political forces. Consequently, the position of national language as a leading factor of identity was problematized by implementing the conception of co-presence of Ukrainian and Russian languages in communicative space as natural and unavoidable, as two specific forms of identities, creating, in fact, the condition of devaluation and diminishing the role of Ukrainian language, its displacement from intellectual and cultural practices, which opened the door for new Russian imperial assault.

The Russian aggression has played a pivotal role in reshaping mass consciousness, driving a more critical reevaluation of Ukraine’s historical, cultural, and linguistic challenges. However, despite these advancements, deep-rooted language-related problems of Ukrainian society persist, and require in-depth consideration of their causes highlighting the complex interplay of factors. Akin to the complexity of Ukrainian national identity issue in general, the conceptualization of the Ukrainian language as a crucial factor of nation building is a firmly tied knot of social, historic, political, ethical and scientific threads that have been binding the existence of Ukrainians for centuries.

Purpose

The paper aims to reveal the conceptualization of the phenomenon of the Ukrainian language in 20th century (1920–1990) by tracing its dynamics, focusing on destructive discursive practices that create and implement negative idiologemes, biased political images, stereotypes and conceptions into collective consciousness under the conditions of soviet (Russian) totalitarizm. The research displays the essence of lingual cognitive processes that reflect the policy of Ukrainian language marginalization, deliberate reconfiguration of cultural and linguistic landscape of Ukraine, diminishing the space for Ukrainian self-expression and promoting a homogenized Soviet identity that privileged Russian language and culture.

Methodology

Methods for studying conceptualizations of identity and its manifestations in language have been profoundly influenced by the theoretical frameworks the researchers adopt. A discursive view of identity is understood in two primary ways: as a performance or construction in interaction, or as a set of historical structures with regulatory power over identity. Reconfiguring identity as a sociocultural and sociohistorical construct, influenced by discourse became one of the leading conceptions of the late 20th century. Key theorists like Althusser, Gramsci, Anderson, Ricoeur, Bhabha and Foucault have significantly contributed to this understanding focusing on discourses forming the basis of subjectivity, suggesting that identities are products of dominant discourses tied to social practices. This discursive view implies that identity is not an inherent essence but a product of mediated representations, primarily through language and discourse. Theorists argue that reality and identity are constructed through discourse and that social space, including identities, must be treated as discursive. With a common understanding that identities are constructed discursively most scholars support a holistic approach that blends various interdisciplinary, methodological, and specific source-based methods to examine identities as unique discourse phenomena (Benwel, Stokoe 2006: 17–48) and focus on “the central role of language and interaction as the site of identity work” (ibid. 34). Since the language is a form of ideological practice that mediates, influences and even constructs our experiences, identities and ways of viewing the world, the discoursive analysis of identity is based on a close engagement with the language of texts by paying due attention to the social and cultural contexts in which it occurs.

In this research, historical, socio-political, and linguistic insights are integrated to uncover the connections between concepts of Ukrainian identity (notably, the Ukrainian language) and the institutional and social contexts that influence discourses and, thereby, affect the changes of concepts’ semantics. These changes are traced diachronically in historically and stylistically differentiated subcorpora crated on the basis of corpus of Ukrainian language GRAC. The application of corpus linguistics tools (that allow to operate with the diversity of quantitative data), cognitive linguistics (that allows to display the formation of conceptual semantics) and discourse studies (that explore how discourse constitutes social practice and is at the same time constituted by it) illuminates the dynamics of change in concepts structure, the prevalent modes of conceptual metaphorization that shape both personal and collective views of reality, and offers valuable insights into shifts in the axiological systems of societal contexts.

We focused on the cluster of phrases “Ukrainian language /literature,” word combination with attributes “national” and “nationalistic” and opposed to them “Russian language/literature,” “soviet literature.” By analyzing the frequency and combinability of these lexical units within certain periods, we identify the emergence of connotative and evaluative meanings and establish the axiological senses in conceptual content influenced by external factors.

Results and Discussion

Before analyzing the discursive processes of the stated time frame, let us dwell on some historical prerequisites (19th century – first decades of 20th century). The final formation of modern literary Ukrainian is connected with the name of Ivan Kotliarevskii (1769–1838) and his famous poetic work “Eneida.” Further development of new Ukrainian literature and its linguistic framework unfolded over nearly five decades, culminating in the creative contributions of Taras Shevchenko (1814–1861) to the literary and linguistic landscape. 19th century saw an intensive growth of Ukrainian linguistic practices, predominantly Western Ukraine, which was under Austro-Hungarian rule at the time: compilations of grammars and dictionaries by O. Pavlovsky (1818), I. Mohylnytskyi (1822–1824), M. Luchkai (1830), Y. Levytskyi (1834), Y. Lozynskyi (1846), T. Hlynskyi (1845), Ya. Holovatskyi (1849), P. Diachan (1865), S. Smal-Stotskyi and T. Hartner (1893), the development of Ukrainain literary translation from world languages. However, Russian narrative posits that the Ukrainian language does not constitute a distinct language but rather a dialect (the little Russian dialect) thereby arguing against its legitimacy and right to exist as an independent linguistic entity. In general, during the centuries of Russian imperial colonization the Ukrainian language survived the prohibitions 134 times with the strongest constraints being imposed by Valuyev (July 18, 1863) (Klymchuk 2003) and The Ems Decree (May 30, 1876) (Savchenko 1930: 381–383; Skarbey 2005). The latter prohibited any books published in Ukrainian without special permission, printing of any original works or translations, forbade all stage performances, musical texts, public readings, and teaching in Ukrainian. Other landmarks are the 1888, the Decree of Alexander III “On the prohibition of the use of the Ukrainian language and the christening with Ukrainian names in official institutions”; 1908, the Senate decree stating that educational work in Ukraine is harmful and dangerous for Russia; 1910, P. Stolypin’s Decree classifying Ukrainians as aliens and prohibiting any Ukrainian organizations; 1914, Decree of Nicholas II on the prohibition of the Ukrainian press (Ocheretianko, Riabets 2010).

The status of Ukrainian in Galicia was relatively better. Under Austro-Hungarian rule in Western Ukraine, the cultural and educational freedoms allowed for the growth of a Ukrainian national movement. However, during the Polish control, especially after the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s fall and in the interwar period, the Polish authorities enforced Polonization, limiting the use of Ukrainian in public life and education (Rubliov 2011). Despite these challenges, the Ukrainian language demonstrated resilience against cultural assimilation. And in the period of independent Ukrainian People Republic (1918–1921) the Ukrainian language gained the status of official language of Ukraine. The adoption of the Main Rues of Ukrainian Orthography developed by Ivan Ohienko (Ohienko 2001) and the publication of the most authoritative dictionary by Borys Hrinchenko (Hrinchenko [1907–1909] 1956–1958) are the main landmarks in the development of Ukrainian of this period.

The first decade of soviet occupation of Ukraine (1920–1930) unfolded under the banner of “Ukrainization.” The promising term in fact hid the soviet policy to counteract the national-liberation desires of Ukrainian people solidifying Bolshevik authority in the Ukrainian SSR. This strategy anticipated employing national personnel in Soviet, party, and social establishments and organizations, broadening the Communist Party’s ideological sway over Ukrainian society through implementing “proletarian and Bolshevik’s elements” in national culture under the guise of promoting the Ukrainian language. Soviet “Ukrainization” served as a tactic for the Bolshevik leaders to reinforce control over any manifestation of national rebirth. Publicly declaring compulsory learning of Ukrainian they aimed to bridge the gap between the Russified urban areas and the Ukrainian countryside and to foster a stronger bond between the working class and the peasantry, thus promoting social stability, crucial for crafting a “communist future.”

Let us dwell on how the corpus data reflect this process: the lexeme’s Ukrainization frequency (lemma українізація) is 681, its relative frequency per million is 0.38. The corpus analysis reveals the intentional, compulsory essence of Ukrainization in the high density of combinations with lexeme Ukrainization: Ukrainization of party establishment/ Komsomol/ public servants/ terms of Ukrainization, quick / slow pace of Ukrainization, oppression/control/opposition/conditions/achievements/commission/implementation of Ukrainization; precipitation/intensification of Ukrainization actions; attributive combinations: comprehensive, complete, overwhelming, moderate/radical Ukrainization etc. Ideological content of Ukrainization is manifested in the frequency of discursive cliché “radical and decisive measures,” “safeguarding equity of languages,” “just and equitable national/ethnic policy” as contextual environment of the word Ukrainization and is intensified by military metaphors to struggle for / the frontline of / the victories of / defense of Ukrainization and alike. The table below (table 1.) exemplifies the diversity of lexeme Ukrainization combinability with lexemes that reinforce these ideological senses rather than relation of the concept to the domains of nationality and culture.

Table 1. Combinability of lemma Ukrainization / українізація in subcorpus of 1920–1930

Cooccurrences ?

Candidates ?

T-score

MI

LogDice

|зловмисний|malingnant

4

1,409

2.00

14.82

6.37

|передчувати|anticipate

4

2,811

2.00

13.82

5.46

|провадитися|conduct

4

8,539

2.00

12.22

3.91

|переведення|transfer

8

22,889

2.83

11.80

3.51

|декрет|decree

4

14,045

2.00

11.50

3.20

|опір|resistence

4

35,134

2.00

10.18

1.89

|апарат|aparatus

10

123,696

3.16

9.68

1.40

|поширюватися|spread

3

44,703

1.73

9.42

1.13

|партійний|party

3

53,520

1.73

9.16

0.87

|установа|esteblishment

7

182,503

2.64

8.61

0.33

|радянський|soviet

12

353,345

3.45

8.43

0.15

|довести|complete

3

126,867

1.72

7.91

-0.37

|перевірка|check

4

189,909

1.99

7.74

-0.54

|галузь|field

4

222,163

1.99

7.52

-0.76

|спосіб|way

4

288,367

1.99

7.14

-1.14

|справа|action

16

1,453,326

3.96

6.81

-1.47

|черга|turn

3

310,962

1.71

6.62

-1.66

|комісія|commission

5

520,883

2.21

6.61

-1.67

|школа|school

5

531,818

2.21

6.58

-1.70

|партія|party

5

794,766

2.20

6.00

-2.28

|захід|event

4

808,879

1.96

5.65

-2.63

|почати|start

4

814,201

1.96

5.64

-2.64

|процес|process

3

616,876

1.70

5.63

-2.65

|робота|робот|work

4

860,394

1.96

5.56

-2.71

Ukrainization measures were implemented across various sectors, including the Communist Party of Ukraine (Bolshevik) itself. A specially formed Central Committee commission noted that the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine (Bolshevik) considered it necessary to elevate the social status of the Ukrainian language. The commission’s recommendations were adopted and later implemented (1923–1926), which shifted the focus of Ukrainization efforts from rural areas to cities and industrial regions. As a result of these measures, by mid-1926, the proportion of Ukrainians in the party increased to 47% compared to 23.7% at the beginning of 1923. Official documents of this period also declared that “Ukrainization” should encompass the entire cultural process and ensure the Ukrainian personnel dominate all aspects of the country’s life. The decade of “Ukrainization” (1923–1933) marked a significant development in Ukrainian literature, art, theater, and cinema, despite ideological brakes, heralding a cultural renaissance. From 1923 to 1929, 85% of the press was Ukrainized, and the best theater venues were allocated to Ukrainian theaters. Guided by positive expectation, the majority of Ukrainian elite were actively involved and advanced the Ukrainization. Efforts, initiated by Mykola Skrypnyk, to spread Ukrainization beyond the Ukrainian SSR to ethnographically Ukrainian territories within the RSFSR (like Kursk, Voronezh, Saratov regions, Kuban, Kazakhstan) included introducing Ukrainian-language education, press, and literature distribution, and establishing Ukrainian cultural houses, clubs, and educational facilities. The period also saw a tolerant approach to national minorities in Ukraine, ensuring their rights in administration, education, press, and theater (Halushko 2019).

Despite some academic and literary circles perceiving it as only partially fulfilling the Ukrainian people’s natural rights and cautioning against the revival of Russian imperial tendencies and Russification, the Ukrainian intelligentsia broadly endorsed and supported Ukrainization (Kasyanov 1992; Mace 1983). The most significant benchmark of Ukrainization was the adoption of a new variant of the Main Rues of Ukrainian Orthography in 1928 and its implementation into publishing and education.

The next stage of the analysis includes discursive dynamics of the concept language and Ukrainian language (lemma мова, lemma мовний). Frequency of lemma “language” in 1920–1930 corpus is 18, 638 , relative frequency per million is 12.48. Frequency of lemma “language/linguistic” (as adjective) -184 (0.1 per million). This high frequency indicates the significance of the concept of language in the context of so called “national and language questions” as discursive practice and instrument of soviet ideology of Ukrainization. The highest in frequency are combinations of lexeme language with concepts national, nominations of national/ethnic languages; contextual clustering with concepts of learning/studying, acquisition, mastering, comprehension and creative manifestations like poetic, literary, artistic, translation. Alongside its terminological usage as a notion of linguistics, it manifests the high metaphoric productivity (living, life, robust, creative, thriving, etc.).

Ukrainian language vs. Russian language

Frequency, combinability and distribution of these lexemes ware compared: cql [lemma=»український»][lemma=»мова»], 1,814 (0.914 per million); cql [lemma=»російський»][lemma=»мова»], 390 (0.018 per million). The analysis of corpus data on the concepts of “Ukrainian language” and “Russian language” reveals a significant disparity in frequency, combinability, and distribution between the two languages. The data indicates a more substantial presence and usage of the Ukrainian language in the corpus.

“Ukrainian language” combinability allows defining the following conceptual profiles – linguistic term, linguistic fact with special properties, cultural fact/ cultural value; focus of attention; instrument of politics / power; object of investigation / study; means of communication; focus of school/educational establishment/ educational activity; local/areal distribution, popularity. The diversity of combinability supports this conclusions (table 2.):

Table 2. Combinability of lemma Ukrainian language / українська мова

Lemma

Cooccurrences ?

Candidates ?

T-score

MI

LogDice

|заведення|reprot

14

1,944

3.74

12.86

6.93

|невластивий|uncharacteristic

14

2,625

3.74

12.43

6.69

|інструменталь|instrumental

7

631

2.65

13.49

6.55

|дієприкметник|Participle I

11

2,638

3.32

12.07

6.34

|дієприслівник|Participle II

6

715

2.45

13.08

6.28

|діловодство|business communication

10

2,946

3.16

11.78

6.11

|відріжняти|distinguish

4

198

2.00

14.35

6.03

|датив|Dative

4

288

2.00

13.81

5.96

|зворот|expression

17

7,232

4.12

11.25

5.94

|дієслівний|verbal

10

3,787

3.16

11.41

5.87

|милозвучність|harmony

4

457

2.00

13.14

5.85

|писаний|written

16

7,741

4.00

11.06

5.78

|акузатив|Accusative

4

601

2.00

12.75

5.76

|правопис|orthography

16

8,543

4.00

10.92

5.66

|словянський|Slavic

4

797

2.00

12.34

5.65

|богослужбовий|cereminial

4

1,068

2.00

11.92

5.51

|друкування|printing

6

2,773

2.45

11.13

5.42

|євангелія|Gospel

3

487

1.73

12.64

5.42

|граматик|граматика|grammar

5

2,176

2.24

11.21

5.36

|робітниче-селянський|worker – peasant unity

3

613

1.73

12.30

5.34

|звуковий|phonetical

14

10,504

3.74

10.43

5.22

|українізувати|to ukrainize

3

918

1.73

11.72

5.17

|орудний|Instrumental

3

1,162

1.73

11.38

5.05

|ріжниця|difference

4

2,267

2.00

10.83

5.01

|малоруський|little russian

3

1,262

1.73

11.26

5.00

|інфінітив|infinitive

3

1,292

1.73

11.23

4.98

|граматика|граматик|

7

5,449

2.64

10.38

4.98

|народній|folk

13

11,965

3.60

10.13

4.95

|провадитися|to conduct

9

8,122

3.00

10.16

4.89

|висловлюючись|to express

3

1,823

1.73

10.73

4.76

|мішанина|mixture

3

2,045

1.73

10.57

4.67

|лектор|lector

5

4,759

2.23

10.09

4.64

|Огієнко|Oheyinko

5

4,828

2.23

10.06

4.62

|перекручувати|distort

3

2,198

1.73

10.46

4.61

|переводитися|to exhast

4

3,719

2.00

10.12

4.57

|відмінок|case

6

6,522

2.45

9.89

4.56

|українознавство|Ukrainian studies

5

5,255

2.23

9.94

4.53

|знавець|expert

9

11,004

3.00

9.72

4.52

|конспект|notes

3

2,471

1.73

10.29

4.52

|прислівник|adverb

4

4,062

2.00

9.99

4.48

|письменство|literary art

8

10,437

2.82

9.63

4.42

|письмо|litrature

18

25,827

4.24

9.49

4.42

|нарис|essay

11

15,272

3.31

9.54

4.40

|згоджуватися|to conform

3

2,936

1.73

10.05

4.37

|перевід|transfer

3

2,974

1.73

10.03

4.36

|катедра|department, chair

4

4,662

2.00

9.79

4.34

|перекладати|to translate

12

17,747

3.46

9.45

4.33

|прикметник|adjective

9

14,261

3.00

9.35

4.20

|порадник|advisor

3

3,571

1.73

9.76

4.19

|українізація|Ukrainization

6

9,053

2.45

9.42

4.18

|перекладений|translated

5

7,271

2.23

9.47

4.17

|незнання|ignorance

4

5,515

2.00

9.55

4.16

|засвоїти|to learn, comprehend

5

7,467

2.23

9.44

4.14

|фонетичний|phonetical

4

5,854

2.00

9.46

4.10

|родовий|genetive

6

9,829

2.45

9.30

4.08

|реферат|paper

3

4,411

1.73

9.46

3.98

|учити|study

5

8,841

2.23

9.19

3.94

“Russian language” combinability is less variegated combinability; the dominating conceptual profiles defined on the basis of contextual environment include “means of communication”; Russian as language of writing/writers is used in texts of historical references and analysis (Table 3.).

Table 3. Combinability of lemma Russian language / російська мова

Lemma

Cooccurrences 

Candidates 

T-score

MI

LogDice

|писаний|written

5

7,741

2.24

12.81

4.37

|перекладений|translated

3

7,271

1.73

12.16

3.72

|підручник|manual

5

39,802

2.23

10.45

2.04

|повість|novel

3

30,108

1.73

10.11

1.70

|провадити|to conduct

3

31,003

1.73

10.07

1.66

|переклад|translation

4

79,607

2.00

9.12

0.72

|видаватися|to publish

3

61,643

1.73

9.08

0.67

|твір|literary worl

5

244,414

2.23

7.83

-0.58

|газета|newspaper

4

268,080

1.99

7.37

-1.03

|школа|shool

7

563,700

2.63

7.11

-1.30

|зовсім|almost

3

395,317

1.71

6.40

-2.01

|праця|work

3

411,253

1.71

6.34

-2.07

|написати|to weritegood

3

464,178

1.71

6.16

-2.24

|добре|добрий|good

3

525,420

1.70

5.99

-2.42

|говорити|to speak

4

831,470

1.96

5.74

-2.67

|мова|language

3

733,189

1.69

5.50

-2.90

This discursive dynamics reflects, however, a deceptive ideological move of seemingly active promotion and integration of Ukrainian into many facets of public life, contrasting with the Russian language’s more limited and specific usage. By officially endorsing the Ukrainian language in education, administration, and public life, the Bolsheviks aimed to gain the loyalty of the Ukrainian populace while also attempting to counteract nationalist movements that could threaten Soviet control. The corpus data from the 1920s provides empirical support for the historical accounts of the Ukrainization policy as a nuanced approach by the Bolsheviks to navigate the complexities of national identity in Ukraine.

We also compare the lexemes Ukrainian literature vs. Russian literature cql [lemma=“російський”][lemma=“література”],cql [lemma=“український”][lemma=“література”]. Frequency, combinability and distribution: frequency of lemma “Ukrainian literature” – 476 (0.25 per million); frequency of lemma “russian literature” – 109 (0.058 per million). Corpus provide evidence in favour of Ukrainian literature conceptual significance and its discursive productivity. Based on corpus data observation we can define the following conceptual profiles: Ukrainian language as a societal phenomenon (as an object of attention, interest or lack of interest in certain social strata), an object of investigation/ study (predominantly from historical perspective).

Nevertheless, this frequency is misleading as it hides various discursive strategies and manipulations. Contextual analysis indicates that the concepts of Ukrainian and Russian literature (including the history of Ukrainian literature, Ukrainian writers/poets, etc.), are endowed with implicit evaluative connotations. Ukrainian literature is portrayed as having gained genuine value and significance only after the October Revolution, suggesting that its true development began in the Soviet era. Consequently, anything predating this period or not conforming to Soviet style and function is branded as bourgeois and nationalistic.

The soviet power enforced the compulsory engagement of Soviet youth with Ukrainian literature turning it into an instrument of ideology and educational/political activities, such as Komsomol clubs dedicated to Ukrainian literature and societies of new Ukrainian writers. Conversely, Russian literature is esteemed as a paradigm of artistic and stylistic value, suggesting that the enrichment of ethnic literature could benefit from Russian artistic and stylistic examples.

The analysis also highlights a manipulative tactic of “appeal to authority,” where authors intentionally manipulate facts about the close literary interactions between representatives of Russian and Ukrainian literature. It notes how prominent Ukrainian writers and poets of the previous century lauded the achievements of Russian literature and its influence on the development of Ukrainian literature. It is also worth mentioning, that the contextual analysis highlights the absence of combinations with Ukrainian and Russian literature in the context of nationhood, ethnicity, or national development, instead their distribution speaks in favor of promoting a unified Soviet cultural and ideological framework.

Thus, we supplemented our study by the analysis of the adjectives soviet and adjectival word combination soviet literature (lemma радянський). Frequency of the adjective “soviet” – 8,999 (4.8 per million). “Soviet” as an attribute is applied to nouns denoting all aspects of social life, agency, activities, social, professional, creative manifestation, communication and information distribution, which reflects the creation of a new soviet reality.

The emergence of the metaphor of a “linguistic / literary front,” attributive combinations “proletarian literature,” and direct or figurative expressions profiling the concept of literature as a structure and hierarchy indicates the destruction of the true essence of literature, and the substitution of its ethnic and national functions with artificially created concepts. This discursive manipulation reflects a real policy of Ukrainization to undermine the genuine cultural development by prioritizing political over cultural and national values.

In the late 1920s, efforts to revive Ukraine’s culture were suppressed; any move towards independence was blocked. The Ukrainization policy was terminated by 1933 as the focus shifted to quelling any national expressions and bringing cultural activities under strict Communist control. By the late 1930s, the Soviet regime completely abandoned Ukrainization, opting for Russification instead, which it saw as necessary for the USSR’s centralization and unification. During the 1930s, the extermination of the Ukrainian national elite – including writers, poets, composers, actors, linguists, and philosophers who ardently supported and advanced national resurgence – marked a tragic chapter known under the notion, suggested by Polish scholar Jerzy Giedroyc, “Executed Renaissance” (Ushkalov, Ushkalov 2010; Rubliov 2012).

In 1930–1940, the U-turn in national policy of Bolsheviks resulted in attack to Ukrainian language. Unable to prohibit Ukrainian as an independent language of the nation, they tried to destroy its essence. It was decided to “renew” and “reconsider” the principles of Ukrainian Orthography fixed by the Main rules of Ukrainian Orthography in 1928. On March 7, 1930, the Presidium of the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences passed a resolution for the reform of linguistic institutions. It led to the dissolution of the Institute of Ukrainian Scientific Language and the committees for lexicography, normative grammar of the Ukrainian language, studies in dialectology, and the history of the Ukrainian language. On their remnants, the Research Institute of Linguistics headed by people with strong pro-russian views was established. On April 6, 1933, following the directives of the new leadership of the People’s Commissariat for Education of the Ukrainian SSR, there was organized a commission whose mandate was to address the artificial segregation of the Ukrainian language from the Russian language in lexicographical works and to eliminate nationalist orthographic rules that aligned the Ukrainian language with Polish and Czech bourgeois cultures.

On April 26, 1933, at the Central Committee meeting of the Communist Party (Bolshevik) of Ukraine, it was highlighted that the education sector had been infiltrated and compromised by elements hostile to the Bolsheviks’ ideology and imbued with nationalism, obstructing the implementation of the Soviet national policy. The resolutions of this meeting paved the way for initiatives aimed at “Eradicating and Destroying Nationalist Roots in the Linguistic Field.” The directives issued to the public encompassed the immediate cessation of all publications of Ukrainian dictionaries, a thorough review of existing dictionaries and terminologies, the unification of technical terminology to conform with the Russian standards prevalent in the scientific domain, the execution of ideological purges among linguists to expel those harboring bourgeois-nationalist inclinations, the revision of guidelines for language usage in the Ukrainian Soviet Encyclopedia, the formulation of comprehensive directives to ensure the advancement of Ukrainian Soviet culture in the linguistic field through genuinely Bolshevik approaches, and the reform of Ukrainian orthography (Masenko, Kubaichuk, Demska-Kulchytska 2005: 17–108).

On May 3, 1933, the Collegium of the People’s Commissariat for Education adopted and ratified a resolution titled “On Amending Certain Aspects of the Official Ukrainian Orthography.” This overhaul of the orthography was ratified without comprehensive public discourse and lacked any scientific justification for the amendments, which affect the Ukrainian language at every level, from its inherent phonological and morphological structures to its syntax. The revision of orthography precipitated the banishment of all works by bourgeois linguists in the fields of terminology, lexicography, and syntax. This was accompanied by the compilation of new dictionaries, encompassing both general and specialized terminologies Masenko, Kubaichuk, Demska-Kulchytska 2005: 17–108; Nimchuk 2004: 264; Orthograpgy 1933: 3).

Soviet regime focusing on “Nationalist Deviations within the Party Organization and Strategies to Combat Them” condemned Ukrainian linguists – the authors of the Orthography 1928 – for their overt calls to “foster national consciousness.” One of the decree of the Secretary of the Communist Party (Bolshevik) of Ukraine’s Central Committee, emphasized:

The language and orthography issue has become critically important in the struggle against bourgeois nationalism and Ukrainian nationalist tendencies. The Central Committee of the Communist Party (Bolshevik) of Ukraine deems this matter of utmost importance. Bourgeois nationalists, mainly from the ranks of Western Ukrainian emigrants, have aggressively worked to corrupt the Ukrainian language and terminology, aiming to distance Ukrainian culture from its Russian counterpart as much as possible. (Masenko, Kubaichuk, Demska-Kulchytska 2005: 47)

In February 1934, the new “Ukrainian Orthography (1933)” was released. Its introduction stated

The principal amendments aim to remove all guidelines that steered the Ukrainian language towards the bourgeois cultures of Polish and Czech, that misrepresented the modern Ukrainian language, and that created a divide between the Ukrainian and Russian languages. (Orthography 1933: 3)

August 1937 completely interrupted the continuity of the development of Ukrainian linguistics by either physical elimination or exile of the staff of the “Institute of Linguistics,” most Ukrainian scholars and authors of the previous Orthography.

Corpus data interpretation

The described social and political processes are reflected in combinability of Ukrainian language, Russian language, Ukrainian, Russian, soviet literature and their semantic and contextual correlates ‘orthography, dictionary’ (cql [lemma=”український”][lemma=”мова”], cql [lemma=”російський”][lemma=”мова”]).

Table 4. Lemmas Ukrainian language and Russian language frequency in corpus 1930–1939

lemma

frequency

Ukrainian language

349 (0.2 per million)

Russian language

108 (0.06 per million)

Between 1930 and 1933, the conceptualization of “Ukrainian language” predominantly revolved around its role as an object of study, a means of oral and written communication, and the language of literary translations, among others. This period recognized the Ukrainian language’s multifaceted roles, highlighting its significance in scholarly work. However, from 1934 to 1939, a profound shift in the concept content reflects the underlying ideological processes of the time. The analysis of contextual usage during this latter period reveals a diverse combinability of terms that allows for the identification of prominent discursive strategies of their textual representations:

evaluations of existing linguistic norms, often leading to their modification or outright rejection in favor of new Soviet-aligned guidelines, secured by contextual realization of concepts rules/regulations, orthography, estimations/reconsiderations of language norms;

justification and presenting changes and adjustments in Ukrainian spelling rules aligning more closely with Russian orthography as positive manifestation of natural language dynamics that reflect ideological preferences; close aligning with Russian as evidence of progress, the portrayal of the Russian language as a ‘brother language’ and the encouragement of linguistic convergence as a sign of cultural and social advancement;

“purification/normalization” of Ukrainian from “nationalistic elements” supported by descriptions of the Ukrainian language as being polluted / contaminated by nationalist or counterrevolutionary elements;

internationalization of Ukrainian, extolling the initiatives to incorporate elements from other languages, particularly Russian, under the guise of promoting unity of proletariat;

critiques of the retention of linguistic norms seen as outdated or overly nationalistic, contrary to the Soviet vision of a unified linguistic policy; description of “old norms” as contradiction the living language/language practices of the working masses, including the proletariat;

substantiating the leading function and higher status of Russian, ascribing local and regional status to Ukrainian; reference to authorities of famous Ukrainians who allegedly praised the Russian language;

the diminishing role of the Ukrainian language in educational settings, particularly in secondary and higher education, reflecting a broader strategy to reduce its prominence and influence.

Propagating and implementing the new Ukrainian orthography that consolidated the senses of language “innovations” as struggle culminated in the militaristic metaphor of the “language front,” “language as a frontline,” “battle for language.” This discursive strategy reflects the militarization of cultural and linguistic efforts, highlighting a radical approach to reshaping Ukrainian cultural expressions.

Examples 1:

Meanwhile, as English, French, and Italian languages beautifully adopt many words formed during our revolution, pests occupying even leading positions in the People’s Commissariat for Education were removing from the Ukrainian language those words that enriched it during the years of revolution, pulling it backward.

This adoption of so-called “folk” words coincides with the “orientation towards the West,” that is, towards Polish and Czech languages, artificially detaching the Ukrainian language from its brotherly Russian language.

At the same time, Ukrainian nationalists sought to detach the structure of the Ukrainian language from the living language of the Ukrainian masses.

Thus, the pests tried to contaminate the Ukrainian language, detach it from the living language of Ukrainian workers and peasants, and artificially separate it from the brotherly Russian language.

Skrypnyk could not have been unaware that he himself embarked on a path of alienating the Ukrainian language from Russian and bringing it closer to Polish.

One view advocated the need to create a spelling system that would serve the development of Ukrainian Soviet culture, while another view stemmed from the need to make concessions to nationalist elements and build the spelling on the basis of the language created by bourgeois nationalists from Galicia.

Professor Sinyavsky, one of the authors of the Ukrainian spelling approved in 1928, even declared that “it was necessary to make concessions to Polish influences.”

The current leadership of the People’s Commissariat for Education, under the guidance of the Central Committee of the party, is resolutely fighting to cleanse the Ukrainian spelling from the counterrevolutionary nationalist trash that was introduced into it.

This sabotage was aimed at detaching Ukrainian scientific terminology, Ukrainian spelling, and grammar from the needs of socialist construction, from the tasks facing Soviet culture.

The assembly notes that comrade Skrypnyk, by making these nationalist mistakes, allowed Ukrainian bourgeois-nationalist elements to introduce a series of rules into Ukrainian spelling and grammar that pulled the Ukrainian language away from the tasks facing socialist Ukraine, returning the Ukrainian language to bourgeois-nationalist paths, towards detaching the Ukrainian language from the Russian language.

In reality, Dragomanov always defended the Russian language and literature, ... which (in his imagination) were to continue playing a leading cultural role in Ukraine alongside the regional Ukrainian language and literature.

Consequently, the language’s degradation was already in progress, however, the literary domain remained relatively untouched at that time2. The Ukrainian language’s representation in the corpus underwent a conceptual displacement, transitioning from a marker of national identity to an instrument to foster a common Soviet identity, effectively undermining the distinct Ukrainian identity. The described discursive practices reflect a comprehensive effort to reshape the Ukrainian language and, by extension, Ukrainian identity, aligning both more closely with Soviet ideologies and practices. The period saw a deliberate manipulation covering ideological policies as linguistic reformations, which in fact eroded the foundations of Ukrainian national consciousness. The difference in frequencies between the phrases Ukrainian language and Russian language suggest an obvious increase of the conceptual significance of the former. However, in fact it is the embodiment of conceptual displacement: the idea of substituting authentic principles of Ukrainian orthography by alien norms under the guise of purification or normalization manifests the destructive social policy resulted in the formation of distorted stereotypes of artificial closeness of nations.

The discourse 1930–1939 reflects the concepts of repression of the Ukrainian language and the rolling back of the Ukrainization process. While it was impossible to outright ban the language, a strategy of linguistic poisoning was employed, aimed at dismantling its internal structure. By altering the orthographic rules and systematically eroding the language’s unique features, the policy did not just change how Ukrainian was written but also how it was perceived, affecting the very identity of its speakers. This was a calculated move to weaken the national consciousness tied to the Ukrainian language and, by extension, to dilute the process of Ukrainization that had gained momentum in the early 20th century. This deliberate contamination of language can be described by the following metaphor: a word as a heart of the language was turned into the word as a weapon targeted at the heart of the language, whereas all the discussed processes took place against the background of physical extermination of Ukrainians by Holodomor 1932–1933 and repressions against Ukrainian intelligencia in 1936–1937.

The social and political processes of 1940–1950 caused by the conditions of world War II and post war periods intensified the ideological pressure on Ukrainian society clamping it a vise of totalitarism. The picture below visualize relative frequency of discussed concepts Ukrainian language, Ukrainian literature, Russian language, Russian literature, soviet literature and Ukrainian soviet literature.

Source: author’s own work

Ukrainian language (blue line): This term starts at its highest point in 1940, indicating a high relative frequency, and then declines slightly until about 1946. After 1946, there’s a sharp drop, reaching its lowest point around 1948 before slightly increasing towards 1950. Russian language (yellow line): This line shows a moderate frequency in 1940, dips slightly more than the Ukrainian language until about 1946, then sharply increases, peaking around 1948, and maintains this peak until 1950. Ukrainian literature (red line): The relative frequency starts lower than the Ukrainian language in 1940, then fluctuates slightly while generally retains its frequency 1948. It then increases again towards 1950. Russian literature (green line): This term has the lowest frequency in 1940 compared to the others. It sees a gradual increase until about 1946, after which it rises more sharply, reaching a peak around 1945–1946 that is maintained through to 1950. Soviet literature (purple line): Demonstrating the lowest frequency in comparison with all other concepts it sees a significant rise by 1948, overtaking the frequency of the Russian language and literature, then slightly dips towards 1950. Ukrainian Soviet literature (brown line): This term emerges around 1945–1946. It then declines slightly but remains at a high frequency in 1948–1949.

The increased mention of the “Ukrainian language” from 1940 to 1946 can be ascribed to divergent textual material within the corpus. Diaspora authors illuminated the oppressive measures of the Soviet regime against the Ukrainian language, and criticized the policy of Russification. Galician and diaspora texts label the new orthography as anti-Ukrainian and an artificial “Bolshevik orthography.” In contrast, Soviet narratives asserted the regime’s role in nurturing the language, creating a distorted reality. They claimed, unlike the Tsarist government that repressed the Ukrainian language pre-revolution, the Soviets were allegedly fostering its growth. Moreover, the Soviet press avidly discussed the so-called benefits of the new orthography, propagating pseudoscientific idiologeme of the “fraternal languages,” positing that their separation was a fallacious practice. The dominating discursive move was to justify changes in orthography as logical and in line with the evolution of language. The corpus reflects the beginning of the process of “overt Russification,” the formation of the idea of the inferiority of the Ukrainian language and Ukrainian identity.

As the significance of the concept of Ukrainian language decreased considerably in late 40s (the process of destructing the essence of the Ukrainian language as a factor of identity was practically completed), the Soviets undertook the creation of new ideologemes in the field of literary studies. These ideologemes embodied the creation of the concepts of new identity – the concept of greatness of the Russian literature and the uniqueness of the soviet literature; secondary, subjugated status of Ukrainian literature and other national literatures of soviet union; establishing the pantheon of great, almost sacred personalities of Russian literature. Extolling the achievement of Russian literature, propagating the idea of fraternal unity of literatures and derivativeness of national literature from the unsurpassable examples of Russian literature, denying any Ukrainian-European parallels in literature, relentless criticism of “Ukrainian nationalist circles” that refuse to acknowledge the origins of Ukrainian literature from the “great Russian” became the dominating discursive practices of this period. The Russian literature was praised by stable evaluative attributes democratic, great, powerful, renowned, magnificent, advanced, heroic, glorious, avant-garde, miraculous, by spatial metaphors of expansion, uplift, embrace, inclusion, and “botanical” metaphors of growing, thriving, blossoming, fruitfulness, sawing seeds and harvesting. These discursive practices characterized not only media but also scientific texts, which deprived the latter of their critical academic nature and filled them with semantically void and shallow propaganda slogans. The “heroic” nature of Russian literature; Turgenev, Tolstoy, and Chekhov as teachers for entire generations of Western European writers; the conquest of the global arena by advanced Russian literature; Soviet literature honors and loves its predecessors, respects and cherishes the glorious traditions of pre-revolutionary such and similar clichés penetrated all types of official, media and scientific discourses. The creation of the ideologemes of new identity was completed in the concepts of soviet literature as the acme of literary fraternity of all national literatures in USSR and Ukrainian soviet literature as the only possible format of new Ukrainian literary development.

The conception of literary brotherhood was emphasized through the appeals to the established and acknowledged personalities of Ukrainian literature classics Shevchenko, Franko, Lesia Ukrainka. By discursive antiscientific manipulations, the audience was convinced that these authors allegedly praised the union of fraternal literatures. “New mythology” reinforced the foundational value of “Soviet literature” on ‘the global arena’ by reiteration of stable semantic clusters “literature for people and party is the literature of supreme achievement,” “realism and objectivity as the leading features of literature means imagery perfection and truthfulness. Soviet and Russian literatures were ascribed high ideals, patriotism and global messianism”. The established evaluative judgments crystalized the only ideologically “correct” artistic models and implemented them into all spheres of social communication. Whereas the so-called “antisocialistic” concepts – the concepts of Europeism, modernism, nationalism, bourgeoisie – were synonyms of all the world’s sins and vices, moral and ethical failings.

Examples3:

Therefore, in the “Outline,” the history of Ukrainian literature is not shown in connection with other related literatures, especially with Russian literature.

The Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine (Bolsheviks) also noted that the “Outline” ignores the facts of the positive influence of progressive figures and movements of Russian literature on Ukrainian literature, omits the fact of Russian-Ukrainian literary connections, and exaggerates the influence of Western European literatures.

Soviet literature honors and loves its predecessors, respects, and cherishes the glorious traditions of pre-revolutionary democratic literature, particularly and especially Russian literature, the literature of Pushkin, Lermontov, Nekrasov, Gogol, Shchedrin, Turgenev, Tolstoy, Ostrovsky, Chekhov.

We know that the 19th century was the age when avant-garde Russian literature conquered the global arena. We are aware that during his lifetime and even after his death, Pushkin was elevated to an unattainable height in Western Europe only by a few connoisseurs, such as Prosper Mérimée. However, Turgenev, Tolstoy, and Chekhov became teachers for entire generations of Western European writers, not just as masters of the word but also as teachers of life. Indeed, the “heroic” character of Russian literature constitutes its distinctive feature.

On one hand, it is the literature of the Great Russian nation, and on the other, it is literature in the state language, which … became an instrument of education and understanding in many non-Great Russian provinces, absorbing the intelligentsia of these provinces for the benefit of Russian literature.

Over these fourteen years, filled with significant historical events, Ukrainian Soviet literature and its creators – Soviet writers – have together and individually traveled a remarkable path, uplifted by the glorious and brave work for the benefit of our people – the builders of socialism, and in glory to our inspirer and organizer – the mighty Bolshevik party.

As a result of the grand and selfless labor, giants were born – factories and plants, new beautiful cities arose, new roads laced the vast expanses of the Motherland, the glory of the collective farms grew and expanded, and along with this miraculous uplift of the Soviet socialist society, there was a rise of our great Soviet culture, our science, our Soviet literature.

The relentless progress of Ukrainian Soviet literature is evidenced by the high evaluation given to the works of our Ukrainian writers by the party, the government, and the entire Soviet people.

At a time when American and English imperialists, implementing their cosmopolitan, in essence, imperialist slogans, suppress national cultures, persecute progressive democratic writers, and fill the book market with a murky flood of anti-humanistic, misanthropic works, – at this time, the whole world sees the wonderful fruits of the flourishing of our Soviet national cultures, the beauty and health of our young, yet the most ideologically advanced and leading literature in the world, Soviet literature.

Therefore, this period 1940–1950 was not marked by repression and prohibitions, but experienced a crystallization of anti-Ukrainian ideology that destroyed Ukrainian uniqueness in terms of its artistic and literary development and identity through the concepts soviet and Ukrainian soviet literature (Baran, Danylenko, 1999: 80–112).

Two decades of 1950–1970 saw further processes of aggressive russification of Ukraine. The following events mark critical landmarks in the process of deconstructing Ukrainian identity, underscoring a systematic approach of eroding the distinctiveness and autonomy of Ukrainian language and culture.

On April 17, 1959, the Supreme Soviet of the Ukrainian SSR passed the law “On Strengthening the Connection of School with Life and on Further Development of the System of People’s Education in the Ukrainian SSR” (Law on strengthening … 1959: 2–3). The study of the Ukrainian language in schools was declared non-mandatory. “At the request of parents and children,” the number of schools teaching in Ukrainian was reduced, the study of Ukrainian language and literature in Russian schools was ignored, and the number of hours devoted to teaching Ukrainian literature and language in secondary specialized educational institutions was decreased. On September 17, 1959, the Supreme Soviet of the Ukrainian SSR adopted the Resolution of the Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU on the transition of Ukrainian schools to the Russian language of instruction. This was a direct attempt to assimilate Ukrainian youth into a Russian-speaking milieu. This policy not only marginalized the Ukrainian language in educational settings but also significantly impacted the transmission of cultural and historical narratives in a manner that favored a Russified perspective.

1961. The XXII Congress of the CPSU introduced a new party program on the “merging of nations” into a single Soviet people. Additionally, in 1961, the “Ukrainian Orthography of 1960–1961 (fourth edition)” came into effect, where “Ukrainian orthography was completely assimilated to the ‘Rules of Russian Orthography and Punctuation’. 1970. The Order of the Ministry of Education of the USSR mandated the writing and defense of all dissertations exclusively in Russian. These regulations are indicative of a broader strategy to subordinate Ukrainian academic and intellectual life to Russian standards, to control the production of knowledge and the development of intellectual elites within Ukraine. These measures, collectively, were instrumental in the Soviet state’s efforts to reshape Ukrainian identity, reducing the visibility and viability of Ukrainian cultural and linguistic expressions within the public sphere and academia. They represent a deliberate attempt to reconfigure the cultural and linguistic landscape of Ukraine, diminishing the space for Ukrainian self-expression and promoting a homogenized Soviet identity that privileged Russian language and culture (Hrynevych, Danylenko 2004: 236–389).

The situation was aggravated by the so-called Ukrainian scholars advocating anti-Ukrainian views in Humanities and Social sciences. Guided by the program documents of the high soviet leadership they “scientifically” substantiated the decay of national languages as natural and unavoidable. The concept of “harmonious billinguism” was established in all spheres of life – education, science, economy, administration. Soviet science considered this official billinguism a positive and progressive phenomenon, claiming that the transition to Russian in everyday and official communication was voluntary and fostered the social and national equity.

This unscientific stance facilitated the continuation and consolidation of ideologies regarding Ukraine’s, its language’s, and its literature’s inferiority. It emphasized the natural connections and origins of Ukrainian literature from the vast expanse of Russian literature, framing the development of Ukrainian literature not as an independent and unique phenomenon but only in terms of its convergence with Russian literature. Ukrainian writers were either assimilated into the pantheon of Russian literature (for example, Gogol) or their devotion and “love” for the grandeur of Russian literature was foregrounded.

Examples4

The Soviet public and all progressive humanity are celebrating the 150th anniversary of the birth of the great writer-realist, the founder of critical realism in Russian literature, the father of Russian satirical prose and drama, Nikolai Vasilievich Gogol.

The formation of Ukrainian literature was significantly influenced by various impulses received by Ukrainian figures from Russian literature.

She wanted to trace how Russian literature influenced the work of Lesya Ukrainka, particularly Pushkin, Nekrasov, Gorky...

Next, we will talk about the connections of Kobzar with Soviet literatures – Russian and Belarusian, about the responses to his fiery word and the “indelible trace” it left in Soviet Ukrainian poetry.

Like an undying guiding star, Shevchenko’s work shines in the sky of new Ukrainian literature, illuminating the boundless expanses of Soviet literature.

As the corpus frequency indicates, being discriminatively profiled, the concepts of Ukrainian language and literature remained topical in discourse. This perceptible increase can be, among others, explained by a strong wave of diaspora texts dedicated to the research of Ukrainian language, literature and culture in the corpus (Table 5.).

Table 5. Corpus frequency of key concepts

lemma

1950–1960 frequency in corpus

1960–1970 frequency in corpus

absolute

per million

absolute

per million

Ukrainian language

973

0.55

4,382

2.46

Russian language

536

0.3

1,617

0.91

Ukrainian literature

501

0.32

1,625

0.91

Russian literature

172

0.1

298

0.17

Soviet literature

210

0.12

381

0.21

Two ideologically and conceptually different discourses (soviet and Ukrainian diaspora) provide different ways of addressing the issue of Ukrainian identity. Diaspora texts described the processes of the Ukrainian language russification by a metaphor of “cleaning in every Ukrainian corner,” the authors of pseudoscientific endeavors of rewriting the orthography as “cleaners of nationalistic words,” the metaphor of “language turmoil,” suggesting a period of distress, conflict, or upheaval specifically related to language issues. Diaspora texts axiology of the metaphor “literary front” acquired a strong sarcastic coloring. Whereas in soviet press the intentional subjugation of Ukrainian language by Russian, an aggressive assault at Ukrainian lexicography, translation, terminology were deceptively decorated by pseudo concepts of “language norm,” “language dynamics” and “language development,” “care for mother tongue.”

Destructive discursive practices of soviet propaganda employ extensively negative metaphoric expression for all manifestation of Ukrainian identity. All national was derogatively degraded to nationalistic; nomination of national elite was performed by pejoratives:

“націоналістична пліснява” – “nationalistic mold”

“націоналістичні недобитки” – “nationalistic remnants”

“жовто-блакитні літературні мастаки” – “yellow-and-blue literary dabblers”

“продуценти календарної халтури” – “producers of calendar trash”

“хамелеони з націоналістичного зоопарку” – “chameleons from the nationalist zoo”

“злосні націоналістичні вихвитки на літературному фронті” – “malicious nationalist squibs on the literary front”

Nationalist scoundrels attempt to falsify the works of the great Taras Shevchenko, who called for “all Slavs to become good brothers” and who admired the works of great Russian writers – Pushkin and Shchedrin.

Yet, nationalist scribblers spit upon Ukraine, calling it a “wild field.”

Meanwhile, nationalist villains like Malanyuk and his ilk write about Ukraine with contempt and hatred in their “poems.”5

The derogative nominations of everything related to national and European manifestations, issues, topics, discussions in literature or literary criticism was tarnished nationalistic or bourgeois-nationalistic. The corpus presents evidences of variegated combinability of these words national, nationalistic and bourgeois disclosing their negative connotations (cql [lemma=“буржуазний”][lemma=“націоналіст”). The table below displays the frequency of lemma bourgeois-nationalist and its collocations.

Table 6. Corpus frequency of lemma bourgeois-nationalist / буржуазний націоналіст and its collocations

Word

Cooccurrences ?

Candidates ?

T-score

MI

LogDice

запроданство treachery

4

86

2.00

17.24

7.72

сіоністів sionisits

3

499

1.73

14.28

6.57

недобитків remnants

3

569

1.73

14.09

6.47

банд bandids / gangsters

4

3,291

2.00

11.98

5.10

українськими Ukrainian

19

47,830

4.36

10.36

3.69

вороги enemies

7

17,438

2.64

10.38

3.67

люті furious

3

10,863

1.73

9.84

3.11

ненависть hatred

3

16,370

1.73

9.25

2.54

табору camp

5

36,393

2.23

8.83

2.15

кордоном boarder

8

77,282

2.82

8.42

1.75

використовує use

3

37,801

1.73

8.04

1.36

викликає recall

4

59,118

1.99

7.81

1.14

Examples6:

Let us remind here that nationalist motives were once also denounced in some of the lyrical poems of Bazhan.

But upon closer examination, it turned out that all those ‘quotes’ were taken from the dirty works of Ukrainian bourgeois nationalists.

Ukrainian bourgeois nationalists have done a lot of harm in the field of Shevchenko studies over the last years.

Only one third of these bulky books consists of Shevchenko’s poetry, the rest are articles, comments, explanations by the Ukrainian bourgeois nationalist Leonid Biletsky, who does not disdain any dirty means to slander the great Kobzar.

Ukrainian bourgeois nationalists overseas are making great efforts to hollow out all the revolutionary pathos from the works of Shevchenko.

The idiologeme bourgeois-nationalist/nationalists is traceable in the corpus up to the late 1980s.

The soviet regime constantly enriched the arsenal of Russification tools. The main instrument in this regard was the secondary school. Khrushchev’s “thaw,” which, on the one hand, improved the conditions of national-cultural life in Ukraine, on the other hand, gave a powerful impulse to Russification. The 1958 law on the connection of school with “life” gave parents the right to decide in which language their children would be educated. This outwardly “democratic” decision made the language of education a private matter of the parents and provided “legal” grounds for Russification.. Consequently, from 1970 to the mid-1980s (a period in history known as stagnation), it was possible to live in Ukraine without learning the Ukrainian language: only one in five students in the cities of the republic attended Ukrainian schools. As the prestige of Russian was constantly promoted, the attitude towards Ukrainian became more and more condescending, especially in big cities. By the late 1970s, Russian language schools dominated the educational landscape in Ukraine, constituting 72% of all schools in major cities and completely replaced Ukrainian schools in some areas like Donetsk and Crimea. In the regional centers of Ukraine and its capital, Ukrainian and mixed Russian-Ukrainian schools accounted for only 28% at the end of the 70s, while Russian schools made up 72% of the total number of schools. Thus, in Donetsk, there were no Ukrainian schools left, a similar situation was in Crimea.

Significant milestones in the Russification campaign included two all-union conferences held in Tashkent in 1975 and 1979, aimed at extending the Russian language’s reach within national republics and enhancing its teaching quality. Recommendations from these conferences led to the widespread introduction of Russian language instruction starting from preschool age. The efforts were further bolstered by the so-called “Brezhnev circular” of 1978, which outlined measures for advancing Russian language study across the union republics. The Andropov decree of 1983 reinforced this trend by granting special privileges to Russian language and literature teachers.

This policy led to a rapid decline in the use of the Ukrainian language. By the late 1980s, there were more Ukrainian schools in Edmonton, Canada, than in Donetsk, Luhansk, Dnipro, and Kharkiv combined. The 700,000 Ukrainians in Crimea did not have a single Ukrainian school. Generations grew up without knowing the language of their parents and grandparents. After being removed from schools, the Ukrainian language was even more aggressively displaced from higher education institutions, theaters, economic sectors, party activities, and Soviet establishments. At the same time, the number of Ukrainian books, including those for children, decreased. For instance, in 1960, 49% of books in the Ukrainian SSR were published in Ukrainian, by 1990 this number had dropped to just 20%. Public places, streets, institutions were renamed to honour Russian history, literature, culture, the expansion of russification reshaped the social environment (Baran, Danylenko 2003; 469–518).

According to corpus data, by the late 1980s, the Soviet press had effectively showcased the high productivity of the main ideological myths surrounding great Russian and soviet literature and culture discursively realized in metaphors of struggle, growth, blooming, thriving, upward movement, celestial objects, spatial metaphors (depth, expansion), etc. Soviet literature is a “battlefield,” a “container filled with life-giving substances,” “a treasury,” “the rays illuminating universe,” it is “an educator,” “an instrument of influence.” Soviet authors are “fighters,” “battlers on the literary frontline,” “innovators,” “worthy sons,” “descendants of the revolution,” “pillars of society,” “titans,” “great teachers.” Novelty, devotion, moral samples, patriotism, progress, surpassing all Western / world achievements, completeness, accomplishment, perfection, energy of life – such metaphoric cliché created stable conceptual profiles of soviet literature opposed to Western literature with its typical associates of decay, degradation and destruction. All these linguo-cognitive constructs proliferated in all types of discourses: endowing the media texts with artificial pompousness and displayed quasi-scientific, ideological features of scientific ones.

Examples7:

“The Combat Tasks of Ukrainian Soviet Literature,” proclaimed on the first day after the election to the honorary presidium of the congress by the entire absent Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee.

In these conditions, our native Ukrainian Soviet literature and art flourish and strengthen.

Ukrainian Soviet literature, its flourishing and strengthening, …the most progressive in the world,” …

… “Soviet literature under the guidance of our native Lenin’s party has reached unprecedented development.”

The last section of Shabliovsky’s work, “Ukrainian Soviet Literature in the Constellation of Fraternal Literatures,” reveals the characteristic features of Soviet Ukrainian literature from the October Revolution to our days.

These pioneers of Ukrainian Soviet literature became the spokespersons for the heroic pathos of the revolution, the spirit of the new Soviet era.

… literature characterized by deep dedication to the cause of socialism, communism, and proletarian internationalism.

… with pure and bright humanism, with the internationalism that pervades all great Soviet literature.

Corpus data allows establishing a time spot of emerging the most expressive metaphor of soviet propaganda – the metaphor of the “older brother” – approximately the first half of 1970s.

Analyzing the dynamics of Ukrainian identity deconstruction it is worth mentioning the issue of literary and scientific translations. The Ukrainian language was co-opted as a tool for Communist propaganda, evidenced by the translation of political literature and significant gaps in artistic and scientific translation. Ukrainian translators were constantly persecuted, arrested, limited in resources, experienced total censorship (Shmiger 2009). The degradation of translation practices was marked by the intermediary role of the Russian language, positioning Ukrainian as a secondary language of translation. A comparative analysis of the history of Soviet translations of works by leading foreign authors shows that translations into Russian often preceded translations into the languages of other Soviet republics, sometimes by several decades. For example, the Russian translation of J.D. Salinger’s novel “The Catcher in the Rye” was first published in 1965, while the Ukrainian translation appeared only in 1984. The publication of Ukrainian translations of works by E. Hemingway lagged behind the Russian versions by decades. This relegated status of the Ukrainian language in the realm of translation, both scientific and artistic, was metaphorically celebrated as “Russian language – a banner of friendship and brotherhood of peoples.” This narrative underscores the systemic undermining of Ukrainian linguistic and cultural identity, as the Russian language was not only preferred but also imposed as the primary medium for intellectual and creative exchange.

The table below shows the frequency dynamics of the discussed concepts from 1950 to 1990.

Table 7. The frequency dynamics of the key concepts from 1950 to 1990

lemma

1950–1960 frequency in corpus

1960–1970 frequency in corpus

1970–1990 frequency in corpus

absolute

per million

absolute

per million

absolute

Per million

Ukrainian language

973

0.55

4,382

2.46

5,535

3.11

Russian language

536

0.3

1,617

0.91

2,640

1.48

Ukrainian literature

501

0.32

1,625

0.91

2,637

1.5

Russian literature

172

0.1

298

0.17

523

0.29

Soviet literature

210

0.12

381

0.21

781

0.44

Propagating the “unity of languages and literatures” marked by the deliberate and unscientific assertion of genetic roots and inter-literary parallels between Russian and Ukrainian literatures, was a common discursive strategy. This approach became particularly pronounced in the 1980s, emphasizing the notion of their fusion and genetic relatedness. The dilution and systematic Russification of the language being completed, the unraveling of literary identity proceeded without losing momentum. The eradication of any signs of ethnic and national cultures and uniqueness of literature culminated in the notion of internationality and multinationality of soviet literature.

All the discussed destructive processes in the context of socio-political phenomena could have led to a complete stagnation of Ukrainian identity or even made the Ukrainian language and culture extinct if not for the emergence of one powerful counteracting factor. This factor was introduced into Ukrainian history under the term “the movement of sixties.” The Sixtiers, or “shestydesyatniki,” refer to a generation of Soviet and Ukrainian national intelligentsia with a pronounced civic stance that entered the culture (art, literature, etc.) and politics of the USSR in the second half of the 1950s – a period of temporary relaxation of communist-Bolshevik totalitarianism and Khrushchev’s “Thaw” (destalinization and some liberalization) – and most fully expressed themselves creatively at the beginning and in the mid-1960s. The Sixtiers opposed official dogmatism, advocated for freedom of creative expression, cultural pluralism, and the priority of universal human values over class values. Significant influence on their development was made by Western humanistic culture, the traditions of the “Executed Renaissance,” and the achievements of Ukrainian culture at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century. The Sixtiers were an internal moral opposition to the Soviet totalitarian state regime, among them were political prisoners and “prisoners of conscience,” dissidents. The Sixtiers defended the national language and culture, freedom of artistic creativity.

The Sixtiers movement managed to last distinctly for barely a decade before it was crushed and driven into an internal “spiritual underground”. In the period from 1965 to 1972 the majority of representatives of the movement were arrested and sentenced to long-term imprisonment (Ivan Svitlychny, Yevhen Sverstiuk, Vasyl Stus, Iryna Kalynets, Ihor Kalynets, Valeriy Marchenko, Mykola Plakhotnyuk, and others). Some of them died there (Vasyl Stus, Valeriy Marchenko), those who survived were completely banned from participating in the literary process after their release. The Sixtiers movement played a significant role in strengthening the resistance against Russian imperial chauvinism and Russification in Ukraine. It gave the Ukrainian language, literature and culture the impulse to survive in the Russian/Soviet imperialist stranglehold (Mokryk 2023)8.

Conclusion

Imperial and totalitarian regimes profoundly and systematically undermined Ukrainian identity, with the Ukrainian language serving as a prime illustration of their meticulous manipulative strategies for identity deconstruction within specific socio-historical contexts. These strategies involved various forms of destructive discourse practices. Some practices were designed to justify and support restrictions on the functioning and development of the Ukrainian language, while others sought to erode its very essence, its integrity, uniqueness, authenticity, and distinctiveness by falsely asserting its status as a derivative of the Russian language and exaggerating its kinship to Russian.

Furthermore, this distorted conceptualization was enacted through linguistic means themselves, including the use of concepts with distorted connotative backgrounds, as well as a network of associative concepts with corresponding axiological content. The aim was to embed within the national consciousness distorted mental models of world perception, wherein the national and unique were systematically diminished in favor of artificially constructed, common quasi-realities with the generations of Ukrainians being intentionally disconnected from their cultural heritage.

The resilience of the Ukrainian language through centuries of totalitarian and imperial oppressions can be described by John Keats’ powerful metaphor of the enduring symphony of nature from his famous poem “On the Grasshopper and the Cricket.” Just as Keats illustrates how “the poetry of earth is never dead,” the Ukrainian language embodies this undying essence. Despite the relentless attempts to silence its voice, the spirit of the Ukrainian language, much like the cricket’s song in winter and the grasshopper’s in summer, has persisted, echoing the ceaseless poetry of the earth. Through every harsh winter of repression, the Ukrainian language has continued to sing, ensuring “the poetry of earth is ceasing never.” It stands as a testament to the indomitable spirit of a people and their unyielding bond to their heritage, culture, and land.

Building upon the metaphor of John Keats’ ode, the resilience of the Ukrainian language through periods of repression and attempts at elimination from social discourse owes much to the unwavering devotion of the people. From nursery school teachers to poets, writers, and stage directors, these individuals refused to conform, give up, or abdicate their cultural identity. Their efforts mirror the grasshopper’s ceaseless summer song and the cricket’s resilient winter chirp, as described by Keats, symbolizing an unbroken chain of cultural continuity.

On February 11, 1989, the founding conference of the “Taras Shevchenko Ukrainian Language Society” demanded “to establish the Ukrainian language in all areas of public life.” Shortly after, on February 16, 1989, the “Literaturna Ukraina” newspaper published a draft program for the “People’s Movement of Ukraine for Perestroika,” which included a demand to grant the Ukrainian language the status of the state language in the Ukrainian SSR. In 1989, the Supreme Council of Ukraine passed a law on the state status of the Ukrainian language (the Law “On the Language in the Ukrainian SSR”). This law, adopted on October 28, 1989, before Ukraine’s declaration of independence, marked a significant achievement of the national-democratic forces and solidified the positions gained by the Ukrainian intelligentsia and national movement at the time. According to Article 2, the Ukrainian language was established as the state language of the Ukrainian SSR. The Ukrainian SSR ensures the comprehensive development and functioning of the Ukrainian language in all spheres of public life. The republican and local state, party, public bodies, enterprises, institutions, and organizations create the necessary conditions for all citizens to learn the Ukrainian language and to master it thoroughly. Moreover, the law stated that the state would create necessary conditions for the development and use of languages of other nationalities living in Ukraine. Based on this law, the “State Program for the Development of the Ukrainian Language and Other National Languages in the Ukrainian SSR for the period up to the year 2000” was drafted and approved. This program envisioned the phased establishment of the Ukrainian language as the state language across different regions of the country9.

In 2012, almost 22 years after the fall of the Soviet Union and Declaration of Ukrainian independence the new legislative initiatives concerning the status and functioning of Ukrainian were introduced. However, this law was too controversial and did not correspond to the state need and demand of the society for strengthening the state-building and consolidating functions of the Ukrainian language and for enhancing its role in ensuring the territorial integrity and national security. In 2019 the previous law was cancelled and substituted by a new version of Law on Functioning Ukrainian as State Language.

Yet, the “language question” remains a complex problem of modern Ukrainian society. The lingering effects of Russification, which had entrenched linguistic hierarchy, remained rather strong. The remnants of the mental models of this quasi-reality complicated the country’s path toward forging a cohesive national identity post-independence and still impacts the normal functioning of Ukrainian in the timeframe from 1991 to nowadays. Thus, the complexity of this issue requires further comprehensive investigation.

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1 1. Тим часом, як до англійської, французької, італійської мов прекрасно прищеплюється чимало слів, утворених за нашої революції, шкідники, що посіли навіть керівні посади в Наркомосі, викидали з української мови ті слова, на які вона збагатіла за роки революції, тягли її назад.

2. Це прищеплювання так званих«народних» слів збігається з«орієнтацією на Захід», тобто на польську й чеську мови, на штучний відрив української мови від братерської російської.

3. Водночас українські націоналісти добивалися відірвати будову української мови від живої мови українських мас.

4. Отак намагалися шкідники забруднювати українську мову , відірвати її від живої мови українських робітників і селян, відривати її штучно, від братерської російської мови.

5. Скрипник не міг не знати, що він сам став на шлях відчудження української мови від російської й наближення її до польської.

6. Один погляд обстоював потребу створити такий правопис , який служив би розвиткові української радянської культури, а другий погляд виходив із потреби зробити поступки націоналістичним елементам і будувати правопис на базі тієї мови, що її творять буржуазні націоналісти з Галичини.

7. Професор Синявський, один з авторів схваленого 1928 року українського правопису , так і заявив, що «довелося зробити поступки польщизні».

8. Нинішнє керівництво Наркомосу за проводом ЦК партії рішуче бореться, щоб очистити український правопис від занесеного туди контрреволюційного націоналістичного мотлоху.

9. Це шкідництво було спрямоване до того, щоб українську наукову термінологію, український правопис та граматику одірвати від потреб соціялістичного будівництва, від завдань, що стоять перед радянською культурою.

10. Збори відзначають, що тов. Скрипник, роблячи ці націоналістичні помилки, дав можливість українським буржуазно-націоналістичним елементам вносити в український правопис та граматику низку правил, які відтягали українську мову від завдань, що стоять перед соціялістичною Україною, повертали українську мову на шляхи буржуазно-націоналістичні, на шляхи відриву української мови від російської мови.

11. В дійсності Драгоманов завсігди обороняв російську мову і літературу,..... що ( в його уяві) мали й на майбутнє сповняти в Україні провідну культурну ролю побіч реґіональної української мови і літератури.

2 The corpus analysis indicates that the concept of literature’s deconstruction occurred later, in the post-war era. This observation complements the discussion regarding the systematic dismantling of the Ukrainian language and identity through orthographic changes and the undermining of its intrinsic structure. While these aggressive policies targeted the language directly during the 1930s, literature was somewhat shielded from this direct ideological assault until the post-war period. The eventual infiltration of literature by similar forces aimed at aligning it with prevailing ideological narratives underscores a broader strategy of cultural assimilation and the redefinition of identity under Soviet control.

3 1. Тому в «Нарисі» історія української літератури не показана у взаємозв›язку з іншими спорідненими літературами, особливо з російською літературою .

2. В рішенні ЦК КП(б)У також було відзначено, що: «в «Нарисі» ігноруються факти позитивного впливу на українську літературу прогресивних діячів та течій російської літератури , замовчується факт російсько-українських літературних зв’язків, перебільшується вплив західно-європейських літератур».

3. Радянська, література шанує й любить попередників, шанує й любить славні традиції дореволюційної демократичної літератури, зокрема і особливо – російської літератури , літератури Пушкіна, Лєрмонтова, Некрасова, Гоголя, Щедріна, Тургенева, Толстого, Островського, Чехова.

4. Ми знаємо, що XIX сторіччя – це вік завоювання передовою російською літературою всесвітньої арени, знаємо, що коли Пушкіна за його життя та й по смерті на належну, тобто недосяжну, височінь ставили в Західній Європі тільки окремі знавці, як, скажімо, Проспер Меріме, то вже Тургенев, Толстой, Чехов стали вчителями цілих поколінь західноєвропейських письменників, і то не тільки як майстри слова, але і як учителі життя – учительний-бо, «героїчний» характер російської літератури становить її прикметну рису.

5. З одного боку це література великоруського племені, а з другого це література в державній мові, що в наслідок деспотичної централізації стала органом освіти й порозуміння в багатьох невеликоруських провінціях і абсорбує інтелігенцію цих провінцій в користь російської літератури .

6. За ці чотирнадцять років, сповнених великих історичних подій, українська радянська література та її творці – радянські письменники – пройшли всі разом і кожний особно знаменний шлях, окрилений славним і мужнім трудом на благо нашого народу – будівника соціалізму, на славу нашому натхненнику і організаторові – могутній партії більшовиків.

7. Внаслідок величного і самовідданого труда народились гіганти – заводи і фабрики, виросли нові прекрасні міста, нові шляхи вимережили неосяжні простори Батьківщини, росла і ширилась слава колгоспів, і разом з цим чудодійним піднесенням радянського соціалістичного суспільства відбувалося піднесення нашої великої радянської культури, нашої науки, нашої радянської літератури .

8. Про невпинний поступ вперед української радянської літератури свідчить та висока оцінка, яку дали творам наших письменників України партія, уряд, весь радянський народ.

9. В той час, коли американські й англійські імперіалісти, реалізуючи свої космополітичні, а по суті, імперіалістичні лозунги, душать національні культури, переслідують передових демократичних письменників, наповнюють книжковий ринок мутною зливою антигуманістичних, людиноненависницьких творів, – в цей час весь світ бачить чудові плоди розквіту наших радянських національних культур, красу й здоров’я нашої молодої, але найідейнішої і найпе-редовішої в світі радянської літератури .

4 1. Радянська громадськість і все прогресивне людство відзначають 150-річчя з дня народження великого письменника-реаліста , засновника критичного реалізму в російській літературі , батька російської сатиричної прози і драматургії Миколи Васильовича Гоголя .

2. Становленню української літератури значною мірою сприяли і різноманітні імпульси , які сприймали українські діячі з боку російської літератури .

3. Їй хотілося простежити, як впливала на творчість Лесі Українки російська література, зокрема Пушкін, Некрасов, Горький ...

4. Далі йтиме у нас мова про зв’язки Кобзаря з радянськими літературами – російською та білоруською, про відгуки його вогняного слова і « нестертий слід » його в радянській українській поезії .

5. Мов непогасна провідна зірка, сяє Шевченкова творчість на небі нової української літератури, опромінюючи безмежні далі літератури радянської .

5 1. Націоналістичні негідники намагаються фальсифікувати творчість великого Тараса Шевченка , який закликав, « щоб усі слов›яни стали добрими братами « , який шанував творчість великих російських письменників - Пушкіна і Щедріна.

2. І разом з тим націоналістичні писаки обпльовують Україну, називають її « диким полем .

3. А націоналістичні негідники Маланюк та йому подібні в своїх « поезіях « пишуть про Україну з презирством і ненавистю.

6 1. Нагадаємо тут , що націоналістичні мотиви свого часу бреніли також і в деяких ліричних поезіях Бажана.

2. Але при ближчому ознайомленні виявилося , що всі ті « цитати » взяті з брудної творчості українських буржуазних націоналістів .

3. Багато нашкодили українські буржуазні націоналісти в питанні шевченкознавства протягом останніх років .

4. Лише одну третину цих товстелезних книг становить поезія Шевченка , решта ж — це статті , коментарі , пояснення українського буржуазного націоналіста Леоніда Білецького , який не гребує ніякими брудними засобами , щоб звести наклеп на великого Кобзаря .

5. Українські буржуазні націоналісти за океаном докладають великих зусиль , щоб вихолостити весь революційний пафос з творчості Шевченка .

7 1. «Бойові завдання української радянської літератури », виголошеній першого дня після обрання до почесної президії з ‘ їзду усього складу неприсутнього політбюра ЦК КПРС.

2. У цих умовах розквітає і міцніє наша рідна українська радянська література і мистецтво.

3. … її розквіт і міцніння, про те, що вона є «високоідейною, партійною і народною, найбільш прогресивною у світі», …

4. …« радянська література під проводом рідної партії Леніна досягла небувалого розвитку».

5. Останній розділ праці Шабліовського – «Українська радянська література в сузір›ї братніх літератур» – показує характерні особливості радянської української літератури від Жовтневої революції до наших днів.

6. Ці піонери української радянської літератури стали виразниками героїчного пафосу революції, духу нової радянської епохи.

7. … література, що характеризується глибокою відданістю справі соціалізму, комунізму і пролетарського інтернаціоналізму.

8. … з чистою і світлою гуманністю, з інтернаціоналізмом, яким овіяна вся велика радянська література .

8 The role of Sixties in reestablishment of Ukrainian independence is complex issue and can be the object of special research.

9 Ю. С. Шемшученко. Закон УРСР «Про мови в Українській РСР» 1989 // Енциклопедія історії України : у 10 т. / редкол.: В. А. Смолій (голова) та ін. ; Інститут історії України НАН України. – К. : Наукова думка, 2005. – Т. 3 : Е – Й. – С. 218.

Received:

06.08.2024

Reviewed:

10.10.2024

Accepted:

15.12.2024

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

doi: 10.34616/ajmp.2025.27.20

ISSN 2299–7164

Vol. 27 (2025)

Open Access. Published by Committee for Philology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław Branch and College for Interdisciplinary Studies, University of Wrocław. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.

Aleksander Szwedek

professor emeritus, independent scholar

szwedekaleksander@gmail.com

ORCID: 0000-0003-2391-1942

Innateness Hypothesis: Prenatal Image Schemas and Language

“…biologically, a schema is a part of the nervous system.”

Neisser (1976: 54)

Abstract

The paper demonstrates that it is the image schemas that are universal elements in the foetus's nervous system, disproving Chomsky's Innateness Hypothesis with the fabricated universal grammar, structure and rules, in the prenatal period (in the foetus). The claim is based on the definition of the image schema as a mental structure consisting of a relational schema and at least one object schema (motion of object), a conceptually independent entity representing physical objects. Its fundamental property is density experienceable by touch, which as part of the nervous system evolves from the 7th week of pregnancy. The foetus-womb interactions evolve into prenatal schemas (motion of, blockage of, etc.) forming a cognitive network. The interactions among schemas develop into interrelationships such as Cause-Effect. The universal prenatal image schemas, and the rudiments of reasoning (Cause-Effect) continue naturally after birth developing differently in different cultures. Finally, it is no coincident that the universal OBJECT-RELATION image schema corresponds to the universal NOUN-VERB structure, giving a solid support for earlier reports that in early childhood, nouns are acquired before verbs.

Keywords: the innateness hypothesis, the image schema, the sense of touch, prenatal image schemas, reasoning

1 Introduction

1.1. The Structure of the Paper

The idea of an intrinsic nature of some characteristics of an organism is an ancient one. The main theme of the paper is the experiential grounding of image schemas in the prenatal period leading to the formulation of a new innateness hypothesis. To achieve that goal, I discuss the importance of touch in the prenatal period, and the conceptual independence of the object schema, the fundamental and unique element of all image schemas. It is my intention to take the readers, step by step, through what has led me to the final conclusion that the prenatal image schemas are a strong argument for postulating the innateness hypothesis, different from all other proposals, and constituting a firm basis for further acquisition of knowledge. Among the most important issues involving image schema were their identification and definition. The paper emphasizes the unique character of the object image schema, that is, its conceptual independence, different from all other, relational, schemas. Another issue, inextricably connected with the object image schema is its experiential grounding, with particular focus on density, which is experienceable only with touch. The paper begins with a presentation of the layout (1.1.), followed by a brief reflection on empiricism and rationalism (1.2.), and a short description of the idea of the Innateness Hypothesis in linguistics (1.3.). Section 2 discusses controversies about the identification and definition of image schemas. Section 3 is devoted to the analysis of the object image schema, the fundamental and unique element of all image schemas (3.1.). It also draws upon Langacker’s essential distinction between ‘things’ and ‘relations’, and experiential properties of objects (3.2.), with emphasis on the unique nature of the sense of touch (3.3.). Section 4 returns to the issue of the image schema, formulating the definition of the object schema (4.1.) and the image schema in general, illustrated by an example (4.3.). Finally, section 5 includes recapitulation of earlier arguments emphasising the foundational nature of image schemas in the prenatal period (5.1), examples of the prenatal schemas (5.2.) and a digression on the possible development of rudimentary prenatal reasoning (5.3.), followed by Conclusions (6).

1.2. A Note on Empiricism and Rationalism

“The idea that some characteristics of an organism are explained by its intrinsic nature, whilst others reflect the influence of the environment is an ancient one” (The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy 2022) (SEPh). Plato maintained that the human soul, existing before it enters the body, has some knowledge, which disappears at birth. Essential in his approach is the recollection of pre-existing knowledge, which makes learning possible. In opposition, Aristotle rejected the idea of recollection, explaining human learning by appealing to sensory perception. Rationalism and empiricism emerged as distinct philosophical schools of thought in the early 17th century, with Descartes and Spinoza representing rationalism, while Bacon, considered to be the father of modern empiricism, Locke and Hume adhered to empiricism.

Empiricists reject the Innate Knowledge thesis. They hold that “[i]nsofar as we have knowledge in a subject, our knowledge is gained, not only triggered, by our experiences, be they sensorial or reflective. Experience is, thus, our only source of ideas” (SEPh).

The dispute between rationalism and empiricism continues, but in the last few decades has adopted a new character. Due to Chomsky’s proposal of Innateness Hypothesis, the emphasis is on the development of language, and in linguistic circles there is “a clear consensus that linguistic research can help us to discover aspects of language-relevant biological endowment and, for some linguists too, there is the notion that supposed biological/psychological constraints on what might be learned should have a shaping influence on the form of linguistic theory” (Campbell 1988: 1).

1.3. Innateness in Linguistics

The idea of innateness of some language structures, known as the Innateness Hypothesis, was introduced by Chomsky in 1962. Essentially, it claims that humans are born with at least some knowledge of linguistic structure, and acquiring language is simply filling the frame with details in the process of exposure to the environment.

The Innateness Hypothesis developed into minimalist theory, which very firmly claimed the innateness of universal grammar, structures and rules. The minimalist type of derivation is perhaps best demonstrated on Tajsner’s (2008) sentence:

The báby disappeared.

Since sentence stress (NSR) usually falls in some final position, the structure is incorrect. To mend it, he derives the sentence from the deep structure:

[TPThe baby disappeared {the baby}] (49).

He then puts the stress on the “baby” in final position (NSR):

The baby disappeared the báby.

and deletes the less stressed, initial “baby,” which results in

disappeared the báby.

Finally, he moves the final, now stressed “baby” to the initial position, getting the desired structure:

The báby disappeared.

It never crossed his mind to check the Prague School works on the “thematic structure of the sentence”, neither did he consider the different contexts in which his example and The baby disappéared occur.

It seems that one global rule, “move α,” would suffice to account for the derivation. Thus, “move” “the baby” into the final position (insertion), “move” NSR upon it (insertion), “move out” the initial “baby” (deletion), and move “the baby” from the final to the initial position (fronting) – all this in the foetus.

What is more, he writes: “The ultimate order is a result of a PF [phonetic form]… stylistic fronting…” (264; author’s emphasis). Thus, the changes are merely phonetic? stylistic?!

The universal grammar has been widely criticized for three reasons:

the lack of empirical evidence,

non-universality of the grammar,

the slower language acquisition than would be expected with the grammar in the foetus.

The first reason is obvious. There is not a single piece of empirical evidence. For the second Sigurðsson wrote that “…typological research suggests that not having any case marking at all is by far the most common “case system” (found in 100 of the 261 languages in Iggesen 2008)” (2012: 193). Finally, without grammar, language acquisition is slower than it should be with the grammar at birth.

I wish to finish this part by citing Seuren’s merciless words: “Chomsky’s book The Minimalist Program is a sad example of spurious science, as it fails to satisfy basic scientific criteria, such as respect for data, unambiguous formulations, falsifiability, and also, on a different level, simple good manners” (2004: 193).

The key question, how the grammar, structures and rules got in the nervous system of the foetus, has not even been asked. To such a question, the only minimalists’s answer I can imagine, could be – “It just was/got there!” by a kind of a “Deus ex machina”! With the conclusion that the universal grammar in the foetus is absent, the hypothesis submitted in the present paper makes use of the more natural and verifiable development of image schemas: stimulus-response, saved and developed in the nervous system from the earliest stage. It might supposedly have a potential of being foundation of language.

2. The Image Schema

2.1. The Importance of Image Schemas

The link between the theory of image schemas and innateness may not, at first glance, be apparent. However, image schemas play an important role in the argumentation in favour of the innateness hypothesis. As stated above, the weak point in the innateness hypothesis has so far been the lack of empirical evidence. The present paper suggests that it is recognizable in the prenatal image schemas, which so far have been almost entirely ignored.

Ever since it was first described by Johnson (1987), the image schema has raised many controversies with identification, and particularly, with developing a definition, which was finally formulated by Szwedek (2022; see section 4.2 below).

2.2. The Image Schema Identification

So far, the identification of image schemas has been intuitive and based only on experiments and arguments from the postnatal period. Despite the great interest that image schemas have aroused in scholarly discussion emphasising their importance in cognitive processes, what has been lacking is a definition of ‘image schema’ sensu stricto. In 2005, Hampe presented a comprehensive list of commonly recognized schemas based on proposals of a number of scholars (Johnson 1987, Lakoff 1987, Cienki 1997, Clausner and Croft 1999, Mandler 1992, Turner 1991, Gibbs et al. 1994, Dodge and Lakoff 2005). Hampe added that “[t]he image schema list has never constituted a closed set” (cf. Johnson’s (1987: 126) statement about the number of schemas) The most commonly recognized image schemas are shown below in Hampe’s comprehensive list (2005: 2–3).

(1) a. containment/container, path/source-path-goal, link, part-
whole, center-periphery, balance.

b. the force schemas: enablement, blockage, counterforce,
attraction, compulsion, restraint, removal, diversion.

(2) a. contact, scale, near-far, surface, full-empty, process,
cycle, iteration, merging, matching, splitting, object, collection,

[mass-count], [superimposition].

b. up-down, front-back.

(3) a. inanimate motion, animate motion, self motion, caused
motion (Mandler, 1992: 593–596), locomotion (Dodge and Lakoff 2005).

b. expansion (Turner, 1991: 171), straight (Cienki 1998), resistance
(Gibbs et al. 1994: 235), left-right (Clausner and Croft 1999: 15).

(Hampe 2005: 2–3)

Referring to Hampe’s intuitive list, Oakley fittingly asked “What counts as an exhaustive image-schematic account of a familiar activity? Is there consensus on the exact number of image schemas? What are the constraints on postulating image schemas?” (2007: 229). To which he pessimistically replied, that “[a]t present, I see no widespread agreement on these matters, especially regarding the exact number of image schemas or even regarding the question whether some of the items appearing on Johnson’s authoritative list, such as enablement, are bona fide image schemas” (2007: 222).

The most radical statement about the possibility of formulating a definition of image schemas came from Clausner and Croft, who concluded, in no uncertain terms, that “[o]ne can define image schematic domains only by enumeration” (1999: 21). This opinionated statement is quite astonishing. Common sense indicates that one cannot identify any member of a category without some criteria.

In 2005, Grady proposed some guidelines for a definition of the image schema which, as he wrote, should be determined by ruling out “certain schemas that are too general to be associated with any particular type of perceptual experience, or too rich to count as fundamental dimensions of perceptual representation” (2005: 35). I imagine that the concepts to be eliminated first are such abstract notions as thought, death, and time which Clausner and Croft (1999: 14) call nonimagistic domains, that is such which lack images (Lakoff and Turner 1989: 94ff). The only entity, I think, that is “general enough,” but ‘associated with a particular type of perceptual experience’, is the object schema.

3. The object Image Schema

3.1. The Unique Nature of the object Image Schema

The object image schema has, so far, received little attention1. The only explanation I find is Wittgenstein’s adage that one is “unable to notice something because it is always before one’s eyes” (1953: 30). After all, we live in the world of objects, and we only need to give objects specific names. Saying *This is an object, and specifically this is a lamp makes no sense, so we simply say This is a lamp.

One of the few who appreciated the uniqueness of the object schema was Santibáñez who affirmed that “[t]he available literature is rather contradictory as to the status and characteristics of the object image schema. This skeletal cognitive model is not described in detail in the seminal works by Johnson (1987) and Lakoff (1987), although the former includes it in his inventory of image-schemas” (Santibáñez 2002: 185). Regrettably, Santibáñez limits his discussion to general, though illuminating and important remarks when he writes that “[…] the object construct may be safely identified as a basic image-schema [author’s emphasis], i.e. one that provides a blueprint for the orderly activation of additional cognitive material […] The object image-schema is experientially grounded [author’s emphasis] in our physical and social interaction with our own bodies and with other discrete entities in the world” (2002: 186).

Needless to say, the disregard of the object entailed disregard of its properties, particularly its basic, and so obvious that hardly noticeable2 quality, that is, density.

As a point of interest, I may add that as early as in 1690, Locke described “solidity” (hardness) in terms of resistance, and a few centuries later, Kotarbiński described “inertness” (equivalent of density) in terms of “offering resistance” (1929 [1990]: 75).

This general introduction to the unique nature of the object image schema would be incomplete without a brief mention of Langacker’s fundamental distinction of all predications into “things” and “relations”. Langacker (1987) stated that all predications designate either conceptually independent “things,”3 or conceptually dependent “relations”: “processes” represented by verbs, and “atemporal relations” represented by adjectives, adverbs and prepositions.

The idea of conceptual independence of objects is not new. Following Aristotle, Kotarbiński defined a “body” (a physical object) as something that exists in its own right, that “has need of no other thing in order to exist” (1990 [1929]: 75; tr. author). As Langacker put it: “Relations are conceptually dependent, i.e. one cannot conceptualize interconnections without conceptualizing the entities they interconnect” (1987: 215). Interestingly, Chomsky’s (1965) selectional restrictions diagrams can also be interpreted in terms of conceptual independence. Nouns are conceptually independent as they have their own characterization through semantic features such as, for example, [+ Common; + Count; + Animate; + Human), while the characterization of verbs requires the presence of nouns with their features. In other words, they are conceptually dependent relations between nouns (Chomsky 1965: 114ff). However, it is proper to add that Chomsky’s semantic features look more like ontological properties; after all, it is objects, not nouns, that can be ± animate or ± human.

3.2. Perceptual Experience of Objects

There is no need to argue that experiential grounding of image schemas is one of the central issues of investigation, having its clear expression in embodiment. The common conviction has been that the most important sense in our experience is vision. True as it is for the postnatal period, vision is not the most primeval of the senses. To the best of my knowledge, it was only Szwedek (2000) who put forth the claim that the most primeval and fundamental among features of physical objects is density, and the only sense with which we can experience density is touch. Though vision predominates, it cannot, for example, give us the experience of the degree of density of objects, which brings us to the problem of schematicity. Image schemas show various degrees of it, from very concrete, such as “claw hammer,” to more abstract “hammer,” still more abstract “tools” and finally, at the very top of the hierarchy, the object itself. While “claw hammer,” “hammer,” and “tools” can be assigned various concrete features (shape, colour, size, etc.), the only concrete feature of the object schema is density, as Fig. 1 shows (Szwedek 2022: 146; based on Langacker’s (1987: 135) hierarchy: things>tools>hammer>claw hammer).

Figure 1. A hierarchy of objects

Notice, that the object schema meets Grady’s (2005:35) criteria: it is the most “general” entity, but not too general to be disqualified as abstract (or non-imagistic), and at the same time it is “associated with perceptual experience” of density through touch.

In 2019, Hutmacher observed that “[f]or decades, vision was considered the most important sense” (Hutmacher 2019: Abstract). His diagram shows that “there were more studies on visual memory than studies on the memory of all other sensory modalities combined” (2019: Introduction).

Figure 2. The number of studies on the different sensory modalities published since the beginning of 2008

The problem is that all these studies have been carried out on infants in the postnatal period, while the prenatal origin of image schemas has been practically ignored. Characteristic is Mandler’s observation that there is “a wide range of studies of preverbal infants developing an extensive conceptual system during the first year of life” (2012: 21). Although Hampe asserted that, “[a]nother major theme […] pertains to image-schema formation itself” (2005: 7), only a few scholars mentioned the idea of innateness (for example, Mandler, 2005, Dodge and Lakoff, 2005), but eventually, the discussion focused on the postnatal period. To the best of my knowledge, only Neisser (1976), Szwedek (2002, 2018, 2022) and Rohrer (2005) were aware of the importance of research of the prenatal period. Neisser’s assertion was definitely the firmest. He wrote that biologically “a schema is a part of the nervous system” (1976: 54). Rohrer added that “[a]lthough image schemas may ultimately require the consolidation of postnatal sensorimotor experience, their origins stretch back into prenatal experience” (2005: 176). Szwedek made it more specific, writing that “some sort of primitive schemas develop in the prenatal period, as a result of interaction between two bodies, the foetus and the mother’s womb, for example, object, container, contact, motion, force, resistance, counterforce, cycle, etc.” (2022: 145; ftn. 4).

Crucial in our further discussion are the following assumptions: I. density is the most essential property of objects; II. it can be experienced only by touch; III. of all senses, touch is the most unique and primeval.

3.3. The Sense of Touch

All physical objects, gases, liquids and solids have a perceptible degree of density experienceable by touch. In contrast to the general opinion about the importance of vision, in a number of studies, Szwedek argued for the unique and primeval character of touch in human experience (for example 2000, 2018), adducing the following arguments (slightly modified from Szwedek 2018: 10):

a) Touch is the earliest sense to develop. Kornas-Biela wrote that “the functional activity of the sense of touch (in the lips-nose area) is observed as early as the 5th week of pregnancy” (7th week in Chamberlain n.d.: 1), and it is “the most developed of senses at birth” (Kornas-Biela 2011: 159). “[T]he visual focus and tracking begin around the 32nd week” (Chamberlain n.d.: 3). Since the sense of touch begins to develop at the same time as the nervous system (ca. 7th week), it is impossible that it would not simply be part of that system. This would mean that, image schemas generated by touch would also be parts of the nervous system (cf. Neisser’s quote above);

b) Touch is the only sense with which we can experience density, the fundamental property of all physical objects;

c) Touch, including the vital sense of taste, is the only whole-body sense reaching “full body sensitivity by the 32nd week” (Chamberlain n.d.: 1).

The unique and primeval nature of touch in human experience of physical objects can best be summarized in the following words: “we can close our eyes and not see, we can plug our ears and not hear, we can close the nose and not smell, but we cannot stop touching things – the air, the ground/floor, our clothes, etc. Therefore, paraphrasing Wittgenstein’s adage again, we hardly notice touching because it is always part of our bodily experience.

The arguments presented above allowed Szwedek to formulate definitions of the object schema and the image schema in general.

4 Definitions of the object Schema and the Image Schema

4.1. A Definition of the object Schema

As was argued above (section 3), objects have two fundamental properties in contrast to relations: I. they are conceptually independent, and II. their fundamental property is density experienceable only by touch. Both of these features are integral parts of the definition of the object image schema, which was defined as a conceptually independent mental representation of a physical object, whose fundamental property is density experienceable by touch, with ensuing boundedness, shape, size, etc. (Szwedek 2019: 18).

4.2. A Definition of the Image Schema

For decades linguists have questioned or even outright denied the possibility of defining the image schema which, on the one hand, would be anchored in perceptual experience, and, on the other hand, would be highly abstract (cf. Grady 2005: 35; section 2.2. above).

However, taking into account the fundamental properties of the object image schema, its conceptually independence and its density, Szwedek formulated a definition of the image schema as “a mental structure with at least one object image schema, which is a conceptually independent entity representing a physical object whose fundamental property is density experienceable by touch, with ensuing boundedness, shape, size, etc.” (2019: 27).

4.3. An Example

blockage seems to be an interesting image schema, particularly in the context of containment when, for example, the foetus’s kick is blocked by the walls of the womb.

Johnson’s initial definition of blockage was formulated in terms of encountering “obstacles that block or resist our forces” (1987: 45). He further remarks that “[…] a force vector [encounters] a barrier and then [takes] any number of possible directions” (1987: 45). First, blockage is preceded by motion of Effected Entity, which uses force, and coming into contact with the wall is blocked (Cause) by another object (stationary, or in motion) and couterforced, taking “any number of possible directions” (diversion). Thus, blockage and its immediate context form a cognitive network.

5 Prenatal (Innate) Image Schemas

5.1. A Brief Recapitulation of the Main Arguments

Perhaps the firmest support came from Neisser, who affirmed that, biologically, “a schema is a part of the nervous system” (1976: 54). Commenting on sensory stimuli, Rohrer unequivocally declared that “[f]rom the perspective of neuroembryology […], sensory stimuli in general (with the obvious large exception of the visual) do not commence at birth” (2005: 176). There is little doubt, if any, that image schemas based on the sense of touch develop in the prenatal period. This firm assertion is based on the following assumptions discussed above.

a. The object image schema is an integral part of all image schemas.

b. Conceptual independence (Langacker 1987) is one of its fundamental properties.

c. The other fundamental property of the object schema is density.

d. Density of objects is experienceable only by touch.

e. Touch is the sense which develops earliest of all senses as part of the nervous system, so it is impossible that it would not be an integral part of it.

f. In pregnancy, we have two interacting objects: the foetus and the mother’s womb.

g. Interactions between these two objects are based on the sense of touch.

Such interactions result in the emergence of image schemas, clearly innate in nature.

5.2. Some Examples of Prenatal Image Schemas

Based on Hampe’s (2005) set, the next section lists some prenatal image schemas, with a short comment on each4.

motion is one of the omnipresent attributes in human life. It can be observed from the earliest stages of the foetus’s growth, no doubt developing into an image schema.

The sensitivity of the object schema may arise as a result of the tactile interactions between the two bodies, the foetus and the mother’s womb.

The container schema comes from the ‘awareness’ of the relation between the foetus and both, the amniotic fluid and the walls of the womb.

link is possibly created by the bond between the two bodies through the umbilical cord, and turn into contact when the foetus touches the walls of the womb, which may also result in the feeling of the surface.

The sense of balance begins to develop about 21 days after conception, and is completed about 4 months later. It mainly depends on gravity in connection with changing proportions of the foetus’s body.

force and blockage are acquired when the foetus feels resistance of the walls of the womb.

counterforce is at play when the foetus pushes the front of the womb5 and the wall of the womb resists and pushes back.

diversion may arise when the moving body touches the wall of the womb with some force and is redirected.

scale is the result of matching different blocking forces in front and in the back of the womb.

cycle may emerge due to such actions as the cyclical breathing of the mother, the cyclical heart beats, and the cyclical movements of the mother’s walk.

By analogy, I can suggest that the repertoire of the prenatal schemas can be extended to other senses. Hearing (18th–26th weeks: Timmons 2018) can be the source of the sound image schema, combined with scale (loud-soft, pleasant-unpleasant; cf. Krzeszowski 2016 on the axiologically fundamental positive-negative distinction). Vision, (16th–32nd weeks: de Bellefonds 2021), can give rise to the light schema (light-dark) combined with scale and cycle (night-day). Likewise, taste and smell (Psychology: Durham University: 2022) must have similar effect on the nervous system.

5.3. A Digression on the Innate Origin of Reasoning

In the context of the present paper, it is plausible that reasoning may have the same innate nature as image schemas. I have in mind some rudimentary forms, which would constitute foundation of reasoning, developing simultaneously with the development of the nervous system. Apart from the internal structure of image schemas (e.g., x motion [y]), once they become part of the nervous system, they inevitably enter into numerous interactions with each other in a variety of configurations. As described above, blockage is invariably associated with prior motion, as well as contact, counterforce, and possibly diversion, the latter being associated with motion again. We may propose, in plain language, the following sequence within this event: X MOVES towards Y, comes into CONTACT with Y, which CAUSES blockage of X, with the EFECT that X stops, possibly followed by counterforce, CAUSING, in EFFECT, X to MOVE backwards, or DIVERT. The sequence looks like a series of “cause-effect” relationships. Since image schemas are part of the nervous system, it is natural to assume that relations among them must also be so. Of course, in no way, am I suggesting any adult form of reasoning at this stage. But I am convinced that the sequence of events, with the cause-effect core, as well as other interactions and relationships, become part of the nervous system constituting a firm background for what later develops into reasoning.

6. Conclusions

By way of conclusions, I want to highlight the differences between Chomsky’s hypothesis and mine, and, at the same time answer the critique of the rationalists.

a) The two hypotheses agree that the prenatal nervous system is not empty. However, while Chomsky postulates the presence of some abstract, fabricated universal grammar (structures and rules) in the foetus (!?), I claim that the nervous system consists of a naturally formed network of image schemas, the smallest cognitive units.

b) The innumerable interactions between the foetus and the womb mean that, with the sense of touch in action, there is no “poverty of stimulus.”

c) The absence of grammar explains why learning of language is slower, given the complex structure of language in innumerably various contexts.

d) The early reactions of the foetus to touch, clearly provide empirical evidence, making the rationalists’ critic about “the lack of empirical evidence” invalid.

e) In addition, my hypothesis suggests that the interactions among image schemas may be the foundation for the future faculty of reasoning. Thus, the structure of image schemas (object(s) + relation), and the rudiments of reasoning (Cause-Effect) continue naturally in the postnatal nervous system for further development.

f) The best evidence of innateness of the OBJECT and RELATION schemas is their absence in language.

We never say

This is an OBJECT and it’s a bottle.

This is an OBJECT and it’s a toycar.

I am in a relation with my notebook, that is I am writing.

I am in a relation with the wall, that is I ran into it, etc.

The reason is that both types of schemas are deeply embedded in the nervous system since very early in pregnancy.

g) It is no coincidence that the universal structure of image schemas, that is, object(s) plus relation, corresponds to the universal structure of noun and verb, with all their varieties of features: ± case, number, etc., and aspect, tense, etc. respectively. The present paper provides a solid support for Gentner’s (1982), and Gentner and Boroditsky’s (2001) disclosure that nouns are acquired before verb. They offered an analysis of language data, as well as a cognitive explanation. Gentner and Boroditsky call upon earlier experimental research (discussed in Gentner 1982) that showed that nouns predominate in early production and comprehension and children learn object reference readily. What, however, is most interesting is Gentner’s (1982) explanation in terms of natural partitioning and relational relativity.

Referring to natural partitioning, Gentner (1982: 324) wrote that “there are in the experimental flow certain highly cohesive collections of percepts that are universally conceptualized as objects, and [...] these tend to be lexicalized as nouns across languages. Children learning language have already isolated these cohesive packages – the concrete objects and individuals – from their surroundings.” Furthermore, on relational relativity she argued that “when we conceptualize the perceptual world, the assignment of relational terms is more variable crosslinguistically than that of nominal terms [... ] Predicates show a more variable mapping from concepts to words” (Gentner 1982: 323–325).

h) Finally, I also believe that those prenatal image schemas and interactions among them are universal (motion, link/contact, force, blockage, etc.) constituting the bedrock for postnatal development. It is rather unlikely that the structures of and relations among the prenatal image schemas differ from culture to culture. Thus, at birth, the infant would be equipped with a network of rudimentary image schemas and relations among them. What such frames would be filled with after birth, depends on the predispositions, environment, culture, and language, through interaction with reality: recognition, listening, and imitation.

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1 For example, Lakoff (1987) does not mention it at all. The importance of objects was acknowledged by Jäkel (1995), Reddy (1979), Schneider (1997), Santibáñez (2002), and Szwedek (2000, and particularly 2018).

2 Cf. Wittgenstein’s adage comes to mind again, here.

3 I use the term object, first introduced by Szwedek in 2000, since “thing” has for decades been associated with the Great Chain of Being metaphor occupying the lowest level, with “reification” as the corresponding process of metaphorization. The term object includes all entities within the Great Chain of Being: humans, animals, plants and inorganic things.

4 I disregard such schemas as animate and inanimate motion, as motion itself cannot be either animate or inanimate. Only the objects that are in motion can be ± animate. I also disregard subtypes of motion: self motion and caused motion.

5 Recall the famous photo of the little foot protruding through the skin of the mother’s belly.

Received:

31.03.2025

Reviewed:

29.04.2025

Accepted:

15.05.2025

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

doi: 10.34616/ajmp.2025.27.21

ISSN 2299–7164

Vol. 27 (2025)

Open Access. Published by Committee for Philology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław Branch and College for Interdisciplinary Studies, University of Wrocław. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.

Karolina Wojtczak

Uniwersytet Wrocławski,Instytut Filologii Romańskiej

karolina.wojtczak@uwr.edu.pl

ORCID: 0000-0001-7226-0387

Anafora pamięciowa w prasowym dyskursie wspomnieniowym1

Memory Anaphora in the Press Discourse of Memories

Abstract

The aim of this paper is to present the concept of cognitive anaphora and its contribution to the memory construction in the French information mainstream press genre. Our particular interest is what we have called “the discourse of memories” which French information press produces after the death of a celebrity in the discursive moment (cf. Veniard 2013). Anaphora is usually defined as “any repetition of an earlier element in a [text]” (Riegel et al. 1994: 610). In our view, the contribution of anaphora, especially nominal anaphora, to the production of meaning in memory discourse is fundamental. We will show that anaphoric relations are not based on linguistic parameters (e.g. lexical relations), but on the memory of a given community. We also discuss some of the linguistic indicators recurrent in journalistic practices, such as superlative, deixis, lexical field family, metaphor, and antonomasia.

Keywords: anaphora, co-reference, collective memory, French linguistics, discourse

Wstęp

Przedmiotem badania jest dyskurs francuskiej prasy informacyjnej głównego nurtu: ukazującej się codziennie, z założenia mającej na celu informować o najświeższych wydarzeniach (dzienniki: Le Monde, Le Parisien, Le Figaro, Libération). W szczególności chodzi o teksty, które ukazują się regularnie po śmierci znanych osób publicznych. Z uwagi na przyjęty przedmiot badań oraz wiodące założenia metodologiczne artykuł wpisuje się w najnowszy kierunek badań językoznawczych zwany francuską szkołą analizy dyskursu2. Jego reprezentanci wychodzą z założenia, że prasa, będąc pośrednikiem pomiędzy źródłem informacji a wspólnotą, wpływa na sposób postrzegania świata przez tę ostatnią oraz wytwarza tzw. znaczenie społeczne (fr. sens social). Polega ono na nazywaniu, opisywaniu, wyjaśnianiu, słowem – nadawaniu znaczenia, wydarzeniom, zjawiskom, osobom istotnym z punktu widzenia danej wspólnoty. Rolą prasy jest nadać znaczenie szczególnie w momentach wielkich napięć społecznych – wydarzeń, które zakłócają rutynowy porządek rzeczy. Takim momentem jest z pewnością śmierć ważnej dla wspólnoty postaci. Zmarła osoba staje się przedmiotem dyskursu, jakby aktorem w teatrze wspomnień. Wspominanie jej z imienia i nazwiska nie wystarcza jednak na medialnej scenie pamięci: nazwa własna podlega intensywnej substytucji w obrębie tekstów prasowych. Substytutami nie są zwykłe zaimki, lecz wyrażenia pełne semantyczne. Buduje się w ten sposób tzw. sieć anaforyczna, i to ten instrument budowania wspomnień umieszczamy w centrum analizy (cf. Corblin 1985, Schnedecker 2019). Anafora gramatyczna (zastępowanie nazwy własnej zaimkiem) ma nikły udział w tym dyskursie. Wielokrotne, intencjonalne nazywanie określonego przedmiotu dyskursu buduje punkty widzenia, tworzy emocje, wytwarza wartości, krzyżuje różne głosy i – w ostatecznym rozrachunku – w sposób zrytualizowany i kulturowo determinowany buduje pamięć o zmarłym.

Stawiamy hipotezę, że w tekstach francuskiej prasy informacyjnej można wyodrębnić gatunek3 wspomnieniowy. Chodzi o różnego rodzaju artykuły (jak kilkustronicowe biografie czy wspominanie zmarłego przez najważniejsze osoby w kraju na łamach prasy), które we Francji prasa publikuje z dużą intensywnością (minimum 10 artykułów dziennie) zawsze przez okres 4–5 dni po śmierci danej osoby publicznej. Jest to swoiste oddawanie hołdu zmarłym w świeckim wymiarze: teksty związane ze śmiercią znanych osób publicznych zajmują przez prawie tydzień pierwsze strony i najważniejsze rubryki wiodących dzienników w kraju, a często publikuje się nawet specjalne ich wydania – w całości poświęcone życiu zmarłego. Jest to wyjątkowa aktywność francuskiej prasy głównego nurtu, nieznana w Polsce. Potężna produkcja medialna ma dwojaki efekt, z jednej strony stymuluje wytwarzanie i utrwalanie pamięci o danej osobie, z drugiej – pomaga przepracować poczucie osamotnienia i utraty na poziomie wspólnoty.

Niniejszy artykuł ma na celu przedstawienie wyników analizy korpusu przykładów pod kątem formalnym francuskiego dyskursu wspomnieniowego. Na podstawie dotychczasowych obserwacji ustalono pięć charakterystycznych markerów językowych, tzn. form wyrażeń anaforycznych selekcjonowanych przez dziennikarzy, które – jak zakładamy – są regularne, nieprzypadkowe i skodyfikowane kulturowo. Praca stanowi część przygotowywanej rozprawy doktorskiej na temat substytucyjności w dyskursie wspomnieniowym.

Koncepcje anafory w językoznawstwie francuskim

Jako że polscy badacze raczej postrzegają anaforę w ujęciu retorycznym4, jako figurę polegającą na powtórzeniu tego samego wyrażenia na początku kolejnych wersów czy zdań utworu – niezbędne w tym miejscu wydaje się pobieżne przedstawienie dorobku francuskich badaczy: koncepcji tekstowej i pamięciowej centralnego zjawiska omawianej analizy. Anafora (gr. ana- „wstecz”, -phorein „który odsyła do”) to „powtórzenie segmentu dyskursu (tzw. poprzednika) poprzez wyrażenie anaforyczne” (Le Robert); mechanizm, który polega na różnego rodzaju powtórzeniach. Może wystąpić w dowolnym miejscu zdania, nie tylko na jego początku. Ponadto anafora rzadko jest dosłownym powtórzeniem swojego poprzednika. W ten sposób, używając różnych przeformułowań, mówca może przekazać swój stosunek do przedmiotu odniesienia.

Koncepcja tekstowa anafory

O anaforze lingwistycznej mówimy w pierwszej kolejności jako o mechanizmie odniesienia, łączącym wyrażenie językowe z elementem świata rzeczywistego. W zależności od sposobu selekcjonowania desygnatu (przedmiotu odniesienia) rozróżniamy wyrażenie anaforyczne (a) – desygnat lokalizowany poprzez tekst – lub deiktyczne (b) – gdy wyrażenie odsyła do desygnatu poprzez parametry sytuacji komunikacyjnej:

a) Paul a enlevé son chapeau. Il avait trop chaud./ Paul zdjął swój kapelusz. Było mu zbyt gorąco.5; 

b) La porte est ouverte./ Drzwi są otwarte. (Kleiber 1991:3)

Z uwagi na swoją niewystarczalność6, kryterium lokalizacji desygnatu często jest uzupełniane o kryterium zależności interpretacyjnej między członami anafory, zgodnie z którym anafora to relacja między dwoma wyrażeniami, z których jedno jest interpretacyjnie zależne od drugiego, co ilustrują definicje anafory: „zależność interpretacyjna pomiędzy dwoma segmentami tekstu” (cf. Todorov, Ducrot, 1972), czy ta autorstwa Georges’a Kleibera, zdaniem którego wyrażenie anaforyczne (określane niekiedy mianem następnika) to takie, którego „interpretacja zależy od innego wyrażenia (lub innych wyrażeń) wskazanych w tekście i nazywanych poprzednikiem (antecedensem)” (Kleiber 1993:22). W tradycyjnym (tekstowym) ujęciu anafory lingwistycznej oba elementy, tzn. wyrażenie anaforyczne i anaforyzowane znajdują się w tej samej przestrzeni tekstowej. Liczne są przykłady, gdzie anafora to relacja substytucji, w której zaimek (wyrażenie anaforyczne, zależne interpretacyjnie od poprzednika tj. wyrażenia anaforyzowanego) zastępuje inne słowo w tekście:

d) Pierre est venu. Il repartira demain./ Pierre przyjechał. On wyjedzie jutro. (Corblin 1985 : 178)

Koncepcja pamięciowa anafory

W latach 80. XX w. we Francji rozwija się druga – pamięciowa, zwana też kognitywną (Charaudeau, Maingueneau 2002) – koncepcja anafory7. Anafora pamięciowa bywa opisywana jako egzofora (gr. exo- „na zewnątrz”), natomiast koncepcji tekstowej zjawiska odpowiada endofora (gr. endon- „wewnątrz”), co nawiązuje do opisanego rozróżnienia wyrażeń na anaforyczne i deiktyczne (Rębkowska 2022: 65). Pojęcia endo- i egzofory pojawiają się na gruncie badań anglosaskich. (cf. Halliday, Hasan 1976): wyróżnia się egzoforę in praesentia i egzoforę in absentia w zależności, czy odniesienia dokonuje się w oparciu o sytuację pozajęzykową momentu interakcji werbalnej (e), czy o obecność danego elementu w pamięci podmiotu mówiącego (f):

e) Je t’ai apporté le livre./ Przyniosłem Ci książkę. (wypowiadający to zdanie trzyma książkę w ręku);

f) Cette situation me deplait./ Nie podoba mi się ta sytuacja. (uwydatniona w pamięci wypowiadającego). 

W odróżnieniu od podejścia tekstowego, koncepcja pamięciowa anafory zakłada więc, że poprzednik wyrażenia anaforycznego może znajdować się nie tylko w tej samej przestrzeni tekstowej, ale także poza nią – w magazynie zbiorowej pamięci społeczno-kulturowych danych (Rębkowska 2022: 68–69). Odczytanie wyrażenia anaforycznego wymaga zatem odesłania do pamięci danej społeczności.

Istotne w rozwoju koncepcji pamięciowej anafory jest zaproponowane przez Kleibera (1990) pojęcie uwydatnienia (fr. saillance), zgodnie z którym przeciwstawia się wyrażenia anaforyczne, tj. odsyłające do desygnatu „znanego” (fr. connu, donné), czy też obecnego, uwydatnionego w pamięci mówiącego w sytuacji komunikacyjnej (fr. focus) i wyrażenia deiktyczne, które wprowadzają desygnat „nowy” (fr. nouveau), jeszcze nieuwydatniony w pamięci (Kleiber 1990: 245–246). Kleiber wskazuje, że wyrażenia traktowane jako deiktyczne w koncepcji tekstowej, dzięki wprowadzonemu kryterium dostępności desygnatu (fr. accesibilité du référent) w pamięci podmiotu mówiącego i opozycyjnych konceptów „znanego” i „nowego” mogą być interpretowane anaforycznie bez potrzeby odnoszenia się do kontekstu poprzedzającego zdania (g):

g) Je ne l’ai pas vu depuis des mois./ Nie widziałem go od miesięcy. (Bosch 1983: 203)

Istotne w znalezieniu „dobrego” desygnatu jest zastosowanie przez mówiącego takiego określenia, które rozmówca zinterpretuje poprawnie, ponieważ najlepiej odnosi się do jego pamięci o docelowym desygnacie (Kleiber 1990: 246).

Anafora pamięciowa, kluczowa dla konstrukcji znaczeń społecznych w dyskursie wspomnieniowym, ma więc naturę pozatekstową i pozasystemową, tj. nie można wskazać poprzednika tekstowego (endoforycznego) określonej nominacji8, który zgodnie z koncepcją tekstualną powinien znajdować się w tej samej przestrzeni tekstowej, by umożliwić interpretację wyrażenia anaforycznego. Nie ma także żadnego mechanizmu gramatycznego lub semantycznego (na poziomie systemu, tj. langue), który można by wskazać, aby wytłumaczyć wystąpienie tej nominacji w tekście. Relacja anaforyczna pomiędzy elementem wyjściowym X a następnikiem, czyli elementem Y, który go zastępuje, w dyskursie wspomnieniowym nie wynika z systemu (np. z relacji leksykalnych istniejących w systemie języka), ale odsyła do pamięci zbiorowej, a także do ogólnych zasobów wiedzy pozajęzykowej, elementów kultury, wiedzy społeczno-politycznej, cywilizacyjnej i poszerza pole do swobodnego kształtowania znaczeń. Wynika to z faktu, iż dyskurs wspomnieniowy, obejmujący tematycznie wspomnienia i biografie zmarłych, w sposób szczególny odwołuje się do pamięci, wiedzy pozajęzykowej oraz interdyskursu. Anaforę rozpatrujemy zatem w perspektywie „pamięciowo-dyskursywnej” i opisujemy za Cornishem jako „mechanizm (realizowany za pośrednictwem tekstu) pozwalający na przywołanie pewnych informacji z pamięci, zapewniający strukturyzację i progresję dyskursu” (Cornish 2006), a także sposób zarządzania pamięcią, która jest (współ)konstruowana przez uczestników sytuacji komunikacyjnej na podstawie kontekstu językowego i pozajęzykowego (Cornish 2021).

Metodologia badań

Zjawisko anafory znalazło wykorzystanie w konstrukcji paradygmatu desygnacyjnego, zwanym też „paradygmatem przeformułowań” (fr. paradigme de reformulants), stanowiącym podstawę metodologiczną przeprowadzonej analizy, zdefiniowanym jako wirtualna „lista syntagm, głównie rzeczownikowych, czasem czasownikowych, występujących w koreferencji ze słowem wyjściowym w danym dyskursie” (Mortureux 1993 : 2). Anafory (zebrane razem z kataforą pod hiperonimem diafora) są według autorki jednym z narzędzi metodologicznych w ustalaniu paradygmatu desygnacyjnego, „mechanizmem zapewniającym tekstualną spójność, który odgrywa ważną rolę także w zjawisku przeformułowania (…), a którego działanie nie sprowadza się wyłącznie do funkcjonowania zaimków czy rodzajników, ale przede wszystkim bazuje na relacjach leksykalnych między rzeczownikami w syntagmach nominalnych” (Mortureux 1993: 3). Mortureux opisuje także poszczególne etapy konstrukcji i analizy paradygmatu desygnacyjnego, które stanowią inspirację metodologiczną przeprowadzonej przez nas analizy dyskursu wspomnieniowego.

Pierwszym etapem, związanym ze specyfiką analizowanego materiału, był dobór osób, którym poświęcono dyskurs wspomnieniowy we francuskiej prasie głównego nurtu. Sieć anafor została ustalona dla pięciu aktorów. Są to:

Jan Paweł II (zm. 2 IV 2005);

Johnny Hallyday (zm. 5 XII 2017);

Jacques Chirac (zm. 26 IX 2019);

Diego Maradona (zm. 25 XI 2020);

Elżbieta II (zm. 8 IX 2022).

Tak dobrany materiał jest wystarczająco szeroki, aby z jednej strony uchwycić regularności w nominacji, a z drugiej strony ustalić różnice budowania wspomnień w zależności od statusu społecznego zmarłej osoby.

Następnie należało określić tzw. moment dyskursywny (fr. moment discursif), tzn. okres wzmożonej produkcji medialnej (Moirand 2007:5). W przypadku dyskursu wspomnieniowego wynosi on średnio 4–5 dni po śmierci znanej osoby publicznej.

Dalej, z wykorzystaniem wyszukiwarki Europresse, miała miejsce ręczna zbiórka korpusu artykułów, a następnie przykładów, tj. wyrażeń anaforycznych w badanym dyskursie. Wówczas wyodrębniliśmy i zinterpretowaliśmy anafory pamięciowe, tzn. bez poprzednika tekstowego. Ostatecznym celem badań jest ustalenie znaczenia społecznego nazw osób zmarłych i istnienia gatunku wspomnieniowego, dlatego istotna była analiza form wyrażeń anaforycznych przedstawiona w następnym punkcie.

Markery językowe charakterystyczne dla dyskursu wspomnieniowego

Przeprowadzona według wyżej opisanej metodlogii analiza dyskursu wspomnieniowego pozwoliła na wyodrębnienie pięciu markerów językowych właściwych temu gatunkowi. Są to: stopień najwyższy, wyrażenia deiktyczne, wyrażenia z pola leksykalnego rodzina, metafora i antonomazja, a każdemu z nich zostanie poświęcony osobny podpunkt.

Stopień najwyższy

Użycie przymiotników w stopniu najwyższym w dyskursie wspomnieniowym pozwala na podkreślenie swoistej doskonałości zmarłego w określonej kategorii, mianowicie: jest on najlepszym przedstawicielem w swojej dziedzinie, co pokazują przykłady 1–6, wydobywające osiągnięcia na boisku Diego Maradony (1–3), długowieczność i idące za nią najdłuższe w historii panowanie Elżbiety II (4), osiągnięcia artystyczne Johnny’ego Hallydaya (5), czy bezprecedensowy stosunek wobec mediów Jana Pawła II (6).

Neapol oddaje poruszający hołd swojemu największemu piłkarzowi. (Le Monde, 27.11.2020)9

Bóg dał światu najlepszego i najbardziej utalentowanego piłkarza wszechczasów. (Le Figaro, 27.11.2020)

Wokół stadionu San Paolo, oświetlonego przez cały wieczór w hołdzie największemu piłkarzowi w historii Neapolu, tłumy zebrały się najliczniej. (Le Monde, 27.11.2020)

Śmierć najdłużej urzędującego przywódcy na świecie zdołała zjednoczyć we wspólnym hołdzie nawet nieprzejednanych dotąd wrogów. (Le Monde, 10.09.2022)

Francja opłakuje swoją największą gwiazdę. (Le Parisien, 7.12.2017)

Koniec najbardziej przyjaznego mediom następcy świętego Piotra. (Le Monde, 4.04.2005)

Należy odnotować istotną rolę analizy kontekstu poziomego, tj. syntagmatycznego w opisie tego markera. Jak pokazują przykłady powyżej, same przeformułowania słowa wyjściowego (nazwy własnej zmarłego), będące tym samym wyrażeniami anaforycznymi i elementami składowymi sieci anaforycznej tekstu, pozwalają na określenie desygnatu, jednak to towarzyszący im epitet umożliwia wyrażenie, charakterystycznej dla dyskursu wspomnieniowego, doskonałości w danej kategorii. Z kolei rolą wyrażenia anaforycznego jest identyfikacja zmarłego na planie ontologicznym, zaś na planie semantycznym czy ściślej mówiąc semantyczno-dyskursywnym przyczyniają się do konstruowanego przez media znaczenia społeczego zmarłego. Przymiotnik „największy” powtarza się niezależnie od statusu społeczego oraz domeny aktywności zmarłego, będąc najbardziej uniwersalnym markerem stopnia najwyższego.

Deiktyki osobowe

Kolejnym markerem w opisie którego ważną rolę odgrywa analiza kontekstu syntagmatycznego są wyrażenia deiktyczne osobowe.10 Tylko uwzględnienie tych wyrażeń w obrębie zdania (8–13), czy nawet szerszego kontekstu (7) pozwala ona na ich poprawną interpretację:

Nasz ostatni przywódca kraju, który osobiście doświadczył wojny. (Le Figaro, 27.09.2019)

Francja opłakuje swoją największą gwiazdę. (Le Parisien, 7.12.2017)

Polska dzielnica opłakuje swojego papieża. (Le Parisien, 4.04.2005)

Wczoraj wikariusz Rzymu, kardynał Camillo Ruini, oficjalnie poinformował mieszkańców Rzymu o śmierci ich „pasterza”. (Libération, 4.04.2005)

Zjednoczone Królestwo opłakuje swojego władcę. (Le Figaro, 9.09.2022)

Argentyna opłakuje swojego „Pibe de Oro”. (Le Monde, 27.11.2020)

Argentyńczycy żegnają swojego bohatera. (Le Figaro, 27.11.2020)

W zależności od pochodzenia zmarłego zaimki dzierżawcze pochodzące od deiktyków osobowych pozwalają podkreślić jego przynależność do francuskiej wspólnoty (7–8) albo powiązać go z inną pogrążoną w żałobie wspólnotą (9–13). O ile przykłady 7., 9. oraz 11.–13. wskazują na rzeczywiste pochodzenie geograficzne zmarłego (Francuz Jacques Chirac, Polak Karol Wojtyła, Królowa Zjednoczonego Królestwa Wielkiej Brytanii Elżbieta II, Argentyńczyk Diego Maradona), tak przykład 8. odwołuje się raczej do kulturowej wiedzy pozajęzykowej, mianowicie: popularności we Francji pochodzącego z Belgii piosenkarza Johnny’ego Hallydaya. Z kolei przykład 10. jest o tyle interesujący, że do rozszyfrowania wyrażenia anaforycznego „pasterz” [Rzymu], tzn. poprawnej identyfikacji tożsamości zmarłego, niezbędne są dwie informacje o charakterze językowym: po pierwsze, wiedza o zawartym w nim znaczeniu przenośnym leksemu „pasterz” dla określenia „osoby duchownej rozpatrywanej w kategoriach opieki, jaką musi sprawować nad wiernymi powierzonymi jej pieczy” (TLFi), po drugie, znajomość frazeologizmu biskup Rzymu dla określenia papieża Kościoła katolickiego.

Pole leksykalne rodzina

Leksemy pochodzące z pola leksykalnego rodzina, funkcjonujące jako wyrażenia anaforyczne, tj. zastępujące w tekście nazwę własną zmarłego, dodają do konsturowanego znaczenia społecznego punkt widzenia „utraty”, ponieważ strata spowodowana śmiercią tej osoby jest tak dotkliwa, jak w przypadku odejścia najbliższych osób i krewnych. Podobnie jak wyrażenia deiktyczne, przykłady 14–15 zawierające leksemy z pola leksykalnego rodzina wpisują się w punkt widzenia „wspólnota”, odwołując się do określeń członków wspólnoty rodziny. Poniżej przedstawiamy przykłady (١٤–15) tego markera w przeanalizowanym dyskursie wspomnieniowym:

91-letnia Line Renaud jest głęboko dotknięta odejściem byłego prezydenta, jej przyjaciela, jej brata, którego podziwiała i głęboko kochała. (Le Parisien, 28.09.2019)

„Polska utraciła matkę, ponieważ Papież dbał o nią, jak matka dba o swoją rodzinę”, powiedział Lech Wałęsa, były szef NSZZ „Solidarność” i pierwszy postkomunistyczny prezydent Rzeczypospolitej. (Libération, 4.04.2005)

W przykładzie 14. słowo „brat” [Line Renaud] nie odwołuje się oczywiście do faktycznego pokrewieństwa artystki z byłym prezydentem Francji, ale raczej do łączącej ich długoletniej głębokiej przyjaźni. Natomiast przykład 15. pokazuje nadrzędność metaforyki wobec rodzaju gramatycznego i płci zmarłego, ponieważ antroponim Jan Paweł II został zastąpiony w dyskursie wspomnieniowym leksemem „matka”. Poprzez powołanie się dziennika Libération na źródło wypowiedzi, tj. prezydenta Lecha Wałęsę, możemy przypuszczać także odwołanie do silnie zakorzenionego w polskiej kulturze toposu matki (Matki-Polki), nade wszystko stawiającej dobrostan swojej rodziny, toteż jej utrata jest szczególnie bolesna.

Metafora

Obecne jako przeformułowania słowa wyjściowego metafory łączy mniej lub bardziej eksplicytne podobieństwo do obiektów kultury niematerialnej i materialnej. Wyrażenia anaforyczne zebrane pod tym markerem językowym prezentujemy w serii przykładów 16–26.

To światowa gwiazda, dla moich dziadków jest legendą. (Le Parisien, 7.12.2017)

Pele: [Ja] straciłem bliskiego przyjaciela, a świat stracił legendę. (Le Figaro, 27.11.2020)

Legenda piłki nożnej, znana zarówno z genialnych zagrań, jak i wszelkiego rodzaju ekscesów, zmarła w środę w Buenos Aires na skutek zatrzymania akcji serca. (Libération, 26.11.2020)

Bezwarunkowy kibic sportowca robi sobie przerwę, ponownie nakłada maseczkę i wymienia najważniejsze jego zdaniem zalety byłego argentyńskiego zawodnika, absolutnej ikony w swoim kraju. (Le Monde, 27.11.2020)

Wielka Brytania opłakuje stratę światowej ikony. (Le Monde, 10.09.2022)

Ikona na całym globie przetrwała stulecie historii, nigdy się nie poddając. (Libération, 9.09.2022)

Bliscy, politycy i artyści oddają hołd pomnikowi narodowego dziedzictwa. (Le Monde, 7.12.2017)

Mam nadzieję, że zostanie pochowany w Panteonie, zasługuje na to, jest Wieżą Eiffla. (Le Monde, 8.12.2017)

Zniknęła nie tylko starsza pani, ale cała dawna Europa. (Le Figaro, 10–11.09.2022)

Requiem dla dawnego świata (tytuł, Le Monde, 2.10.2019)

Opoka dla swojego królestwa (tytuł, Le Figaro, 9.09.2022)

Dość uniwersalnymi metaforami dyskursu wspomnieniowego jest użycie przenośne „legendy” jako „osoby otoczonej niezwykłą sławą” (Larousse) oraz „ikony” w znaczeniu: „osoby, która uosabia daną społeczność, trend lub modę.” (Larousse), które odnoszą się do zmarłych niezależnie od ich statusu społecznego – od piosenkarza (16), poprzez piłkarza (17–19) aż do monarchii (20–21). Użycie tych metafor w pośmiertnych wspomnieniach na łamach prasy, podobnie jak stopnia najwyższego przymiotników afektywnie pozytywnych (patrz: punkt 4.1.), wpisuje się w punkt widzenia „doskonałość” właściwy analizowanemu gatunkowi.

Z kolei metaforami różnicującymi poszczególnych zmarłych są przykłady ٢٢–26. Analiza korpusu artykułów wykazała, że tylko uwielbiany przez pokolenia Francuzów Johnny Hallyday zestawiany jest z pomnikiem, w znaczeniu „osoby, której cechy czynią ją ponadprzeciętną” (Larousse), czy par extension z najpopularniejszym, wręcz symbolicznym francuskim monumentem – Wieżą Eiffla. O ile metafora monumentu może wskazywać na nieprzemijalność zmarłego, który w końcu „na zawsze pozostanie w naszych sercach i pamięci”, o tyle w dyskursie wspomnieniowym poświęconym politykom, którzy szczególnie „naznaczyli XX wiek” stają się oni symbolem minionego porządku i rzeczywistości (przykłady 24–25). Ostatni przykład metafory pojawił się tylko w odniesieniu do królowej Elżbiety II i jej niezłomnego charakteru, który uczynił z niej wieloletnią opokę, „symbol stanowczości lub niewrażliwości” (TLFi) czy „silną, odporną osobę, która nie przejawia nadmiernej wrażliwości” (Larousse) dla Zjednoczonego Królestwa.

Antonomazja

Ostatnim markerem pojawiającym się w dyskursie wspomnieniowym jest swoista antonomazja. Zebrane wyrażenia anaforyczne to: francuski Elvis Presley zamiast Johnny Hallyday (27) i Don Juan polityki zamiast Jacques Chirac (28).

Moim zdaniem to król rock’n’roll’a, francuski Elvis Presley. (Le Parisien, 7.12.2017)

(…) Don Juan polityki: lubi zdobywać władzę i cieszyć się nią, ale szybko się nuży swoimi podbojami. (Le Monde, 26.09.2019)

Poprzez tę figurę stylistyczną mówca przenosi cechy dystynktywne przywołanej postaci na zmarłego, a przez to asocjacja: Johnny Hallyday – francuski „król rock’n’rolla”, Jacques Chirac – „odnoszący sukcesy w licznych podbojach” wdrukowuje się w pamięć danej społeczności. Dzięki pozytywnemu znaczeniu obu wyrażeń marker również wpisuje się w punkt widzenia „doskonałość”.

Konkluzja

Anafora w dyskursie wspomnieniowym w sposób szczególny odwołuje się do pamięci danej społeczności o zmarłych, pozwalając na stosowanie przeformułowań nazwy własnej, tj. wyrażeń anaforycznych w kluczowych elementach artykułu, jak tytuł czy lead. Postaci, którym poświęcono ten dyskurs są na tyle silnie obecne w pamięci zbiorowej, że niekiedy nie jest konieczne przywoływanie ich z imienia i nazwiska. Wykorzystują to dziennikarze, od początku tekstu posługując się dyskursywnym substytutem i konstruując znaczenie społeczne zmarłych. Przeprowadzona analiza dyskursu wspomnieniowego pozwoliła określić jego pięć charakterystycznych markerów językowych. W konsekwencji znaczenie społeczne zmarłych w dyskursie wspomnieniowym zawiera trzy punkty widzenia: „doskonałość” wyrażona m.in. przymiotnikami w stopniu najwyższym, antonomazją czy poprzez metafory oparte na podobieństwie do różnego rodzaju obiektów kultury; „wspólnotowość” i „utratę” manifestowane w dyskursie użyciem leksemów z pola leksykalnego rodzina i deiktyków osobowych konfrontujących „naszą” i „czyjąś” stratę po śmierci ważnej dla danej społeczności osoby. Kwestia pozostałych form językowych wyrażeń anaforycznych w dyskursie wspomnieniowym pozostaje otwartym tematem przyszłych analiz, zarówno w tekstach prasowych, jak w innych gatunkach wypowiedzi.

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1 Projekt współfinansowany przez Narodową Agencję Wymiany Akademickiej

2 Dyskurs we francuskiej lingwistyce jest dobrze ugruntowanym pojęciem badawczym, bowiem od lat 70. XX w. cieszy się niezmiennym zainteresowaniem językoznawców i analityków dyskursu. Przedstawiciele francuskiej szkoły analizy dyskursu pojmują dyskurs jako specyficzny rodzaj wypowiadania, który cechują – intencjonalność, subiektywność, heterogeniczność, dialogiczność, zmienność w czasie, czy zinstytucjonalizowanie (cf. Chruściel 2018). Wreszcie, co najistotniejsze z punktu widzenia niniejszego badania – dyskurs jest także miejscem wytwarzania znaczeń społecznych. Wspólnym mianownikiem badań wpisujących się w ten nurt jest obranie dyskursu medialnego jako przedmiotu badań (Veniard 2013, Moirand 2007, Cislaru 2008, Calabrese 2014, Mortureux 1993), co jest charakterystyką tzw. nowej francuskiej analizy dyskursu – obejmującej prace ukazujące się regularnie od połowy lat 80. do teraz. Na początku, tj. od lat 70. do połowy lat 80, francuscy dyskursywiści analizowali dyskurs nacechowany ideologicznie (cf. Provost 1969, Maldidier 1971a, 1971b, Guespin 1971, Courtine 1981, Sériot 1986). Mimo różnic na poziomie przedmiotu badań (dyskurs polityczny vs. medialny), niezmienione pozostają związki francuskiej analizy dyskursu z lingwistyką, w szczególności z teorią wypowiadania (Benveniste 1966, 1974).

3 Gatunek rozumiemy za Bachtinem, jako „względnie trwały pod względem tematycznym, kompozycyjnym i stylistycznym typ wypowiedzi, ukształtowany w zależności od funkcji (naukowej, technicznej, publicystycznej, praktycznej, obyczajowej) oraz specjalnych, właściwych każdej sferze, okoliczności obcowania językowego” (Bakhtine 1984: 354).

4 O czym może świadczyć także większość słowników ogólnych języka polskiego (SJP, PWN), za którymi anafora to: a) „figura stylistyczna polegająca na rozpoczynaniu kolejnych wersów od tego samego wyrazu lub grupy wyrazów” (SJP) ; b) «figura stylistyczna polegająca na powtórzeniu tego samego wyrazu lub zwrotu na początku kolejnych zdań, wersów, zwrotek» (SJP PWN). Koncepcję językoznawczą anafory odnotowuje Encyklopedia Językozanwstwa Ogólnego. Jest to: „relacja, która wiąże ze sobą 2 wyrażenia: anaforyzowane i anaforyczne, występujące bądź w tym samym zdaniu, bądź w różnych zdaniach należących do jednego wypowiedzenia wielozdaniowego, określanego jako tekst spójny. Wyrażenie anaforyczne, które nie ma własnego sensu, stanowi swoisty odsyłacz do wcześniej użytego wyrażenia anaforyzowanego, zwanego poprzednikiem (antecedensem) relacji anaforycznej, z którego dopiero odczytać można komunikowany sens” (Polański 2003). 

5 Wszystkie przykłady zostały przetłumaczone dosłownie przez Autorkę, celem zachowania klarowności wywodu. Z tego względu zachowane zostały, m.in. formy zaimkowe w funkcji podmiotu.

6 Chodzi o tzw. anafory bez poprzednika, w których – zgodnie z kryterium lokalizacji desygnatu – nie ma mowy o relacji anaforycznej, mimo iż to właśnie tekstowy poprzednik umożliwia interpretację wyrażeń (zaimka osobowego en), jak w przykładzie:

(c) Paul a tué trois lions. Pierre en a tué cinq./ Paul zabił trzy lwy. Pierre zabił ich pięć. (Kleiber 1991:7).

7 „Przez długie lata ograniczona do koncepcji tekstowej, anafora przez ostatnie 20 lat stała się tematem licznych prac z zakresu lingwistyki dyskursu, językoznawstwa kognitywnego czy pragmatyki. Jako niezwykle złożone zjawisko dyskursywne, anafora obejmuje szereg mechanizmów informacyjnych, pamięciowych i inferencyjnych, które próbujemy uchwycić w modelach językowych i psychojęzykowych” (Fossard, Béguelin 2014: 9).

8 Nominację francuscy analitycy dyskursu pojmują dwojako. Po pierwsze, jako kluczowe zjawisko nadawania znaczenia społecznego. W tym ujęciu jest to „akt przypisywania danego wyrażenia językowego pewnemu segmentowi rzeczywistości pozajęzykowej” (Veniard 2013:17). Po drugie, nominacje to przeformułowania (reformulacje) słowa wyjściowego (Mortureux 1993) – tj. nazwy własnej – osoby zmarłej które układają się – na poziomie tekstu – w sieci anaforyczne, a na osi paradygmatycznej – w wirtualną listę pojęć koreferencyjnych.

9 Wszystkie przykłady (1-24) zostały wyekscerpowane z dotychczas zanalizowanego materiału badawczego, tj. artykułów prasowych (pochodzących z dzienników wskazanych w nawiasach okrągłych) i przetłumaczone dosłownie przez Autorkę.

10 Jedno z kluczowych pojęć językoznawstwa wypowiadania (cf. Benveniste 1966, 1974): rozróżnienie deiktyków osobowych (ja, ty vs. on) i ich pochodne, tj. zaimki dzierżarcze, pozwala uchwycić rolę parametrów sytuacji komunikacyjnej – „Ja” może być zinterpretowane wyłącznie w danej sytuacji komunikacyjnej, podobnie jak „ty”, podczas gdy „on” jest tzw. nie-osobą (fr. la non-personne), raczej przedmiotem mówienia zachodzącego pomiędzy „ja” i „ty”, aniżeli uczestnikiem sytuacji komunikacyjnej.

Received:

12.02.2025

Reviewed:

18.04.2025

Accepted:

17.09.2025

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

doi: 10.34616/ajmp.2025.27.22

ISSN 2299–7164

Vol. 27 (2025)

Open Access. Published by Committee for Philology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław Branch and College for Interdisciplinary Studies, University of Wrocław. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.

Anna Zabraniak

Uniwersytet Wrocławski, Wydział Neofilologii

anna.zabraniak@uwr.edu.pl

ORCID: 0000-0002-9337-3767

Śladami biblijnego poety. Ezechiel Hoge i pierwsze żydowskie tłumaczenie psalmów na język polski1

In the Footsteps of Biblical Poet. Ezekiel Hoge and the First Jewish Translation of Psalms into Polish

Abstract

This article discusses the first Jewish translation of Psalms into the Polish language, which constituted a part of a prayer book (siddur) published in Warsaw in 1822. As the first Jewish figure to render biblical poetry into Polish, the translator, Ezekiel Hoge, strove to introduce a new translation approach aimed at capturing the unique Jewish bond with the Hebrew original. The way he explained his views in the introduction, as well as his distinctive approach of translating the tetragrammaton throughout the prayer book, testifies to his main goal – to reassert the Psalms as a part of Jewish heritage. At a time when Polish translations of the Psalms were exclusively Christian, he strove to underline the emotional resonance of biblical poetry captured in the Masoretic text and demonstrate that the power of Hebrew poetry could create a bridge between Jewish and Christian traditions.

Keywords: Psalms, prayer book, Ezekiel Hoge, Judaism, Christianity, biblical translation, Haskalah

Słowa kluczowe: psalmy, modlitewnik, Ezechiel Hoge, judaizm, chrześcijaństwo, tłumaczenie biblijne, haskala

Reforma i przekład

Reforma edukacji była jednym z nadrzędnych postulatów wysuwanych przez publicystów wypowiadających się na temat „kwestii żydowskiej” w pierwszych dekadach Królestwa Kongresowego. Istotnym jej elementem miało być wprowadzenie języka polskiego (ewentualnie niemieckiego) do systemu nauki, zwłaszcza poprzez przyswajanie podstawowych dzieł religii żydowskiej w formie przekładów. Taki postulat był wspólny zarówno dla polskich, jak i żydowskich reformatorów, chociaż bez wątpienia obie grupy pokładały w planach reformatorskich odmienne nadzieje. O ile polscy (chrześcijańscy) reformatorzy oczekiwali, że zmiany w systemie edukacji przyspieszą akulturację i „cywilizowanie się” Żydów, to maskile (zwolennicy żydowskiego oświecenia, główna grupa zaangażowana w reformę) liczyli na otwarcie się społeczności żydowskiej na język i literaturę krajową, co w konsekwencji miało prowadzić do kulturowej odnowy, zarówno w wymiarze wewnętrznym, jak i zewnętrznym (zbliżenia z kulturami europejskimi)2.

Efektem współpracy maskili, zwłaszcza Abrahama Sterna i Jakuba Tugendholda, z aparatem urzędniczym Królestwa było utworzenie w 1820 roku trzech (a wkrótce później dwóch następnych) publicznych szkół elementarnych dla dzieci żydowskich. Nie cieszyły się one jednak dużą popularnością. Większość społeczności żydowskiej z rezerwą podchodziła do forsowanej przez polskich reformatorów zmiany systemu edukacji, natomiast bardziej liberalni i majętni Żydzi posyłali swoje dzieci do istniejących już w Warszawie szkół prywatnych lub korzystali z edukacji domowej. Wbrew pierwotnym ustaleniom w 1821 roku do szkół publicznych wprowadzono naukę religii i języka hebrajskiego, które wcześniej miały być zarezerwowane dla tradycyjnych chederów (Winiarz 1991: 38). Pomimo sceptycznych nastrojów wśród żydowskiej społeczności Komisja Rządowa Wyznań Religijnych i Oświecenia Publicznego była przekonana, że reforma nauczania religii mojżeszowej jest konieczna. Wymagało to stworzenia nowego korpusu literatury religijnej w języku polskim, który nadawałby się do nauki języka i odpowiadał potrzebom młodzieży3. Już wkrótce, bo w 1822 roku, ukazały się pierwsze publikacje inspirowane reformą edukacji, do których należały: przekład modlitewnika (siduru) oraz podręcznik do nauki religii dla chłopców i dziewcząt4. Ich autorem/tłumaczem był warszawski maskil i późniejszy konwertyta Ezechiel (Stanisław) Hoge (Hoga)5.

Z listy prenumeratorów podręcznika dowiadujemy się, że został on rozesłany do kilkudziesięciu dozorów bożniczych w całym Królestwie oraz że nabywali go polscy urzędnicy i publicyści, jak chociażby minister Stanisław Grabowski, Julian Ursyn Niemcewicz czy Stanisław Staszic. Modlitewnik pozbawiony był listy subskrybentów, można jednak wnioskować, że dzielił z katechizmem krąg odbiorców. Cel przekładu był stricte edukacyjny – modlitewnik nie miał bowiem aprobacji rabinicznej oraz równoległego tekstu hebrajskiego, co właściwie uniemożliwiało jego użycie liturgiczne. Sidur spełniający te warunki ukazał się dopiero w 1846 roku nakładem Jakuba Rothwanda, zwolennika polsko-żydowskiego zbratania. Tłumacz modlitewnika, Henryk Liebkind, we wstępie pisał, że ofiarowuje czytelnikowi pierwszy przekład do użytku synagogalnego, ponieważ wersja z 1822 roku, „jak to sam tłumacz w przedmowie swojej wyznaje, w odrębnym zupełnie celu napisana” (Liebkind 1846: III)6. Cel ten podkreślił recenzent modlitewnika Hogego, ukryty za skrótem Wien… (prawdopodobnie Abraham Wienawer, członek dozoru bożniczego7). Z dużym uznaniem dla projektu pisał, ze dzieło to: „rozpoczyna oświatę Izraelitów polskich od tego, czego niezbędnie codziennie używać muszą” oraz daje Żydom, którzy utracili już więź z językiem hebrajskim „pochop poświęcenia się literaturze polskiej” (Wien… [Wienawer] 1822: 2076). Dzięki przyswajaniu w przekładzie treści używanych na co dzień Żydzi mieli zyskać możliwość poprawiania swojej znajomości języka krajowego, co w konsekwencji miało otworzyć im drogę do pełniejszego uczestnictwa w polskiej kulturze. Czytanie modlitewnika polecił także chrześcijanom, którzy dzięki niemu mogli wreszcie poznać treść modlitw żydowskich „ukrytych” wcześniej za niedostępnymi dla nich znakami alfabetu hebrajskiego.

Modlitewnik Izraelitów, poza jego rolą w reformie żydowskiej edukacji, zasługuje na uwagę badawczą z jeszcze innego powodu. Należy pamiętać, że funkcję modlitewną w sidurze spełniają – między innymi modlitwami – biblijne psalmy8. Modlitewnik Hogego powinien być więc rozpatrywany nie tylko jako pierwszy przekład żydowskich modlitw na język polski, ale również jako pierwsze żydowskie tłumaczenie biblijne, które zostało wydrukowane9. Chociaż modlitewnik nie doczekał się entuzjastycznej recepcji, nie można odmówić mu symbolicznego znaczenia – publikacja ta stanowiła inicjalny moment dla procesu kształtowania się żydowskiej polszczyzny sakralnej. Dla tłumacza, w tym czasie jeszcze maskila, było to więc epokowe wyzwanie. Tworząc przekład z inspiracji rządowej, który miał być szeroko czytany poza niewielkim kręgiem Żydów uczących się lub też swobodnie obcujących z polszczyzną, zmuszony był do wejścia w polemikę z uznanymi przekładami chrześcijańskimi i negocjowania kulturowego znaczenia poezji psalmicznej. Przekład był więc momentem otwierającym polsko-żydowskie polemiki biblijne, ale także szansą na to, aby zaprezentować nieżydowskiemu czytelnikowi psalmy – stanowiące w końcu jeden z fundamentów europejskiej liryki – jako artefakt kultury żydowskiej. Hoge postanowił wykorzystać tę możliwość i w krótkim czterostronicowym wstępie opisał swoje refleksje przekładowe, które odzwierciedlały specyficzne dla haskali (oświecenia żydowskiego) rozumienie psalmów.

Uważam, że sposób, w jaki Hoge zaprezentował10 swój projekt translacyjny w krótkim wstępie do modlitewnika wskazuje na to, że nadrzędnym przyświecającym mu celem było kulturowe odzyskanie psalmów, dotychczas obecnych w polszczyźnie wyłącznie w chrześcijańskich translacjach. Już na samym początku Hoge wskazał na hebrajską/żydowską proweniencję poezji biblijnej, podkreślając jej fundacyjne znaczenie dla liryki europejskiej. W taki sposób scharakteryzował swój przekład:

W przełożeniu ich [psalmów – A.Z.] na język polski nie stosowałem się do żadnego tłumaczenia Biblii. Znajdzie w nich czytelnik odmiany. Tłumaczenia albowiem psalmów, które mamy, znalazłem zupełnie pozbawionymi z ich piękności i wspaniałości, które mają w oryginale, mają nawet niekiedy wcale obce myśli. Jest to skutkiem po części niestosownie i mylnie przełożonych wyrazów, po części ze zbytecznego przywiązywania się tłumaczów do wyrazów i toku oryginalnego”. (H: [2–3])

Chociaż Hoge nie przywołał w tym miejscu żadnego konkretnego polskiego tłumaczenia, jego chrześcijańscy czytelnicy mogli domyślać się, co stanowiło cel krytyki. Należy tu wziąć pod uwagę istotne wydarzenie, które miało miejsce w Warszawie rok przed publikacją modlitewnika, a więc zapewne w czasie, gdy Hoge pracował nad tłumaczeniem. W efekcie działalności prowadzonej przez warszawską filię Brytyjskiego i Zagranicznego Towarzystwa Biblijnego, organizacji o korzeniach protestanckich, w roku 1821 opublikowana została w Warszawie pełna (zawierająca Stary i Nowy Testament) edycja katolickiej Biblii w tłumaczeniu Jakuba Wujka (dalej: BJW). Istotność tego wydarzenia podkreśla fakt, że była to dopiero druga (po pierwszej edycji z 1599 roku) pełna publikacja BJW, jaka ukazała się na ziemiach polskich11. Sprawa publikacji (jak sama działalność Towarzystwa) budziła wiele kontrowersji w środowiskach katolickich, ze względu na sceptyczny stosunek władz kościelnych do rozpowszechniania Biblii wśród osób nieprzygotowanych do jej lektury i związane z tym zagrożenie narastania herezji (Deszczyńska 2006: 484–492). Publikacja ukazała się bez aprobaty ze strony Stolicy Apostolskiej, ponadto odnaleziono w niej błędy drukarskie, które dla świętego tekstu były niedopuszczalne. Wszystko to wywołało aferę, której efektem było wstrzymanie druku (zob. Ptaszyk 1996: 150–154). Na problemy zwrócono jednak uwagę zbyt późno – część wydrukowanych już egzemplarzy trafiła w ręce czytelników.

Pomimo przeszkód i kontrowersji w środowisku kościelnym publikacja umożliwiła warszawskim maskilom zapoznanie się z katolickim przekładem, co miało oddźwięk w polskojęzycznym piśmiennictwie – wielu z nich zaczęło bowiem korzystać z BJW tam, gdzie z powodów retorycznych bądź ze względu na religijno-edukacyjny charakter dzieła konieczne było zacytowanie Pisma. Przedsięwzięcie Towarzystwa Biblijnego zbiegło się w czasie z planowaniem reformy żydowskiej edukacji i powstawaniem polskojęzycznych materiałów do nauki religii. Zapewne dlatego we wspomnianym podręczniku Hogego dla młodzieży żydowskiej wszystkie ekscerpty biblijne zostały zaczerpnięte właśnie z BJW. Hoge poznał więc katolicki przekład i przyjął go jako podstawę do wykładania żydowskim uczniom religijnych zasad i prawd wiary. W przypadku modlitewnika nie mógł jednak pójść tą samą drogą i umieścić w nim psalmów w gotowym tłumaczeniu katolickim. W przywołanym wcześniej fragmencie wstępu podał ku temu dwa powody. Oba z nich teraz pokrótce omówię.

„Obce myśli”

Oczywistym zarzutem względem przekładu katolickiego była jego rzeczywista baza źródłowa, którą nie był tekst masorecki, a łacińska Wulgata klementyńska, uznawana za oficjalny tekst Pisma Świętego. To odmienne przekonanie w kontekście tego, co stanowi tekst fundacyjny Biblii, legła u podstaw wielu sporów religijnych zarówno żydowsko-chrześcijańskich, jak i katolicko-protestanckich: „Do kogóż już pójdziem po wykład pisma, ponieważ sam sobie człowiek dufać nie ma? Podobno do Żydów albo rabinów żydowskich? Tak czynią heretycy…” – pisał Stanisław Karnkowski (1520–1603), arcybiskup gnieźnieński i autor wstępu do BJW, przedrukowanego w edycji z 1821 roku [7]. Julian Ursyn Niemcewicz w swoich pamiętnikach przywołał wymowną anegdotę, która była świadectwem wspomnianych napięć. Jego ojciec, gorliwy katolik, który za cel duchowy postawił sobie nawracanie Żydów, raz z Biblią w ręku dysputował z żydowskimi krawcami: „Z początku spierano się z wolna, lecz gdy ojciec mój zaczął z Biblii naszej cytować przepowiednie przyjścia tego proroków, a Żydzi otworzywszy Biblię hebrajską mieli zuchwałość twierdzić, że tłumaczenie nasze nie było wiernym, wtenczas żarliwy ojciec tracił cierpliwość” (Niemcewicz [1957] 2000: 31). Zdenerwowany ojciec wrzucił Biblię hebrajską w ogień, co po ochłonięciu obiecał wynagrodzić swoim adwersarzom.

Katolickie autorytety kontestowały pogląd, jakoby Żydzi, zachowując ciągłą więź z językiem starohebrajskim, mogli swobodnie obcować z oryginalnym znaczeniem Pisma, w przeciwieństwie do chrześcijan polegających na przekładzie12. Poza wiarą w to, że Kościołowi prawidłową interpretację zesłał Duch Święty, a Żydzi, wypierając się Chrystusa, błądzili w literze (i odrzucali ducha) Pisma, główny argument dotyczył dystansu czasowego. Przebywający przez wieki w diasporze Żydzi mieli utracić zdolność rozumienia starohebrajskiego, podczas gdy posiadał ją żyjący jeszcze na przełomie IV i V wieku święty Hieronim dzięki „osobistym kontaktom z przedmasoreckimi pokoleniami żydowskich uczonych” (Pietkiewicz 2020: 288). Dlatego to właśnie Wulgata miała być bardziej rzetelnym oddaniem znaczenia Pisma niż odczytania współczesnych Żydów.

Odzyskiwanie więzi z biblijnym hebrajskim (częściowo wypartym w kształceniu religijnym przez hebrajski rabiniczny) było jednym z głównych punktów agendy oświecenia żydowskiego13. Naturalne było więc prezentowanie jego kulturowego znaczenia, również w przekładach „na zewnątrz” (z hebrajskiego na języki krajowe). Niemożliwe, w przypadku dyskusji przekładowych, było uniknięcie odniesienia się do katolickiej BJW. W roku opublikowania modlitewnika kolejny warszawski maskil, Jan Glücksberg, w liście do nieznanego adresata starał się udowodnić swoją znajomość hebrajszczyzny, tłumacząc Psalm 7, który zestawił z BJW i Biblią francuską (edycja paryska z 1819 roku). Przekład opatrzył komentarzem, w którym wypunktował uchybienia w przekładzie katolickim, stwierdzając na koniec, że „Szanownego zaś Kapłana Wujka, któremu jednak winniśmy tłumaczenie polskie, bronią tylko własne jego słowa w tytule położone: według łacińskiego przekładu14” (Rkps Biblioteki Czartoryskich, sygn. 5271: 136). Glücksberg zakończył komentarz konkluzją, że w języku polskim brakuje tłumaczeń z hebrajskiego oryginału, a upowszechniona BJW powinna zostać poddana rewizji.

Poczynione refleksje uprawdopodobniają hipotezę, że pisząc we wstępie o „niestosownie i mylnie przełożonych wyrazach”, Hoge miał na myśli również przekład katolicki. Nie należy jednak wykluczać, że jego krytyka mogła być jednocześnie wymierzona w drugi znany maskilom przekład chrześcijański, czyli w protestancką Biblię Gdańską (dalej: BG)15. Dla piszących po polsku Żydów była ona atrakcyjną alternatywą dla BJW, ponieważ jej bazę źródłową w większym stopniu stanowiły języki oryginalne. Do cytowania BG posuwali się chociażby Jakub Elsenberg, Abraham Buchner oraz Jakub Tugendhold. Należy tu jednak zaznaczyć, że Biblie chrześcijańskie przeważnie nie były przez maskili cytowane bezkrytycznie. Przykładowo, Tugendhold, przywołując w swoich polskich pracach biblijne ekscerpty, korzystał zarówno z BJW, jak i BG, wybierając je w zależności od tego, która wersja była bardziej zbliżona do żydowskiej interpretacji lub lepiej pasowała do kontekstu użycia. Nie wahał się także wprowadzać własnych poprawek, jeśli uznał to za konieczne16.

Niewielki detal w ekscerptach biblijnych w Nauce religii dla młodzieży Izraelitów wskazuje na to, że Hoge również znał protestancki przekład. Pomimo że wszystkie cytaty zaczerpnął z BJW, we fragmencie Psalmu 139 dwa wersy wymienił na BG, zapewne ze względu na bardziej eleganckie brzmienie17. Fakt, że pomimo zapoznania się z protestanckim przekładem pozostał przy cytowaniu BJW, mógł wynikać z jego relacji osobistych z katolikami, rządowej inspiracji projektu oraz rozpowszechnienia wydania warszawskiego z 1821 roku.

Pod wpływem działalności misjonarzy Hoge kilka lat później roku przyjął chrzest. Następnie opuścił Warszawę i przeprowadził się do Londynu, gdzie kontynuował działalność przekładową, tłumacząc chrześcijańską poezję religijną na hebrajski oraz współpracując z Londyńskim Towarzystwem Krzewienia Chrześcijaństwa wśród Żydów (Ruderman 2017: 43–53; Jagodzińska 2017: 397–398). Również wtedy, już jako chrześcijanin, podkreślał swoje kompetencje związane z językiem hebrajskim, kontestując na przykład poprawność tłumaczenia Biblii angielskiej (Hoga 1845: viii–ix).

„Pozbawienie piękności i wspaniałości”

Drugim zarzutem Hogego wobec przekładów chrześcijańskich była kwestia niedostatecznej koncentracji na wymiarze estetycznym, który maskile przypisywali stylistyce poezji hebrajskiej w jej brzmieniu oryginalnym. Bezpośrednią inspiracją dla Hogego mogły być poglądy translacyjne ideowego ojca haskali i autora pierwszego żydowskiego tłumaczenia Psałterza na język krajowy z 1783 roku, Mojżesza Mendelssohna18. Dążył on do zerwania z chrześcijańską wyłącznością na interpretację tekstu biblijnego, ukazania psalmów jako uniwersalnej poezji ludzkości i uwypuklenia estetycznego i oralnego aspektu hebrajskiego oryginału (Sela 2019: 343). Mendelssohn podkreślał wyjątkowość idiomu lirycznego poezji biblijnej, zaznaczając jego odmienność od popularnej w oświeceniu poezji klasycznej. Tłumaczenie powinno oddawać w języku docelowym pierwotne piękno poezji starohebrajskiej, które było efektem obcowania z jedynym Bóstwem. W centrum pozostawał emocjonalny wymiar przekazu – słowa, które psalmista wyrzucał z siebie w efekcie uniesienia związanego z relacją Bóg–człowiek. Mendelssohn uważał więc, że biblijna poezja nie powinna być tłumaczona dosłownie, ale w taki sposób, żeby oddać „ducha oryginału” (Mendelssohn 2011: 183). Podobnie wyraził to Hoge:

[…] tłumacze w pobożnym i wysokim swym rozumieniu o Piśmie świętym nie starali się zachodzić piękności i trafności myśli, lecz przystali na tym, iż takich słów użyć podobało się Duchowi świętemu […]. Gdyby bowiem raczyli poszukać i zastanowić się nad nadzwyczajną pięknością, którą tchnie poezja Pisma świętego, nie mogliby nigdy przełożyć jej podług wyrazów oryginału. […] Konieczność wymaga, żeby tłumacz przejął się wyobrażeniem i uniesieniem, które dało skrzydła Poecie oryginału. (H: [3])

Tak samo jak Mendelssohn, Hoge starał się zaprezentować psalmy jako najdoskonalszą poezję ludzkości, wynikającą z emocjonalnego obcowania z Bóstwem: „Wyznaję, iż tak jak sztuka nigdy nie może doskonale naśladować natury, tak żaden Poeta nie zdołał ułożyć ani jednego Psalmu wyrównującego Psalmowi Dawida” (H: [4]).

Uznanie fundamentalnego znaczenia poezji psalmicznej obecne było także w polskim oświeceniu, zwłaszcza w jego sentymentalnym nurcie. Franciszek Karpiński, nazywając psalmy „Homerem żydowskim” (Karpiński 1802)19, pozycjonował je jako kolejny, obok poezji antycznej, filar leżący u podstaw inspiracji poetyckich polskich pisarzy, którzy w tym czasie wykorzystywali je również do tworzenia liryki patriotycznej20. Postrzeganie psalmów jako poezji emocjonalnej i naturalnej bliższe jednak było opiniom młodego polskiego romantyzmu. Kazimierz Brodziński, autor O klasyczności i romantyczności, mówiąc głosem Johanna Gottfrieda Herdera, opisał psalmy jako most łączący współczesnych z narodzinami cywilizacji i początkiem kultury, lirykę z „wieków pierwiastkowych człowieczeństwa” (Brodziński [1818] 1893: 32) Według niego lepiej niż pogańska poezja grecka oddawały pierwotny stan człowieka złączonego z naturą:

Piękniejsze, bo prawdziwsze wyobrażenie pierwotnego stanu człowieczeństwa, dać nam mogą poezje hebrajskie. Nie masz może piękniejszego uniesienia myśli, jak do pierwszego człowieka na ziemi, jego stanu szczęśliwości zupełnej, pierwszej na ziemi miłości, pierwszych łez, pierwszego zabójstwa itd. (Brodziński [1818] 1893: 38)

Gloryfikacja psalmów Brodzińskiego wynosiła je zatem ponad oświeceniowe fascynacje klasycznością i ukazywała jako uniwersalną poezję ludzkości: „Odgłosy hymnów króla Izraela, przez długie wieki brzmią jeszcze po świątyniach okręgu ziemskiego, nie ustępując niczemu, co później chrześcijaństwo i oświecenie w tym rodzaju utworzyć mogło” ([1818] 1893: 39). Istotna różnica między romantyczną wizją Brodzińskiego a Hogem dotyczyła relacji z hebrajskim oryginałem i w konsekwencji wspomnianych już strategii translacyjnych. Polscy teoretycy i pisarze oceniali bowiem psalmy przez filtr literatury polskiej, dostrzegając ich wartość przede wszystkim w „udomowionych” translacjach poetyckich Kochanowskiego i Karpińskiego – ułożonych zresztą w harmonijne, regularne formy wierszy sylabicznych. Maskile dążyli jednak do odzyskania pełnej autentyczności psalmów oraz ich hebrajskiej proweniencji. Według Mendelssohna regularność i rytmiczność stanowiły wyłącznie „przyjemność dla ucha”. Układanie poezji tak, by przestrzegać sztywnych zasad formalnych, ograniczało możliwość pełnego wyrażania treści. Musiała ona poddać się sztywnej formie, stając się przekazem brzmieniowo atrakcyjnym, ale pozbawionym naturalności i spontaniczności. Piękno poezji biblijnej wyrażało się w rezygnacji z tej ziemskiej przyjemności na rzecz piękna myśli i nieskrępowanej wolności w ich wyrażaniu, co wskazywało na podkreślanie aspektu oralnego, spontanicznej formy, która czyniła je autentycznymi modlitwami. Wolność od więzów formalnych pozwalała na idealne utkanie słów i sensów, zgodnie z boskim natchnieniem (Mendelssohn 2011: 212–215; zob. też Sela 2019: 345). Hoge podzielał z Mendelssohnem ten pogląd:

Bez miar, bez pewnych prawideł, wolny od więzów wstrzymujących lot Poety, myśl Jego skrzydlata, buja po owych cudownych krainach imaginacji, przenika ich najskrytszą piękność, maluje ją natychmiast tak niewinną, tak niewiedzącą o swojej władzy, tak niemyślącą się podobać, tak nagą i bez pożyczonych ozdób, jak ją postrzegł w świętym swoim zachwyceniu […] są one [psalmy – A.Z.] ułożone z najpiękniejszych materiałów Poezji, to jest z najwspanialszych i najtrafniejszych wyrazów. A przeto jest najnieuchronniejszą rzeczą w przełożeniu tych Psalmów mieć zawsze obecnym wyobrażenie Poecie oryginału […]. (H: [4])

Adekwatna translacja, według maskili, powinna być pasem transmisyjnym afektu, co podkreślać miało oralność poezji starohebrajskiej. Psalmy miały stanowić naturalne modlitwy pozbawione sztucznych (ludzkich) więzów formalnych rytmu i rymu oraz nadmiernej dosłowności, która byłaby jedynie wiernością słowu, a nie uczuciom.

Imię Boga

Kluczowy aspekt, który różnicował przekład Hogego od innych polskich translacji – zarówno poetyckich parafraz, jak i edycji biblijnych – związany był z najważniejszym dla Żydów wyrazem Tanachu – tetragramem. Hoge był pierwszym żydowskim pisarzem, który musiał zadecydować, w jaki sposób wyrazić w języku polskim czteroliterowe, niewymawialne imię Boga. Wybór ten okazał się najważniejszym elementem zaznaczania swojej obecności w przekładzie biblijnym i znakiem przywiązania zarówno do języka hebrajskiego, jak i żydowskiej tradycji. Hoge – śladami Mendelssohna – postanowił nie ograniczać przekładu tetragramu do chrześcijańskiego „Pan”, które do języków krajowych trafiło za pośrednictwem Septuaginty i Wulgaty (tłumaczących tetragram kolejno jako „Kyrios” i „Dominus”). Mendelssohn, rezygnując z luterańskiego „der Herr”, zdecydował się przetłumaczyć tetragram jako słowo określające jeden z atrybutów Boga, zawarty w wyrażeniu, którym przedstawił się Izraelitom w Księdze Wyjścia (Wj 3:14): „Będę, który będę”21. Bazując na tym fragmencie oraz komentarzach rabinicznych, Mendelssohn wprowadził do niemczyzny imię podkreślające aspekt temporalny: „der Ewige” lub też „das ewige Wesen”, które szybko stało się swoistym wyróżnikiem żydowskiego języka sakralnego (zob. Gillman 2018: 251–261). Hoge wprowadził pokrewne do propozycji Mendelssohna, również oparte na aspekcie temporalnym, imię „Przedwieczny”. Było ono nieobecne w polskich edycjach Biblii oraz poetyckich parafrazach psałterza, stanowiło więc kolejny znak odzyskiwania żydowskości tekstu biblijnego poprzez przekład. Możliwe jednak, że „Przedwieczny” miał również inną inspirację – mógł być po prostu transferem francuskiego słowa „l’Eternel”22. Taki transfer byłby logicznym następstwem używania w piśmie języka francuskiego przez maskili polskich od końca XVIII wieku. Wspomniane imię pojawiło się chociażby w politycznym eseju maskila Jakuba Calmansona z 1796 roku. Julian Czechowicz, autor opublikowanego rok później przekładu, ekwiwalentnie używał terminu „Odwieczny” oraz „Przedwieczny” (to drugie w dodatku tłumacza, zob. Calmanson 1797: 21, 56). Najprawdopodobniej więc Hoge, rozważając sposób tłumaczenia tetragramu, wybrał znany mu termin, który jednocześnie stanowił ukłon w stronę epokowej decyzji niemieckiego ojca haskali. Imię „Przedwieczny” szybko rozgościło się w rozwijającej się żydowskiej polszczyźnie sakralnej i chętnie używane było w kolejnych modlitewnikach i dziełach religijnych. Dopiero Daniel Neufeld, publikując w 1863 roku pierwszy żydowski przekład Pięcioksięgu, zdecydował się na użycie dokładniejszego ekwiwalentu „der Ewige” – Wiekuisty. Imię to zostało następnie wykorzystane przez Cylkowa.

Żydowskie modlitwy, uniwersalna poezja

Częścią procesu kulturowego odzyskiwania psalmów było nie tylko zaznaczanie ich estetycznej wartości i hebrajskiej bazy źródłowej, ale również odpieranie zarzutów charakterystycznych dla oświeceniowego racjonalizmu i deizmu, które żydowską proweniencję źródeł starotestamentowych używały jako argumentu w retoryce antyjudaistycznej. Flagowym przykładem tego podejścia był Wolter, który w słynnym Essai sur les mœurs et l’esprit des nations (Esej o obyczajach i duchu narodów) cytował psalmy w celu udowodnienia, że u źródeł żydowskiej kultury leży wrogość do innych nacji. Wskazywał na niestosowność używania ich jako modlitw, ze względu na obecność nienawistnych czy drastycznych treści (Wolter [1756] 1769: 134–136). Racjonalistyczną argumentację Woltera aprobatywnie przywołał autor artykułu pt. Wojna o Żydów, który ukazał się w roku 1818 w prasie warszawskiej (NN 1818: 87). Anonim atakował Jakuba Tugendholda, wspomnianego już maskila i współpracownika Hogego, który uczestniczył w tym czasie w dyskusji na temat „kwestii żydowskiej” w Królestwie Polskim. Sformułowaną przez Woltera surową ocenę żydowskich modlitw potraktował jako przyczynek do krytyki głównej linii argumentacji Tugendholda. W odpowiedzi Tugendhold napisał artykuł demaskujący nieprecyzyjność zarzutów – Wolteriańska krytyka żydowskich modlitw dotyczyła psalmów, a te są przecież uniwersalnym tekstem poetyckim, stanowiącym kulturowy i religijny artefakt zarówno judaizmu, jak i chrześcijaństwa.

Nie zaprzeczam, że w Psalmach dosyć uderzające napotkać można myśli. Ale jednak zastanowić się trzeba, w jak przykrym pobożny Król i Poeta [Dawid – A.Z.] znajdował się położeniu, gdy poetycznemu duchowi w zapale pozwolił bujać. [...] wszelako pobożne te pieśni u wszystkich narodów w najpóźniejszych wiekach za święte poczytanymi będą. (Bezstronny [Tugendhold] 1818: 1450)

Hoge był świadom, że historyczna treść psalmów i innych modlitw żydowskich wykorzystywana może być do tworzenia antyjudaistycznej argumentacji, z jaką musiał polemizować Tugendhold. Uprzedzając potencjalną krytykę, zwrócił się do nieżydowskiego czytelnika, kierując go w stronę historycznego odczytania całego modlitewnika: „Co do dobroci tych Modlitw, lubo w niektórych odzywa się wyniosłość narodowa, i która może być usprawiedliwiona ze względu obyczajów dawnych ludów” (H: [2]). Jako autor pierwszego tłumaczenia modlitw i psalmów na język polski, Hoge pozostawał uważny na treści, które mogły wzbudzić kontrowersje w oczach nieżydowskiego czytelnika. Przykładowo, w modlitwie Jigdal, opierającej się na trzynastu artykułach wiary sformułowanych przez Majmonidesa, zrezygnował ze wzmianki o mesjaszu z artykułu dwunastego (H: 1–2). Nie zrobił tego w późniejszym tłumaczeniu Liebkind ani inni haskalowi autorzy (por. Liebkind 1846: 4).

Tendencja ta – charakterystyczne zresztą dla judaizmu reformowanego (zob. Aberbach 2006: 140–141) – w modlitewniku Hogego miała najprawdopodobniej wymiar apologetyczny i wynikała z kontekstu jego powstania (zlecenie rządowe, szerokie nieżydowskie audytorium). Hoge próbował także odpierać zarzuty o separatystycznym charakterze judaizmu i ukazywać uniwersalność jego przesłania. Opisana wcześniej koncentracja na afekcie, stanowiącym wyznacznik ekwiwalencji przekładu poezji psalmicznej, służyła prezentowaniu wspólnotowości doświadczenia religijno-literackiego – w końcu znaczenie emocjonalnego aspektu kontaktu z Bogiem był głównym elementem łączącym różne systemy religijne. Odzyskiwanie żydowskiej proweniencji psalmów było więc spójne z ukazywaniem ich uniwersalności – psalmy, traktowane w polszczyźnie jako materiał literacki dla krajowych realizacji poetyckich, ukazane zostały z nowej perspektywy i w nowym dla chrześcijańskich czytelników kontekście. Psalmy były zarazem żydowskimi modlitwami, ale również starohebrajską poezją – ponadwyznaniową liryką, świadectwem początku poetyckich potrzeb człowieka, które odegrały fundacyjną rolę (obok poezji antycznej) w rozwoju liryki europejskiej. Wątki narodowe – idąc za apelem Hogego – nie powinny być odczytywane jako zarzut przeciwko religii żydowskiej, ale nieistotna już zaszłość historyczna.

Uwagi końcowe

Niewiele wiadomo o recepcji modlitewnika Hogego. W listopadzie 1822 roku do Komisji Rządowej Wyznań Religijnych i Oświecenia Publicznego przyszedł list od dozoru bożniczego w Sieradzu, który otrzymawszy dwa egzemplarze, zwrócił się z zapytaniem, kto i w jakim celu został upoważniony do ich przysłania (Rkps Archiwum Główne Akt Dawnych, zespół Centralne Władze Wyznaniowe Królestwa Polskiego, syg. 1564: 9). Dowiadujemy się dzięki temu, że – podobnie jak podręcznik do nauki religii – modlitewniki były rozsyłane z inspiracji władz rządowych do dozorów w Królestwie Polskim. Nie był to jednak prezent – za modlitewniki należało uiścić opłatę, co zapewne nie było przyjmowane z entuzjazmem.

Bez wątpienia wadą przekładu był brak równoległego tekstu hebrajskiego, co uniemożliwiało jego liturgiczne wykorzystanie i jednocześnie utrudniało używanie go do nauki języka. Żydowski krąg odbiorców (nie licząc uczniów) był zapewne węższy niż krąg odbiorców chrześcijańskich, zwłaszcza tych zaangażowanych w dyskusję nad reformą Żydów i chociażby z tego powodu zaciekawionych zawartością siduru. O zainteresowaniu żydowskimi modlitwami świadczyć może anegdota przywołana przez Tugendholda. W 1836 roku zgłosiła się do niego Żydówka Naftalowa Margulies, która obiecała swojej chrześcijańskiej znajomej, że przyniesie jej „modlitwę dla chorych w języku polskim na wzór modłów hebrajskich ułożoną” (Tugendhold 1840: 127–128). Tugendhold napisał taką modlitwę, a już niedługo szczęśliwa chrześcijanka powiadomiła o jej skuteczności. Ten swoisty transfer kulturowo-religijny poświadcza o stosunkowo swobodnym przepływie literatury religijnej w niektórych kręgach. Był to transfer wyłącznie „na zewnątrz” – miał dotyczyć zainteresowania chrześcijan żydowskimi tekstami religijnymi, prezentowanymi jako treści wpisujące się w wizję religii uniwersalnej, natomiast nie w odwrotnym kierunku.

To potencjalne chrześcijańskie audytorium bez wątpienia miało wpływ na sposób, w jaki Hoge zaprezentował modlitewnik, i dlaczego szczególną uwagę poświęcił wyłożeniu swoich poglądów na przekład psalmów. Był zapewne świadomy, że zadanie, które zostało mu powierzone, miało wymiar epokowy – był to w końcu pierwszy żydowski przekład biblijny opublikowany w języku polskim. Jego krótki komentarz, który omówiłam, odwołując się do kontekstu poglądów innych maskili, pokazuje, że w czasie tworzenia przekładu występował jako adwokat haskali, ruchu oświecenia żydowskiego, a jego celem było dążenie do zaznaczenia żydowskiej/hebrajskiej proweniencji poezji psalmicznej, która jako uniwersalna realizacja liryczna przez wieki współtworzyła literatury europejskie, w tym polską. Chociaż modlitewnik nie doczekał się entuzjastycznej recepcji, był zapowiedzią zwiększonej aktywności Żydów w języku polskim, którzy w kolejnych latach publikowali katechizmy, modlitewniki oraz ekscerpty literatury rabinicznej, coraz bardziej zaznaczając obecność żydowskich głosów w literaturze polskiej.

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Gillman, Abigail (2018) „Epilogue: Ma shemo? The Name of God in the German Jewish Bible”. [W:] eadem A History of German Jewish Bible Translation. Chicago-London: The University of Chicago Press; 251–61.

Jagodzińska, Agnieszka (2017) Duszozbawcy? Misje i literature Londyńskiego Towarzystwa Krzewienia Chrześcijaństwa wśród Żydów w latach 1809–1939. Kraków-Budapeszt: Wydawnictwo Austeria.

Jerkiewicz, Lidia (2014) „Kwestia żydowska” w Królestwie Polskim w latach 1815–1830. Wrocław: Uniwersytet Wrocławski.

Lask, Abrahams, Beth-Zion (1939–1945) „Stanislaus Hoga—Apostate and Penitent”. [W:] Transactions (Jewish Historical Society of England), T. 15; 121– 149.

Lewin, Sabina (1965) “Pierwsze szkoły elementarne dla dzieci wyznania mojżeszowego w Warszawie w latach 1818–1830”. [W:] Przegląd Historyczno-Oświatowy, Nr 2;157–196.

Pietkiewicz, Rajmund (2020) „Problematyka żydowska w Biblii księdza Jakuba Wujka z 1599 roku. Studium źródeł”. [W:] The Biblical Annals, T. 10, Nr 2; 279–302.

Ptaszyk, Marian (1996) „Okoliczności wydania «Biblii» Wujka z 1821 roku”. [W:] Pamiętnik Literacki: czasopismo kwartalne poświęcone historii i krytyce literatury polskiej, T. 87, z. 3;133–54.

Ruderman, David B. (2017) “The Intellectual and Spiritual Journey of Stanislaus Hoga: From Judaism to Christianity to Hebrew Christianity”. [W:] David B. Ruderman (red.) Converts of Conviction: Faith and Skepticism in Nineteenth–Century European Jewish Society. Berlin: de Gruyter; 41–53.

Seidman, Naomi (2006) Faithful Renderings: Jewish-Christian Difference and the Politics of Translation. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Seidman, Naomi (2022) „Sacred Tongue, Translated People: Translation in the Jewish Tradition”. [W:] Israel Hephzibah (red.) The Routledge Handbook of Translation and Religion. London: Routledge; 334–47.

Sela, Yael (2019) „Songs of the Nation: The Book of Psalms in Late Eighteenth-Century Jewish Enlightenment”. [W:] The Musical Quarterly, T. 101, Nr 4; 331–62.

Winiarz, Adam (1991) „Sprawa świeckiego szkolnictwa dla ludności żydowskiej w księstwie warszawskim i królestwie polskim (1807–1831)”. [W:] Rozprawy z dziejów oświaty, T. 34, Nr 91; 31–50.

Wodziński, Marcin (2003) Oświecenie żydowskie w Królestwie Polskim wobec chasydyzmu: dzieje pewnej idei. Warszawa: Cyklady.

Wodziński, Marcin (2004) „«Cywilni chrześcijanie». Spory o reformę Żydów w Polsce 1789–1830”. [W:] Grażyna Borkowska, Magdalena Rudkowska (red.) Kwestia żydowska w XIX w. Spory o tożsamość Polaków. Warszawa: Cyklady; 9–42.

1 Artykuł powstał w ramach projektu Narodowego Centrum Nauki nr 2019/35/B/HS3/00434 pt. „Dwa Oświecenia. Polacy, Żydzi i ich drogi do nowoczesności”.

2 O głównych różnicach w podejściu do reformy i akulturacji oraz o pojęciu „cywilizowania” zob. Wodziński 2004.

3 Poza artykułem Winiarza z 1991 roku, temat edukacji żydowskiej w pierwszych dekadach Królestwa Kongresowego podjęty został m.in. przez Bero (1930), Lewin (1965), Borzymińską (1994). Zagadnienie to wciąż czeka na całościowe opracowanie.

4 Obie publikacje ukazały się w Warszawie w drukarni Stanisława Dąbrowskiego. W dalszej części pracy skupiam się na omawianiu modlitewnika, który oznaczam skrótem: Hoge 1822 = H. Wartość liczbowa w kwadratowym nawiasie oznacza numer strony z przedmowy, oryginalnie pozbawionej numeracji, natomiast bez nawiasu przywołuję numerację w modlitewniku.

5 Informacje o Hogem są stosunkowo skromne, zwłaszcza w kontekście jego działalności w Warszawie. Warto tu przywołać artykuł jeszcze z pierwszej połowy XX wieku, którego autorem był Lask Abrahams (1943) oraz o wiele nowszą pracę Rudermana (2017). Wiele informacji na temat Hogego w kontekście jego stosunku do chasydyzmu pojawiło się także w pracy Wodzińskiego (2003: zwłaszcza 92–102).

6 Wszystkie cytaty z omawianych źródeł uwspółcześniam pod względem ortografii i interpunkcji, zostawiam jednak oryginalną leksykę, jeśli nie zaburza rozumienia tekstu.

7 Sugestia za: Jerkiewicz (2014: 119, przypis 97).

8 Hoge przełożył łącznie 52 psalmy.

9 Pod uwagę nie biorę tutaj pojedynczych cytatów biblijnych, jakie pojawiały się w literaturze politycznej i polemicznej tworzonej przez Żydów w języku polskim od końca XVIII wieku.

10 W niniejszym artykule skupiam się przede wszystkim na deklarowanej (w mniejszym stopniu na zrealizowanej) strategii tłumacza.

11 Między 1599 a 1821 rokiem ukazały się tylko dwie całościowe edycje, opublikowane we Wrocławiu kolejno w 1740 i 1771 roku.

12 Temat więzi z językiem hebrajskim i jej znaczenia dla żydowsko-chrześcijańskich relacji przekładowych najpełniej został opisany przez Naomi Seidman (2006; 2022). Używając metodologii postkolonialnej, badaczka wskazała na brak analiz zajmujących się żydowską perspektywą przekładową w studiach translatologicznych skoncentrowanych na Europie. Według niej odmienna więź z oryginalnym językiem Starego Testamentu była głównym wyróżnikiem żydowskiego podejścia do przekładu, bez względu na jego kierunek (przekłady zewnętrzne/wewnętrzne).

13 Zagadnienie to zostało już szeroko omówione w niemal wszystkich studiach nad zjawiskiem oświecenia żydowskiego. W tym miejscu przywołam więc tylko pracę Wodzińskiego (2003: 70–74), który jako jedyny przyjrzał się znaczeniu hebrajskiego w programie polskiej odmiany haskali.

14 Podkreślone przez Glücksberga.

15 Niestety, nie udało mi się dotrzeć do informacji, z jakiego wydania korzystali maskile. Najbliższa czasowo była edycja z 1810 roku, opublikowana w Berlinie.

16 Temat strategii korzystania maskili z polskich Biblii chrześcijańskich wciąż wymaga dokładnego opracowania. Przywołane przeze mnie obserwacje opierają się na analizie następujących źródeł: Droga wiary albo przewodnik religijny dla młodzieży wyznania mojżeszowego (Elsenberg 1846); „Przedmowa tłumacza”. [W:] Fedon czyli o nieśmiertelności duszy (Tugendhold 1829).

17 Psalm 139:9, przywołuję wersety dla porównania: BJW: „Jeźli wezmę skrzydła moje rano, a będę mieszkał na końcu morza”; BG: „Wziąlibym skrzydła ranney zorze, abym mieszkał na końcu morza”; Hoge: „Wziąłbym skrzydła ranney zorzy a będę mieszkał na końcu morza” (1822: 12).

18 Przekład na język niemiecki opublikowany czcionką gotycką ukazał się w Berlinie.

19 W liście do Ludwiki Chodkiewiczowej, do którego załączył swoje tłumaczenie Psałterza Dawida (przedruk listu: Mikulski i Sobol 1958: 132–133).

20 Dotyczyło to w szczególności psalmu 137, zob. Burdziej 1999.

21 Przywołuję tu tłumaczenie Cylkowa z 1895 roku.

22 Zagadnienie potencjalnego transferu terminologicznego, a więc wzrostu popularności polskiego ekwiwalentu „l’Eternel” w dobie wpływów francuszczyzny na język polski, wymaga jednak o wiele szerszych analiz korpusowych, niż mogłam przeprowadzić na rzecz niniejszej pracy.

Received:

14.05.2025

Reviewed:

10.06.2025

Accepted:

16.11.2025

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

essays, Reviews & polemics

doi: 10.34616/ajmp.2025.27.23

ISSN 2299–7164

Vol. 27 (2025)

Open Access. Published by Committee for Philology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław Branch and College for Interdisciplinary Studies, University of Wrocław. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.

Gabriel L. e S. Dutra

POET/Federal University of Ceara

Gabrieldutra123@gmail.com

ORCID: 0000-0003-3965-1022

David Morgan Spitzer (ed.) Philosophy’s Treason. Studies in Philosophy and Translation. Vernon Press, 2020. ISBN 978-1-62273-506-81

Abstract

Philosophy’s Treason: Studies in Philosophy and Translation is a collection of texts organized by David Morgan Spitzer. This critical review attempts to portray the content of the book in question not so much through a description, but as a critical engagement in the discussions forwarded by different authors of the texts that constitute the chapters of the book. Various highlights of this review refer to the concept of translation and untranslatability, the translation of philosophy, the development of a theory of translation, the idea of commensurability, and a critical insight into the translation and interpretation of Heideggerian philosophy.

Keywords: translation of philosophy; philosophy of translation; untranslatability; Translation Theory; commensurability

The book Philosophy’s Treason: Studies in Translation and Philosophy consists of a collection of texts dedicated to translation and (Western) philosophy, organized by D. M. Spitzer. Each chapter of the book was written by a different author, with a postscript by Douglas Robinson and an introduction by David Morgan Spitzer. The main focus is on the relationships between philosophy and translation, and on providing insight into the translation of philosophy. The fact that translation can be understood as philosophy, as Spitzer (2020) claims in quoting Emily Apter, isn’t always developed in a consequent manner. It seems that some texts in the book are intent on not trying to establish a concept of what translation is, though. As simple as that might not be, it is the required starting point of any theory or philosophy of translation. This anti-theoretical line of research is unfruitful (Stolze 2018: 36) in the sense that no theory of translation can be derived from it (Stolze 2018: 36), which only further enhances the long-lasting state of vulnerability of the translator and obstructs the development of more sound translation teaching, besides other possible positive outcomes (Bell 1987: 403–404; Göpferich 2010: 177; Pym 2003; Stolze 2018: 11–12; Esqueda 2018:1269).

Spitzer (2020) himself uses the term translation with two different meanings in the intruduction part: at one point, the reader is acquainted with how Tales, the Asian philosopher, initiated Western philosophy by speaking “in a new way in Greek by translating from ancient cultures” (2020: V). In this case, the concept of translation refers to a transformation of an idea into another – a vague definition of what thought itself is – which Spitzer (2020) claims would be at the base of the Western philosophical tradition. In other moments, translation shares a common-language reference, that of a new formulation of a given text in a different language, but Spitzer (2020) leans clearly towards the broad, unclear concept of translation throughout his introduction.

Philosophy has traditionally (but certainly not for the past century) framed language as ancillary since it has always sought to establish and guarantee parity between what is said and how human beings exist in an extra-linguistic reality. Philosophy is (was, if one agrees with Heidegger and Nietzsche) also the chronological development of how this line of thought came into contact with itself, so to speak. Spitzer’s movement would then skew the effort of a philosophical thought on translation from caput, because in taking that stance of the unclear concept, we would only be positioning ourselves in the traditional pathway of a philosophy of mentality, now renewed upon the grounds of an unclear metaphor, unconscious of itself. The transformation of an idea into another is what thought itself is, after all, at least from the perspective of the personal, subjective experience of consciousness. If my construal is right and that were the case, we would only be falling into an even more unwanted form of philosophy, which does not seem to be Spitzer’s goal.

Spitzer (2020) also asserts that philosophy has always been treasonous to itself, in the sense that it has always sought to suppress the “translational drive” that would underline the activity of human thought (2020: X; XV). The introduction sketches out a study of how this repressive (in a Freudian way) trait of philosophy led to the self-centeredness of Western thought. It forwards the idea that philosophy, in its dimension of explaining and allowing for something to be visualized, would be correlated with a reticence, on the part of philosophers, to acknowledge translation as a knowledge-producing activity, that is to acknowledge the radical difference that is on the base of the activity of thought. Spitzer (2020) also asserts that philosophers have always been persecuted and lived as outcasts because of their treasonous nature (XII). What oppressors and tyrants never appreciated in philosophers was not the fact that they were not reliable people, but rather that they always sought out that parity between what is said and the reality people live in, even if that might stumble upon the interests of politically empowered agents or go against the established order. The oldest metaphor, that of Prometheus chained to a rock, would be a safer choice when it comes to this political aspect of philosophical thought. The metaphor of treason doesn’t hold well here, and one goes back back to the matter of the concept of translation – no sound line of argument, much less theory, of/on translation would benefit from an unclear, aimless concept of what translation is. Translation is not just explanation, because, again, then we would only be setting ourselves on the starting point of the Theory of Knowledge, and in doing so, positioning ourselves in the field of epistemology, rather than the translation proper. It is important to keep this in mind, for only so could a possible philosophy of translation be properly sought after.

The concern with the ways in which biased or ideological thinking seeps into the interpretation of texts originated in other languages and cultures is crucial to the quality of translational activity. The deconstructionist notion that no translation is possible does not lead to any fruitful outcome here, though. That notion aims at providing a critique to the concept of translational equivalence, but it achieves nothing because the concept of translation as equivalence is maintained in it as a negative. Paulo Oliveira’s note 76 on page 40 could also be read in that direction. Here we are reminded of the questions posed by Mauricio Cardozo in Chapter 6, page 120, the answer to which would be ominously negative. His chapter discusses common problems related to Translation Studies in Brazil and around the world: the discussion surrounding what would constitute the translation proper as construed by James Holmes, as well as the lack of a common language (117), problems to which Translational Hermeneutics has been forwarded as a solution (Cercel 2018; Stolze 2003: 28-40; Piecychna and Stolze 1/2018: 99–106).

The connection between untranslatability and equivalence is explored by Sabina Folnović-Jaitner (Chapter 4). She is interested in blurring the notion of untranslatability by proposing that maintaining untranslatable content in philosophical translations would be tantamount to comprehensive equivalence, due to the specific character of the reader of such texts. The conceptual adequacy of Folnović-Jaitner’s proposal stumbles upon the fact that philosophical texts present massive differences, which makes any attempt to characterize them as such appear quite arbitrary, even if there is mention to this. However fruitful this proposal might be, it is important here to take into account countries where the access to foreign languages is precarious, in particular to languages other than English. It is the case of Brazil, where the reproduction of philosophical concepts in, say, German, Greek or Latin could create significant obstacles to the reader in the sense of a slower cognitive processing of the information. Here, again, the concept of equivalence assumed within the concept of untranslatability brings about problems, because development is built upon inadequate conceptual description.

Paulo Oliveira (Chapter 2) states that, while the deconstructionists provided no alternative to the logocentric notion of meaning they criticized, the philosophy of Wittgenstein might provide us with new insight. This could promote further development of a theoretical account of translation. He reminds us of the pragmatic turn in Wittgenstein’s thought and proposes that what we actually translate relies upon our understanding of what is translated, an idea that is at the core of Translational Hermeneutics (Stolze 2018: 249–267; Stolze 2003: 104–105; Cercel 2013: 151–218). He stresses that the translator’s comprehension has to do with the way according to which that understanding is constituted, related to the actual use of language, and not with the logical content of the proposition. He comes to the question of truth and meaning in translation, and in doing this he also opens a rich interpretation pathway into the concept of textual truth, in saying that truth, in that hermeneutical context, should be understood as ‘meaning’ (37). He seems to echo contemporary Translational Hermeneutics in stressing that if we agree to all this, then the concept of understanding should be central to any theory of translation.

Another outstanding contribution is authored by Natalia S. Avtonomova (Chapter 5), translated into English by Tatevik Gykasyan. Avtonomova translated the philosophical works of Derrida and Heidegger into Russian; she discusses issues related to the difficulty in translating certain culture-bound philosophical terms, of which Dasein can be taken as a paradigmatic example (as noted by Folnović-Jaitner on 84). Avtonomova reminds us that “the centuries-old practice of translation stands against untranslatability” (107), and that the task of the translator is the “elaboration of commensurabilities” (107) that allow us to establish meaning analogies between texts in different languages. This remark needs to be considered in all its importance because if translators are not conscious of what their role and function is, then all they can do is operate as a machine, establishing propositional equivalence between terms whilst ignoring the fact that these equivalences correspond to no natural nor a priori truth. Rather, they are the result of a long history of cultural and intellectual exchange between different cultures, a history which will never be over. In this key, this is one of the few texts of the book which effectively provides us with theoretical tools to be used in the development of more sound translation theory. However outdated this may be, the establishment of commensurabilities between different languages would be, at the same time, a necessary condition for and necessary consequence of the establishment of commensurabilities (if no parity is possible) between language and whatever there may be outside of it. This could also be considered the starting point of a (possible) philosophy of translation, in the sense of a philosophical thought reliant on translation.

Another such chapter is the one authored by H. L. Hix (Chapter 1). He gives an account of translation by means of conceptual dichotomies present in the Western philosophical tradition. Hix lists these dichotomies as ratios, which are: the part-whole ratio, the means-ends ratio, the fact-value ratio, and the matter-form ratio. Hix derives some basic propositions from each of these ratios, for example, “translation could be perfect only if language were perfect in the correlation of its parts with the parts of the world” (6), or that “producing in the target language a copy of an original in the source language isn’t the only end translation achieves” (7), which are then analyzed and related to one another. This approach is elaborated in a philosophical manner of deduction and propositional analysis (but not in the sense of formal logic analysis), which is interesting for those seeking to familiarize themselves with different forms of philosophical writing stylistics.

The post-script by Douglas Robinson (2020), on the other hand, may lead the reader to confusion and error. Robinson drafts out possible pathways into the translation of the term Dasein, but his argument hinges on the association of the Heideggerian idea of inauthenticity with commonsense language usage per se, a correlation that doesn’t seem to be found in Heidegger’s oeuvre. The problem here is that Robinson employs Heidegger writing stylistics (the rejection of common language use) as an axiom for logical deduction, all of which seems very unfitting in regard to Heidegger’s philosophy. Here we can remind ourselves of the philosopher’s positive take on Redewengungen, a German word for a popular saying or figure of speech, a mark of the idiom and everyday language usage, in §46 of his Einführung in die Metaphysik, and Goldschmidt (2016) shed light into Heidegger’s esteem for the common German man, the Bauer, a word that can be roughly translated into English as “peasant”. Another debatable interpretation is that Robinson associates Dasein in its authenticity with an “authentic I” (2020: 152), a construal that seems to stem from an inaccurate reading of Being and Time (cf. Being and Time §25 and §64). Cabestan (2010) has aptly shed light into the intricate dynamic between Dasein and the Self. Those conceptual distinctions should be taken into consideration for any sound reading of the Heideggerian notion of Dasein. Taking all this into consideration, we are going to focus here on the most problematic aspect of the argument forwarded by Robinson, which is an accusation made against Heidegger, which is then followed by an ad hominem critique of the German philosopher, Antoine Berman and Lawrence Venuti.

It seems that Robinson does not fully grasp the modality aspect of Heidegger’s existential philosophy, according to which existentials are to be understood as modes of being, possibilities, not actualities (Heidegger [1923] 2012: 21–23; Vattimo 1996: 25). Departing from an inaccurate interpretation of a passage in Being and Time, Robinson argues that Heidegger would have had implicitly affirmed that there are people who shouldn’t be considered as actual others, but as leftovers, as a sort of rest of humanity, suggesting that the philosopher might have actively contributed, through his writings, to the extermination of undesired individuals in Nazi society. This leads ultimately to the affirmation that Heidegger, Antoine Berman and Lawrence Venuti would be “post-romantic elitists who love power and despise the weak and the ordinary” (157).

Contrary to this construal, in a close reading of the text the “dehumanization” here in question would be an effect of the forgetfulness of Being itself, which would lead to the concealment of Being in its ontic aspects. This means that this “Rest der Übrigen” in Being and Time refers to the fact that, when we use the words “humanity” or “human”, for example, it is possible that we are talking about others as a mere object of thought, that our sense of others relies upon mere abstraction or objectification. That is, after all, a main concern for Heidegger in Being and Time, and the reason behind the choice for the term Dasein rather than Mensch, a line of inquiry the philosopher started in his summer courses at the Freiburg Universität, later published under the title Ontology (The Hermeneutics of Facticity). It is very telling that the subsequent sentence in the cotext, which Robinson ignored, conveys that very idea: “Dieses Auch-da-sein mit ihnen hat nicht den ontologischen Charakter eines «Mit» – Vorhandenseins innerhalb einer Welt” (Heidegger [1927] 2002: 118). To translate it, one should be aware that it is precisely that unauthentic interpretation of Mit-Dasein that Heidegger (1927) wanted to see undermined, at least in the context of Sein und Zeit. We do not question here the fact that this notion does seem to be at odds with his Nazi past and his antisemitic remarks as found in the Schwarze Hefte (Hoepfner 2014; Trawny 2016, 2020, 2021). One ought not to forget the basic hermeneutical principle of finding the meaning of a text within its particular universe of discourse, rather than the possibilia of the abstract system of language (Porta 2007: 62). In this sense, Robinson’s text leads the reader to interpretive error.

Heidegger’s oeuvre demands a solid grasp of not only his terminology, but also the overall existential-ontological dynamic (if one can put it that way) envisaged for it. The controversial aspects of Heidegger’s thought have long been overlooked, but his body of work must still be approached with restraint and prudence. Peter Trawny has provided a sober account of the different tendencies in the critical reception of Heidegger’s thought (2021: 19-20) in regard to the publication of the philosopher’s personal notebooks, designated as the black notebooks (Schwarze Hefte in German), and he himself has developed a well-balanced line of interpretation to the philosopher’s oeuvre (cf. bibliography). Another important reference, albeit not as sober (Cassin 2022: 16), for a critical reading of Heidegger’s thought is Barbara Cassin’s Eloge de la Traduction, where the sophist French writer, as she would prefer it (Cassin 2022:16-20), construes a more grounded and solid critique of Heidegger’s thought based on his remarks on the Greek and German languages and their significance for philosophy (Cassin 2022: 69, 143, 155). The present review concludes at this point, primarily due to limitations inherent to the genre. The dialogue could continue, though. Philosophy’s Treason: Studies in Philosophy and Translation is a good starting point for the reader who is interested in the rapport between Philosophy and Translation, even with the caveats involved. One could not say it too many times, though, that there is still a long way to go when it comes to the philosophy of translation, and the translation of philosophy.

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Stolze, Radegundis (2018) Übersetzungstheorien: Eine Einführung. Narr Francke Attempto Verlag.

Trawny, Peter (2016) “Einleitung.” [In:] Heidegger: eine kritische Einführung. Frankfurt am Main: Vittorio Klostermann.

Trawny, Peter (2020) “Denk-Zeit oder: Warum fragen „wir“ nach der Zukunft von Heideggers denken?” [In:] Jenseits von Polemik und Apologie: Die „Schwarzen Hefte“ in der Diskussion. Heidegger Jahrbuch 12 (HJb12). Verlag Karl Alber; 9–18.

Trawny, Peter (2021) “Heideggers Denken: Anmerkungen zur Rezeptionsgeschichte der Philosophie.” [In:] Ekstasis: revista de hermenêutica e fenomenologia. Vol. 10, N. 1.

Vattimo, Gianni ([1971] 1996) [Introdução a Heidegger.] Translated from Italian by João Gama. Introdução a Heidegger. 10th edition. Lisbon: Instituto Piaget.

Online Sources

Cabestan, Philippe (2010) “Être soi-même: Approche phénoménologique de l’authenticité et de l’inauthenticité.” [In:] Natureza Humana. Vol. 12, N 2. São Paulo. [At:] https://pepsic.bvsalud.org/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1517-24302010000200006 (date of access: 19 Nov. 2025).

1 The author wishes to acknowledge the essential support provided by Professor Walter Carlos Costa (POET/UFC) for the advice given during the writing of this review.

Received:

26.11.2024

Reviewed:

08.12.2024

Accepted:

10. 05.2025

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

doi: 10.34616/ajmp.2025.27.24

ISSN 2299–7164

Vol. 27 (2025)

Open Access. Published by Committee for Philology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Wrocław Branch and College for Interdisciplinary Studies, University of Wrocław. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.

Aleksander Szwedek

professor emeritus, independent scholar

szwedekaleksander@gmail.com

ORCID: 0000-0003-2391-1942

A Brief Review of English Style Guide. A Handbook for Authors and Translators in the European Commission1

Last updated: February 2025

Abstract

The aim of the review is to draw attention to some strange activities within the European Commission. According to the Authors, such instructions are intended for English-language translators and authors. In such a case, they are not only misdirected (for those who translate and write in English, i.e. professionals), but can be easily found in a multitude of grammars and handbooks; assuming, though, that parliament members, in quite a few cases, are at all interested in the subject of debate rather than just making good money. Can we expect that ordinary members would be interested, let alone, understand “split-infinitive,” in view of the Authors that language should be simple!? Obviously, official documents have to be treated with utmost care and perfection.

Keywords: European Commission, translation, English grammar guide, usefulness, cost

The Authors write that “[t]his style guide is intended primarily for English-language authors and translators (…) working for the European Commission.” Its overriding aim in both parts of the Guide is to facilitate and encourage the writing of clear and reader-friendly English.  I understand this to mean that English-language authors and translators (the latter employed, I assume, in the Directorate-General for Translation, do not know their own language, and as English-language authors and translators, they are in urgent need of help from the Authors, so that “[t]he language used in English texts should be understandable to speakers of Irish/British English (defined in the introduction to this guide as the shared standard usage of Ireland and the United Kingdom).” Since they also write that “[w]riting in clear language can be difficult at the Commission,” the above address may be taken as an example of the difficulty of the Authors’ use of clear language.

However, as they declare, they nevertheless must “try to set an example by using language that is as clear, simple and accessible as possible, out of courtesy to our readers and consideration for the image of the Commission.” I think the opening sentence is a perfect example of “clarity, simplicity and accessibility.”

Their intentions and efforts look like an exercise in futility, since we read in Wikipedia that “[t]he work of the various EU institutions, agencies and bodies relies on high-quality written translations by professional linguists”. Thus the expert Authors of the Guide instruct the high-quality professional linguists, colleagues in EU (in the Directorate-General for Translation?) how to write. The first part of the Guide ends with the information that “[l]ots more, especially on chemistry, can be found via the IUPAC network webpage and in their Gold Book.”

The general bad impression that I have about the Guide is that it is a haphazard collection of subjects: from punctuation, or split-infinitive to forms of address to the Science guide to biology, zoology, viruses, etc.

Particularly “important” recommendations for high-quality linguists are the following:

2.1. …punctuation marks in English are always – apart from dashes (see 2.17) and ellipsis
points (see 2.3) – closed up to the preceding word, letter or number;

2.2. A full stop marks the end of a sentence.

2.3. An ellipsis is three points indicating an omission in the text.

Strictly speaking, an ellipsis is NOT three points. It is the omission of one or more words, MARKED by three points.

In case high-quality linguists forget the important rule spelled out in 2.1., it is repeated for semicolons (2.10), questions (2.22) and exclamation marks (2.26).

As if this was not enough, we are informed in 2.13. that there is a “committee on commas”. I understand that since this phrase appears in examples, it is taken from real documents produced by high-quality linguists.

The next few pages contain lists of various kinds of classified exceptions of spelling, for example, -is/-iz, double consonants, diagraphs, tricky spellings (e.g. criterion/criteria), prefixes, phrasal verbs, etc.

I think that checking the spelling would be simpler and faster using a dictionary or the Internet rather than finding the relevant item in the Guide.

Generally, I think that the Guide is totally useless for the high-quality professional linguists in the Directorate-General for Translation, and the Guide authors do ill-service to this unit, putting into doubt their qualifications.

In conclusion, I wish to take a stand on the Authors’ hope expressed at the beginning of the Guide that the rules, reminders and handy references aim to serve a wider readership as well. I guess that the “wider readership” refers particularly to the parliament members and their assistants. Possibly unjustly, I have come to the conclusion that some/most of them are low education, mostly interested in financial profits, or safety from prison rather than real hard work. A glaring example is Richard Czarnecki, a parliament member, who in winter drove some 1500 km in a cabrio that had been scrapped several years earlier!??? Another example are criminals (though pardoned) who sat in the parliament hiding behind the immunity, of which, however, they have been recently deprived. I very much doubt that this “wider readership” would be interested in the Style Guide either in English or their native language. From both points of view: the contents and the readership, the Guide is an exercise in futility. A final question is who ordered the Guide, and how much it cost and who benefitted from this confusing and dispensable publication?

Useful Sources

Murphy, Raymond ([1985] 2019) English Grammar in Use (5th edition). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Oxford English Dictionary (1884–1928 [first edition]). Oxford: Oxford University Press; (electronic forms).

Quirk, Randolph, Sidney Greenbaum, Geoffrey Leech, Jan Svartnik (1985) A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. Harlow: Longman; (electronic forms).

1 No single Author is identified, but in the Introduction, we find a list of the current editorial committee.

Received:

02.05.2025

Reviewed:

15.07.2025

Accepted:

20.12.2025